DESCRIPTION OF THE INFERNAL REGIONS.—The code of Máhábád states thus: Hell is situated under the sphere of the moon:* the first step consisting of minerals in mis-shapen masses, or stones without worth; of plants, thorny and vile and poisonous herbage; of living creatures, such as ants, serpents, and scorpions; and of men labouring under indi­gence, sickness, feebleness, ignorance, and disgrace: in this step man is punished for whatever evil actions he has committed, and escapes not without due retri­bution. However, the severest gradation of the infer­nal regions is that of mental anguish, which is appro­priated to the irreligious philosophers, for when his elemental body is dissolved, they do not assign him another; so that he finds not his way to heaven, but remains in the lower elemental world, consumed by the flames of anguish: besides, in consequence of his detestable qualities, his tormentors pounce upon him in the shape of serpents, scorpions, and other such plagues. This state they denominate Puchán-i-Púch, or “the hell of hells.”

The code of Máhábád also states, that whatever occurs in this elemental world proceeds entirely from the planets; so that their adoration, next to that of the Almighty, becomes an indispensable duty: for these luminaries approach near the palace of the Almighty, and the chiefs of the court of eter­nity. In this world, whoever draws near the seat of grandeur, must have a friend to sound his praise, which is a measure much to be commended. The person who undertakes a journey cannot do without a guide, and he who goes to a city where he has no friend, meets with difficulty: consequently, the wor­ship tendered to these dignities is much to be com­mended. The stars are truly many in number, but amidst these multitudes, the influences of the seven planets are the most evident: also of all the starry hosts the sun is the sovereign lord. It is therefore necessary to form seven images, and to raise that of the sun above the others; the temples built by the Abadîán princes were open on all sides, so that when the sun shone they were exceedingly bright in the interior; not like the Hindoo idol-temples, in which they walk about with lamps, even in the day time: the roofs of the Abadîán temples were also rather elevated. The emperors and princes are individuals of the most select description, on which account the king should find repose in the fourth sphere, which is one of the solar regions. As it is evident that the stars are set by God for the due government of the world, in like manner it is clear that it is not every individual indiscriminately who attains to the regal dignity, but only a royal personage, not opposed to the Farhang-Abád, or the law of Azar Húshang: as otherwise he would be undeserving of the supreme power. Of the qualifications indispensably requisite in a monarch, the first is conformity to the faith above described, and firmness in adher­ing to it. In the next place, if on the side of both parents, which means Hasab va Nasab, “accomplish­ments and genealogy,” he were of royal descent, it would be more advantageous: the meaning of royal birth is to be the possessor of the kingdom of justice; if every external qualification be united with the supreme power, it is much more agreeable, so that the king should not say, “I am more excellent than my father, and he than his ancestors:” on the contrary, he styles his father “highly distinguished,” and his grandfather “far superior.” Moreover, if any one should praise him on this account, he should order that person to be chastised. Azizi, “a distin­guished man,”* has said: “The following is what we mean by this principle; that as one sire is superior to another, if a son should imagine him­self the greater, then each child would reckon himself superior to his father, and there would then be no acknowledged ruler.”

A king must also be provided with a distin­guished mathematician as prime minister, to whom the calculators and astronomers should be sub­ject; in every city there should be an astronomer or surveyor; and an Arshiya,* or accountant, should act as vizir, one well versed in the amount of rents paid by the Rayas; he must also have commissaries; and as there are attached to every city many villages and hamlets, the king's private property, to which the local director attends, that officer is called the Vizhak. Also with every vizir, whether absent or present, there should be two Ustuwars or supervisors, and two Shudahbands, or recorders of occurrences; the same rule is to be observed with all administrators, and the Samán Sálár, or head steward, the chief reporters and inspectors should also be each accompanied by two Ustuwars and two Shudahbands. Dustoor, or prime minister, means the person to whose department the public revenue is attached: the copies of the registers of all the vizirs should be regularly kept at the seat of government, as well as the papers of the Shu­dahbands.

The king also requires military commanders, in order that they may keep the soldiers in due disci­pline. The first dignity consists of the chiefs of a hundred thousand cavalry; the second, of the com­manders of thousands; the third, of the commanders of hundreds; the fourth, of the rulers over tens; and the fifth, of those accompanied by two, three, four, or five persons. Thus in this assemblage every ten persons have an officer and every hundred a Sipahdar, called in the popular language of Hindustan Bakhshi, “pay-master,” in that of Iran, Lash­kar Navîs, or “army-registrar, and in Arabic, Ariz, or “notary:” a similar arrangement must be observed in the infantry. In like manner, when the military in regular succession are in attendance on the king, there is at court a Bárnîgárî, or “regis­trar,” to set down those who are absent as well as those present; in the popular language of India this officer is styled Chauki Navîs, or “register keeper;” they are accompanied by a Shudahband, an Ustuwar, and sentinels, so that they may not go to their homes nor give way to sleep until their period of duty is terminated: there are also different sentinels for day and night, It is also so arranged that there should be always four persons together on each watch, two of whom may indulge in sleep whilst the other two remain awake. In every city where the king is present there ought to be a Shu­dahband , to report to the king whatever occurs in the city: the same rule should be observed in the other cities also: this functionary they call, in India, Wakia-Navis, “news-writer.” There should also be a Shahnah, or “intendant of police,” styled Far­hang-i-roz , “registrar of the day,” who is to con­duct all affairs with due prudence, and not suffer people to inflict injury on each other. He is to have two Shudahbands and an Ustuwar or “confidential secretary.” In like manner, among the troops of the great nobles there must be two Shudahbands; and in all provinces a Shahrdar, or governor; and in every city a Bud-andoz, or collector-general, a Sipah-dar, that is a Bakhshi, and an intendant of police, or Shahnah; it is to be noted that among the Yezdánían, a Kázî and Shuhnah were the same, as the people practised no oppression towards each other. The Shudahband, the Návand (writer), and the Rá­vand (courier), or those who conveyed intelligence to the king, had many spies set over them secretly by his majesty, and all those officers wrote him an account of whatever occurred in the city. If the Sipahdars did not give the men their just dues, these officers called them to account: also if a superior noble acted in a similar manner towards his inferiors, they instituted an inquiry into his conduct: they also took note of the spies; so that if any secret agent made himself known as such, he was immediately dismissed. If any one kept the due of the soldier or of the cultivator, in the name of the king, and did not account for it, they inflicted chastisement on him. The officers were obliged to delineate the features of every one employed in the cavalry or infantry, and also to fur­nish a representation of his horse, and to give the men their regular pay with punctuality. Previous to the Gilsháhian dynasty, no one ever branded the king's horses, as this was regarded as an act of cruelty towards the animal: most of the soldiers also were furnished with horses by the king, as the sovereigns of Ajem had many studs. On the death of a horse, the testimony of the collectors and inspec­tors was requisite. Every soldier who received not a horse from the king, brought his own with him: they also took one out of twenty from the Rayas. However, under the Sassanian princes, the Rayas requested “to take from them one out of ten:” and as this proposition was accepted, it was therefore called Baj-i-hamdastani, or voluntary contribution, as having been settled by the consent of the Rayas.

The Omras and the great of the kingdom, near and far, had not the power to put a guilty man to death; but when the Shadahband, “recorder,” brought a case before the king, his majesty acted according to the prescriptions of the Ferhang-abad, unless in the case of executing a dangerous rebel, when, from sparing him until receiving the king's will, a great evil would arise to the country.

They laid down this royal ordinance: that if the king sent even a single person, he was to bring back the head of the commander of a hundred thousand; nay, that person never turned aside from the pun­ishment. For example, when such a commander in the time of Shah Máhbúl had put an innocent man to death, the prince sent a person who was to behead the criminal on a day on which the nobles were all assembled: and of this there are innumerable examples. Also in the time of Shah Faridún, the son of Abtin, the son of Farshad, the son of Shá-î Gilîv, a general named Máhlád was governor of Khorosan: and he having put to death one of the village chiefs, the Shudahbands reported to the king all the public and private details of the fact, on receiving which the king thus wrote to Máhlád: “Thou hast acted contrary to the Farhang Abad.” When Mahlád had perused the king's letter, he assembled the chief men of the province, and sending for the village chieftain's son, put a sword in his hand that he might cut off his head: the son replied: “I consent to pass over my father's blood.” Máhlád, however, would not agree to this, and insisted so earnestly, that the young man cut off his head, which was sent to the court. The king greatly commended this conduct, and according to his usual practice conferred Máhlád's office on his son. In the same manner, the Moghúls submitted implicitly to the commands of the Lord strengthened by the Almighty, that is, to Jenghiz Khan;* and the tribes of Kazl-Básh* were equally obedient to Ismail Safavi during his reign. But the kings of Ajem were averse to the infliction of capital punishments, so that until a criminal had been declared deserving of death, according to the Abádían code, the order for his execution was not issued.

The kings and chieftains of Iran never addressed harsh language to any one; but whenever a person deserved chastisement or death, they summoned the Farhangdar, or “judge,” and the Dad-sitani, or “mufti;” on which, whatever the code of Farhang-abad enjoined in the case, whether beating with rods or confinement, was carried into effect: but the beating and imprisonment were never executed by low persons. Whatever intelligence was com­municated by spies was submitted to a careful examination, in which they took great pains; and that unless reports made by two or more spies coincided, they carried nothing into execution. The princes and young nobles, like all others, began by personal attendance on the king: for example, the routine of Hash-o-bash, or “presence and absence” at court, was enjoined them in rotation, that they might better understand the state of humbler individuals: they even attended on foot, that they might more easily conceive the toils of the foot-soldier.

Bahzad the Yasanian, in one of his marches having proceeded a short distance, alighted from his horse,* on which a distinguished noble, named Naubar, thus remarked: “On a march it is not proper to remain satisfied with so short a journey.” On this, Bah­zad Shah, leaving the army in that place, said to the commander Naubar, “Let us two make a short excursion.” He himself mounted on horseback, and obliged the other to advance on foot. They thus traversed mountain and plain, until Naubar became overpowered by fatigue, on which Bahzad said: “Exert thyself, for our halting place is near;” but he having replied, “I am no longer able to move,” the king rejoined; “O oppressor! as thou art no longer able to proceed, dost thou not perceive that those who are on foot experience similar distress from performing too long a march?”

“Thou, who feelest not for the distress of others,

Meritest not to be called by the name of man.”

The military, in proportion to their respective ranks, had assigned to them costly dresses, vigorous steeds with trappings and saddles inlaid with pre­cious stones, equipments, some of solid gold and sil­ver, and others plated with gold or silver, and hel­mets. The distinguished men were equally remote from parsimony and profuseness. The nobles of Ajem wore a crown worth a hundred thousand dinars of gold: the regal diadem being appropriated to the king. All the great Amirs wore helmets and zones of gold; they also had trappings and sandals of the same. When the soldiers set out on an expe­dition, they took with them arms of every descrip­tion, a flag and a poignard;* they were habituated to privations, and entered on long expeditions with scanty supplies; they were never confined within the enclosure of tents and pavilions, but braved alike the extremes of heat and cold. In the day of battle, as long as the king or his lieutenant stood at his post, if any one turned his back on the foe, no per­son would join him in eating or drinking, or con­tract alliance with him, except those who like him­self had consigned their persons to infamy and degradation. Lunatics, buffoons, and depraved characters found no access to the king or chieftains.

On the death of a person who had been raised to dignity, his post was conferred on his son, or some one of his legitimate connections adequate to its duties; thus no innocent person was ever deprived of office, so that their noble families continued from the time of Sháî Kilîv to that of Sháî Mahbul. When king Khusró, the son of Faridún, the son of Abtin, the son of Forzad, the son of Shái Kiliv, had sent Gurgin* the son of Lás to a certain post, that dig­nity remained in his family more than a thousand years; and when, in the reign of the resplendent sovereign, king Ardeshir, Madhur the descendant of Gurgin had become a lunatic, the king confined him to his house, and promoted his son Mábzád to the government; and similar to this was the system of Shah Ismail Safavi. But if an Amir's son were unfit for governing, he was dismissed from office, and had a suitable pension assigned him. Nay, ani­mals, such as the cow, ass, and horse, which were made to labor when young, were maintained by their masters in a state of ease when they grew old; the quantity of burden which each animal was to carry was defined, and whoever exceeded that limit received due chastisement. In like manner, when any of the infantry or cavalry grew feeble, infirm, or old, although he might not have performed effective ser­vice, they appointed his son to succeed him; and if the latter was not yet of mature age, they settled on him a daily allowance from the royal treasury. But if he had no son, they assigned him during his life such an allowance as would keep him from dis­tress, which allowance was continued after his decease to his wife, daughter, or other survivors. Whatever constitutes the duty of a parent was all performed by the king; if, in the day of battle, a soldier's horse fell, they bestowed on him a better and finer one. It has already been said that most of the cavalry horses were supplied by the king, and the military were at no expense save that of forage. If a soldier fell in battle, they appointed the son with great distinction to his father's post, and also conferred many favors on his surviving family; they also greatly exerted themselves in teaching them the duties of their class, and in guarding their domestic honor inviolate: as, in reality, the king is the father, and the kingdom the common mother. In like manner, when a soldier was wounded, he received the greatest attentions. Similar notice was taken of workers in gold and of merchants who had failed and become impoverished, their children being adopted by the government: so that, within the circuit of their dominions, there was not found a single destitute person. The Sardár of each city took cognizance of every stranger who entered it: in the same way, all friendless travellers were received into the royal hospital, where physicians gave themselves up to the curing of the sick: in these there were also Shudahbands to take care that none of those employed should be backward in their respective offices. The blind, the paralytic, the feeble, and destitute were admitted into the royal hospital, where they passed their time free from anxiety. Now the royal Bîmárastán, or hospital was a place in which they gave a daily allowance to the feeble and indigent: thus there were no religious mendi­cants or beggars in their dominions; whoever wished, embraced a Durvesh's life and practised religious austerities in a monastery, a place adapted for every description of pious mortifications: a slothful per­son, or one of ill repute, was not permitted to become a Durvesh, lest he might do it for the purpose of indulging in food and sleep: to such a character they enjoined the religious exercises suitable to a Durvesh, which, if he performed with zeal, it was all well; but, otherwise, he was obliged to follow his inclinations in some other place.

The king had also confidential courtiers, well skilled in the histories of the righteous men of olden time, which they recited to his majesty. There was also an abundance of astrologers and physicians, so that, both in the capital and in the provinces, one of each, agreeably to the royal order, should attend on every governor; and their number was such in every city, that men might consult them on the favorable and unfavorable moments for every undertaking.

In every city was a royal hospital, in which were stationed physicians appointed by the king; there were separate hospitals for women, where they were attended by skilful female physicians, so that the hospitals for men and women were quite distinct. In addition to all this, the king stands in need of wise Farhangs, “judges,” well versed in the deci­sions of law and the articles of faith, so that, aided by the royal influence and power, they may restrain men from evil deeds, and deliver the institutes of Farhang, “the true faith,” to them.* The king also requires writers to be always in his presence. A great Mobed must be acquainted with all sciences; a confidential courtier, conversant with the narra­tives and histories of kings; a physician, profound in medical science; an astrologer in his calculations of the stars; an accountant, accurate in his accounts; and a Farhangí, or lawyer, well versed in points of law: moreover, the study of that portion of the code contained in the Páiman-i-Farhang, or in the “covenant of the Farhang,” is incumbent on all, both soldiers, Rayas, and those who practise the mechanic arts, and on other people. In like manner, persons of one rank were not wont to intermeddle with the pursuits of another: for example, that a soldier should engage in commerce, or a merchant in the military profession: on the contrary, the two employments should not be confounded, so that one should at the same time be a military man and a servant, or in any employment; and having become a commander, should again take up the trade.

They also permitted in every city such a number of artificers, conductors of amusements, merchants, and soldiers as was strictly necessary; to the remainder, or surplus, they assigned agricultural occu­pations; so that, although many people may know these arts, yet no more than is required may be occu­pied with them, but apply themselves wholly to the cultivation of the soil. If any officer made even a trifling addition to the import on any business which brought in a revenue to the king, so far from its being acceptable, they, on the contrary, ordered that ill-disposed person to be severely punished.

The king gave audience every day: but on one day of the week in particular, he acted as Dádsitán, or “Mufti,” when every person who was wronged had access to the sovereign; also, once a year, he gave a general audience, when every one who pleased came into his presence; on this occasion, the king sat down at table with the Ráyás, who represented to him, without the intervention of another, what­ever they thought proper.

The sovereign had two places of audience; one the Rózistán, or “day-station,” in which he was seated on an elevated seat; which place they also called the Tábsár, or “place of splendor;” around which the nobles and champions stood in their respective ranks; the other was the Shabistán, or “night station,” which had also an elevation, on which the king took his seat. Men of distinction stood on the outside; those of royal dignity were at the door; and next the king was a company standing with weapons of war in their hands. Every one, indiscriminately, had not the privilege of laying his hand on the royal feet; some only kissed the slipper and walked around it; others, the sleeve of the royal mantle which fell on the throne: that person must be in high favor at court who was permitted to kiss the king's feet, or the throne, or perform a circuit around it.

As a brief account has been given of the exterior place of reception, and of the Rózistán, or “day station,” we now proceed to write a few particu­lars concerning the interior place of reception, or the secret night station, or the Harem, which is also called the “golden musk-perfumed pavilion.” In the code of Azar Húshang, or Máhábád, it has been thus laid down: whatever be the number of the king's women, there must be one superior in dig­nity to all the rest: her they style “the Great Lady;” but she possessed not such absolute power that the right of loosing or binding, inflicting the bastinado, or putting to death within the night station should be conferred on her: or that she could put to death whomsoever she pleased without the king's consent, a power quite opposed to law.

The Shudahbands also report to the royal presence all the transactions of the Great Princess and of the night station, just as they transmit accounts of those persons who live out of its precincts. If the king's mother be alive, the supremacy is of course vested in her, and not in the Great Princess. Salárbárs, or “ushers with silver maces,” Jádárs, or “super­intendants of police,” Gáhnumás or Shudahbands, astrologers and such like professions, were also met with in the interior residence.

Of these women and princesses not one had the smallest degree of authority over the rest of their sex who lived outside of the precincts, nor did they possess the power of issuing any order whatever; nay they seldom made mention of them in the royal Rozistan ; neither were they called by any fixed title; nor, without urgent necessity, did they ride out in public.

The king also, on visiting the interior apartment, is not wont to remain long with the women; nor do they ever entertain any wishes which have not reference to themselves; such as the mode of speak­ing when enjoining an officer to perform some ser­vice, or increasing the dignity of the great warriors. The same system was followed by every Amir in his own house; but in the dwelling of every Amir, whether near or remote, there was an aged matron or Atuni, deputed on the king's part, with the office of Shudahband, to report the exact state of affairs to the Great Princess, or to send from a distance a written report for being brought before the king.

To the king's Harem, or to that of an Amir, no males had access, except boys not come to matu­rity, or eunuchs; but criminals only were qualified for the latter class, who were never after admitted to any confidential intimacy; and no individual in their empire was allowed from motives of gain to have recourse to that operation.*

Every year, on certain occasions, on some great festivals, the wives of the Amirs waited on the Great Princess, and the women of the city came to the general levee; but the king never saw these women, as on such days he did not enter the musk-perfumed pavilion, but departed to some other place, so that his eyes might not fall on a strange female. The motives of the ladies' visit to the king was this: that if any were oppressed by their husbands, it might be reported to the king, who after proper investigation was to enjoin the punishment awarded by the court of justice.

The great king partook not of reason-subdu­ing strong drinks, as he was a guardian, and as such should not be in a state of helplessness; on which account not one of those kings who were styled guardians ever polluted his lips with wine or other intoxicating beverage before the Gilshaiyan dynasty. The cup-bearers of the king's sons and other nobles were always females, and these were called Bádeks:* no beardless males were admitted to the feast: even eunuchs were excluded from the banquets of the Gilshaiyan princes, and they were waited on by beardless youths under ten years of age; and at the time of taking wine even they were not allowed to be present. The ancients, or those previous to the Gilshaiyan dynasty, had appointed seasons for drinking wine, which occurred when the physicians prescribed it for the removal of some infirmity, on which occasions they conformed to the above-mentioned rules. If any one, and the king in particular, labored under a malady the cure of which could only be effected by wine, and the invalid should be altogether reluctant to the drinking of it, in that case, as the cure was confined to the use of wine, the patient was obliged to comply with the prescription: for things forbidden under other cir­cumstances, become lawful when taken for medici­nal purposes: but with this reservation, that no injury should accrue to any innoxious animal.

Along the roads frequented by travellers in this realm, there were many caravansaries, between every two of which were posted sentinels, so that the voice of a person reached from one to the next. In every halting-place was a Shudahband, a physi­cian, and a Tîmárî; and the inns were also constructed near each other. Now a Tîmárî is one appointed by the king to protect the helpless, such as persons of tender years and the infirm. Aged women brought out from the Haram all the requisite supplies (for these establishments), which they transferred to aged men, by whom they were conveyed to the attendants.

The soldiers' wives were not without employ­ment, such as spinning, sewing, and in various works, the making of house-furniture, riding, and in the management of the bow they were as able as men; they were all formed by discipline and inured to toil.

It is evident to all the world that, notwithstanding the extent of their realms was so exceedingly great and spacious, yet in consequence of these arrange­ments, the kings were necessarily informed of every event which occurred: in addition to what has been stated, pursuant to decrees influential as those of Heaven, villages were erected at every stage and halting-place, at each of which the king's horses were picketted, and men appointed whom they called Ravand, or “couriers.” When the Shudahband day by day delivered the report of whatever had occurred into the hand of a courier, the one near the city delivered it into the custody of another, and so on, from the couriers of the stage to those of the villages, until the report reached the capital. The king observed the same system in corresponding with the Umras; at one time appointing an individual who was with great caution to communicate the royal despatches without entrusting them into the hands of another; a courier of this description mounted at every stage the king's post-horses which were picketted at the different halting-places until he completed his object: this description of courier they call Nuwand; the Umras also despatched Nuwands to the king's court; but the couriers belonging to royalty or the nobility were not empowered to seize any individual's horse, or practise oppression, as they would in that case meet with due retaliation: there were besides, at the different villages, persons stationed as guards, who were liable to be called to account if a traveller suffered oppressive treatment from any quarter. Shadahbands also were there. Azar Húsháng, that is, Máhábád, thus enjoined: “Let there be no exactions practised towards the Rayas: let him afford what he well can, and nothing more;” they therefore only took such an amount as maintained both soldiers and rayas in tranquillity.

All the king's devoted servants entertained this belief, that the performance of whatever was agree­able to the king was attended with advantage in both worlds; also that the royal command was the inter­pretation of the word of God, and that it was highly praiseworthy to meet death in the path of obedience to the Great King: nay, they accounted death, with the prospect of royal approbation, which is the bestower of paradise, as far superior to life; but he must be a king who acts in conformity with the Paiman-i-Farhang, or “excellent code.” In short, the system of inquiry was such, that the inspectors used to question the soldiers, whether they were satisfied or not with their chief.

With respect to keeping guard, it was thus settled; that out of the four persons acting in concert with each other, two went to sleep and the other two stood up armed; again, when the sleepers arose the others went to rest; and on the expiration of the night, other troops came to keep watch: the night sentinels, however, did not depart but by order of their officer. These inspected the men three times during the night. In that manner each person had, every week, one day's watch: and when they retired from keeping guard, proclamation was made to this purport by the king's command: “If any have cause of complaint against their inspector or chief, let them not keep it concealed.”

In like manner every month the inspectors, whether near or remote, looked into the state of the military; if they found any individual, without suf­ficient cause, deficient in the requisites for service, they ordered him to be punished, unless he adduced a satisfactory excuse and testimony; in which case they accepted his reasons: and if they proceeded from overpowering necessity, they had regard to it.

To whomsover they had assigned land, Jaghir or Mukásá, they gave daily or monthly pay with the greatest punctuality, never permitting any deficiency to occur.

If any were deficient in the performance of duty, for example, being absent one watch without suffi­cient cause, besides inflicting the due punishment, they deducted the pay of that watch, but not of the whole day. When, for some good reason, he applied for a furlough, he obtained it.

The prime minister was obliged to institute an inquiry into any affair of which he got the neces­sary information. The Rais sufid, “chieftain,” must produce a Khushnúdí namah, or “a certificate,” purporting that he had given the due to his people, and that they were satisfied with him; also that whatever revenue had been received was delivered over to the inspector, in the presence of the Anim and Shudahband: the inspectors also produced, in the royal presence, certificates stating that they had practised no oppression towards the military: and although the spies made a report of all particulars every week, still the king inquired besides of the soldiers, as to the truth of this approbation.

The Yazdaníans never attempted a thing mentioned with abhorrence in the Farhang code, in which every fault had its fixed punishment. When any one was convicted of a crime, the king's near atten­dants never made intercession for him: for example, pursuant to this code, and by the king's command, the son inflicted punishment on the father, and the father on his son, so that even princes of the blood had not the power of breaking this law; if they were guilty of injustice, the kings themselves inflicted the allotted punishment: for example, Jai Alád had a son called Húdah, whom he himself beheaded for having put to death the son of a villager. The king's devoted servants raised themselves to distinction by their excellence and exertions to obtain praise and titles: whoever swore falsely by the royal family was expelled from all intercourse with them.

There were peculiar places assigned for the com­bat of elephants, lions, and other wild beasts, the backs and sides of which places were so elevated, that people might behold from every part, without the possibility of sustaining injury from the elephants and other wild animals: the king being all the while seated on a lofty throne. They never created embar­rassments in bazars or populous places with furious elephants or fierce lions, but kept them in remote situations and secure places such as before men­tioned, from whence they could easily remove them. It is recorded that, in the time of Shírzád Shah, the Yassánian, an elephant having broken out of the place where he was tied up, killed some one; on which the king, in retaliation for the deed, put the elephant to death, and also inflicted capital punish­ment on the elephant-keepers and the door-keepers of the elephant-stables, who had left the door open. The king never listened to tales of fiction, but solely to true statements: the military and the rayas also never averted their necks from executing the king's commands: and if a traveller invoked the king's name and entered into any house, the inmates not only washed his feet, but even drank the water in which they performed the operation, as a sovereign remedy, and sedulously showed all due attentions to their guest.

On the day of battle, the soldiers were drawn up in right, centre, and left columns, an arrangement which they never violated in any engagement: as when once dissolved, the restoration of that com­bined order would be impossible: when the troops had been arrayed in this manner, they gave the enemy battle; and in proportion to the necessity, the bazar, or “market” of assistance followed them: even after victory they observed the same arrangement.

On the day of triumph, when the enemy fled and the foe dispersed, the entire army did not give them­selves up to plunder; but the king appointed for the service a certain detachment, accompanied by Shu­dahbands and Binandahs, or inspectors and super­visors, whilst the rest of the army remained pre­pared for battle and ready to renew the engagement; not one of them raising the dust of plunder or departing to their homes, lest the enemy, on discovering their dispersion in pursuit of plunder, might return and gain the victory. When they had made themselves masters of the spoil, the king ordered them to set apart the choicest portion for the indi­gent and the erection of religious foundations: he next distributed an ample share to the men propor­tioned to their exertions; after which he gave each of his courtiers a portion; and he lastly conferred a suitable portion on the great officers; but no part of this division entered into the account of the allow­ances settled on the military class: last of all, the king drew the pen of approbation over whatever was worthy of the royal majesty. Some of the ancient kings and all the princes of the remote ages, far from taking any part of the spoil to their own share, even made good every injury which happened to the army in executing the royal orders, as the loss of horses and such like.

After the victory, they never oppressed the help­less, the indigent, merchants, travellers, or the generality of the inhabitants, and the Rayas. Those who were guilty of such acts were, after conviction, punished. They divided among them whatever the enemy had in their flight left on the field of battle: but whatever in the different realms belonged to the conquered prince and his near connexions, they submitted to the royal pleasure. They never slew or offered violence to the person who threw down his arms and asked for quarter.

This class of the obedient followers of the Azar Hushang code were styled Farishtah. “angelic;” Surúsh, “seraphic;” Farishtah manish, “angel-hearted;” Surúsh manish, “seraph-hearted;” Sipásí, “adorers;” Sahí dín. “upright in faith;” and Zanádil, “the benevolent;” opposed to whom are the Ahriman, the Dîvs, and the Tunádil, or “fierce demons.”

The Divs are of two kinds; the one class subject to the king of the angels, who, through fear of that prince, have been compelled to desist from injuring animated beings; the second kind consists of Dîvs in the realms of other kings, who break through the covenants of the law, and slay animals: these in truth are no other than wolves, tigers, scorpions, and serpents.

They record that in the time of Ardeshír, the son of Azád, the son of Babegán, the son of Nushirván, there was a Jaiyanian cham pion by name Farhád, the son of Alád, who were both ranked among the distinguished leaders: Alád, when in a state of intox­ication, having slain a sheep with his sword, his son Farhád, on ascertaining this, made him pass under the sharp-edged scimitar; the people held him in detestation, and said: “Thou shouldst have sent thy father to the king.” He replied, “My father had committed two criminal actions; the first, in taking so much wine as to lose his senses; the second in destroying a sheep. Although it would have been proper to send him to the king, I could not suffer any delay to intervene in punish­ing his crimes: at present I confess myself guilty of transgressing the Abadián code, for not sub­mitting the details of this affair to the king.” He then ordered himself to be put in chains, and brought in that state before the king: but his majesty drew the pen of forgiveness over his crime, and ele­vated the apex of his dignity.

Moreover it was necessary to drink wine in a secret place, as they inflicted due punishment on whoever was found intoxicated in the public bazar. In truth, permission to drink wine was only given in cases of malady, as from the time of the very ancient sovereigns of the Mahabad dynasty, until that of Yássán Ajam, no person partook of wine or strong drinks, except the invalids who were ordered by the physicians to have recourse to them; and even they partook of them according to the established rules: but among the ancient kings, i. e. from Kaiomars to Yezdagird, they at first indulged secretly in wine for the purpose of sensual enjoy­ment, under color of conforming to medical ordi­nances. At last matters terminated in this, that wine was openly produced at the banquets, and the champions in attendance on the king partook of it; but it was not permitted to be drunk openly in the bazars or streets.

The king gave audience every day, being seated on an elevation, that is a Tábsár, or elevated window: in the same manner he took his seat in the Roz-Gáh, which is a place where, on his rising from the Táb­sár , heseated himself on a throne: on which occa­sion the nobles in attendance were drawn out in their proper gradations: note, that by giving audi­ence is meant, turning his attention to the concerns of mankind. Every decree issued by the king from the rozistán or shabistán of the interior or exterior, was transcribed by the Shudahband and again sub­mitted to the royal presence, and when its promul­gation was ratified, it was laid before his majesty a second time.

Whenever a traveller entered a caravanserai or city, the secretaries of the place, in the presence of witnesses and notaries, made out a statement of his wealth and effects, which they gave him; and the same at the time of sale; so that if he should after­wards declare that his stock had been diminished or some part had been abstracted, they could ascertain its value and quantity: there was also a fixed price assigned to every commodity and article, and also a certain rate of profit prescribed to each vendor.

The following was their mode of hunting: the army being drawn out in array, in right, centre, and left columns, the nobles and eminent warriors took their several posts according to rank, and during a period of forty or fifty days formed a circle around both mountains and plains. If the country abounded in wood, they formed the whole of it into well secured piles: the king then directed his steps towards that quarter, and his train by degrees drove in the game, keeping up a strict watch that no beast of prey should escape out of the circle: on this the king, his sons, and relations dispatched with arrows as many as they could; after this the king, surrounded by the most distinguished courtiers, sat on a throne placed on an eminence, formed of strong timbers so fastened together that no animal could get up there: the generals, and then the whole of the soldiery charged into the centre, so that not a trace remained of ferocious animals, that is, of lions and such nox­ious creatures: they next counted the numbers of the slain, and having piled them in one place, formed a hillock of their carcases. If they discovered a harmless animal amongst the slain, they ordered vengeance to be inflicted on its destroyer, and cast his body among those of the ferocious animals.

They record that in the reign of Yássán, the son of Sháh Mahbúl, an elk had been slain by some tyrannically-inclined person, on beholding which the father of the insane criminal, with the ruthless sword, immediately dissevered his son's head from his shoulders. Also in the reign of Núshirvan, the fortunate descendant from the Sháíyán dynasty, at one time whilst in the pursuit of game, an arrow shot intentionally from the bow of a noble champion named Fartúsh, wounded a deer so that it fell dead: his son, Ayín Túsh, was perfectly horror-struck, and in retaliation with an arrow pinned his father's body to that of the slaughtered deer; so that, in future, there should be no infringement of the Farhang law.

As soon as a lofty mound had been formed of slaughtered noxious creatures, which either walk, fly, or graze, then by the king's command a Mobid ascended the eminence and said: “Such is the recom­pense of all who slay harmless creatures; such the retribution which awaits the destroyers of animals free from crimes.” He then said to the harmless creatures: “The equitable king of kings, in order to destroy the noxious animals which cause you so many calamities, has come forward in his own precious person, and taken vengeance for the mis­deeds of these wicked creatures: now depart in peace; behold the vengeance inflicted on your sanguinary foes; and commit no sin before the protector of your species.” They then left a road open for the innoxious animals to escape and hasten to their mountains and deserts. This kind of hunting they called Shikár-i-dád or Dád-shikár; i.e.: “the hunt of equity,” or “the equity-hunt.” The royal governors also in their respective provinces adopted a chase of the like description. Whenever the sovereign was of such a character as not to devi­ate from the Farhang code, if any person declined rendering allegiance to the prince chosen by him for his successor, that person was immediately destroyed by the people.

In the reign of Sháh Gilív, a champion having beheld in a vision, that the king had raised to the throne one of the princes who met not his approba­tion, immediately on awaking put himself to death. Sháh Gilív, on hearing this, said to the son of the deceased: “When a person is awake, rebellion is to be abhorred; but not in a state of sleep, as it is then involuntary.”

Also in the reign of Bahman, the son of Isfendiar, the son of Ardashír, the son of Azad Shai,* one of the generals, Bahram by name, governor of Khorasan, having made arrangements for revolt and rebellion, the soldiers on learning his designs put him to death, and offering up his flesh after the manner of the Moslem sacrifice, divided it and ate of it, saying “He is a noxious animal.”

In the same reign, a champion, by name Gilshásp, saw in a trance that he had rebelled against Bah­man: on relating the dream to his soldiers, they for answer drew forth their swords and shed his blood, saying: “Although there is no blame to be attached to the vision, yet he is the genius of evil for pub­lishing it abroad.”

Ayín Shakíb, a Móbed, who saw in a vision that he was uttering imprecations against Ardíshír, the son of Babagán, the son of Azád the Jaiyánían, immedi­ately on awaking cut out his tongue: such was their devotedness to their kings.

They moreover say, in the case of every prince who was adorned with sound doctrine, good works, and noble descent; who promoted the interests of the military and the happiness of the Ráyás, and who never deviated from the covenant of the law; that when any one proved refractory to his com­mands, that person's life and property were confis­cated with justice. The kings made trials of their sons' capacities, and conferred the royal dignity on whichever was found the most deserving; not making the one king whom they regarded with the greatest natural affection. They also said: “Sovereign power becomes not the monarch who trans­gresses this blessed law; neither should any prince give way to the disposition to deviate in the slightest degree from any of its covenants, lest from their esteeming one branch of the law as of no importance, they might regard the whole as of trifling obligation.” The adorable and almighty God so gave his aid to these praise-worthy sovereigns that they decked the bride of dominion with the ornaments of equity, benevolence, and impartial justice. Merchants, travellers, and scholars moved about in perfect security; during their reigns there existed no annoyance from the payment of tolls, cus­toms, and other exactions; and in the caravanserais was neither rent nor hire.

The kings had the covenants of the law tran­scribed, which they always kept near them, and had read over to them daily by some confidential cour­tier: on great festivals they were communicated to the military and the rayas, with strong injunctions to store them up in their recollection. The Umras also pursued the same system, and recited the law to their dependants. In like manner, the princesses of the Shabistán, “night-apartment,” observed the same rule.

They moreover say that every prince who, through the suggestions of his own mind or of his minister's, adopted any measures except in conformity to this law, bitterly repented of it.—Jai Alad has said: “Whoever in the king's presence utters a word con­trary to the covenants of the law, or persuades him to do so; the king may rest assured that the object of that person is to throw the kingdom into confusion.”

When the Yezdáníán princes and rulers gave audi­ence, there lay before them a book, a scourge, and a sword; the book contained the covenants of the law; and every affair which was submitted to them being considered according to the view taken of it in the book, they then gave a decision.

In the royal dynasty which preceded the Gilsháíán kings, there was no violation whatever of this code; but under later princes some disorder crept into its observance. They also say, that whenever they violated the commands, decrees, maxims, rules, and decisions of this covenant, they became associated with regret and repentance. Whenever a sovereign sustained any injury, it arose principally from inat­tention to this standard; and whenever a monarch lived in prosperity, it proceeded from his scrupulous observance of the most minute details of this code. The ancient sovereigns, that is, the Abádíán, the Jai­yán , the Shaiyán and the Yassánían, who are the most renowned of kings, never lost sight of the Farhang Abád, that is, they did every thing according to its dictates: this code they also called Hirbud Sár, or “sacerdotal purity.” During this period no enemy arose, and no foe obtained the supremacy; the mili­tary and the rayas enjoyed undisturbed repose. Amongst the Gilsháíyán kings, Hushang, Tahmúras, Faridun, Minuchahar, Kaikobád, Kaikhusró, Lohorasp, Bahman, Ardashir Babágán, and the others, had this code transcribed in secret characters, which they employed as mental amulets and spiritual charms. Náshirván also, having procured a transcript of this law, kept it by him. Although all the sovereigns conformed to this rule, yet none observed it in so high a degree as the ancient sovereigns of the Abá­díán, Jaiyan, Shaiyán, and Yassáníán dynasties: as in the belief held by the Yazdanians, or “theists,” their dignity so far transcends that of the Gilsháíyáns, that we can institute no comparison between them. The Gilsháíyán princes also exerted themselves to prevent the slaughter of harmless animals; although the people did not pay the same respect to their orders as to those of the ancient sovereigns, yet, as compared with their successors, people were more exact in the performance of duty than in later periods.

They say that Rustam, the son of Zaul,* at the moment of abandoning the robes of mortality, hvi ng heaved a deep sigh, the king of Kabúl said to him: “O Rustam! art thou alarmed at death?” the hero replied: “God forbid! for the death of the body is to the spirit the bestowing of life; and the issuing forth under the sphere is the being born from the maternal womb; when the cloud of the body is removed, the sun of spirit shines more resplen­dently: but my grief proceeded from this reflec­tion, that when Kaús commanded Tús to put me to the ignominious death of the gibbet,* I refused to submit to the punishment. Although Káus, in violation of the Farhang code, had passed a sentence opposed to the decisions of Mahabád, and even the interests of Kaús were ultimately advanced by my rebellious conduct, I am at present afflicted on that account, lest, perhaps, any thing opposed to the Farhang code may have proceeded from me. In like manner Isfendiar was slain by my hand,* and I refused to be put in chains; although it became him not to exact compliance, nor was it in accordance with the Farhang code.” Dastan (Zaul) also lived in regret, saying: “Why did I utter a word in opposition to Kai Khusran, on the day when he chose Loho­rasp as his successor, although my sentiments were expressed by way of counsel?”* When Bahman, the son of Isfendiar, made preparations for laying waste Sistan, notwithstanding the people urged Dastan to give the invaders battle, he approved not of it, but said: “Never more will I break through the Farhang code.” He then came on foot into the presence of Bahman, by whose orders he was thrown into chains: but he finally attained the king's unbounded esteem, and was released; whilst his son Faramarz, contrary to the Farhang code, gave the king battle, and, being taken prisoner, suffered the ignominious death of the gibbet:* his son was also put to death on the same account. The implicit obedience of the son Minufarad to Kobad,* the father of Nushirvan, is also well known; although that prince was not strictly entitled to obedience according to the Farhang covenant, yet the devoted­ness of his subjects is highly celebrated.