As soon as this treaty had been concluded and executed, he prepared to fulfil it on his part. In the middle of the year A. D, 1780 1194 of the Hedjra, he invaded the province of Arcat with an army that covered the plains, like the waves of an angry sea, and with a train of artillery that had no end. Being arrived He invades the Carnatic, and pushes to the very gates of Mendradj. at about forty or fifty cosses from the territory of Mendradj, he stopped there, and suddenly dispatched a strong body of troops under his son, with orders to push hastily to the capital. This General arriving unexpectedly, made himself master of that city, as well as of the palace of Mahmed-aaly-qhan, the Viceroy of the province, together with whatever they contained. They say that he did not offer much injury or damage to the inhabitants of the city, but that he ruined the gardens and country-houses belonging to the English, and made prisoners those he found there. Gen. Monro, the same who had heretofore beaten the Vezir of Hindostan at Bacsar, when he was only a Major, was now General, and appointed to the defence of the factory and fortress of Mendradj. He came out of the walls with ten battalions of Talingas, and sixteen pieces of cannon, furnished with every necessary, such as ball and powder; and he intended to fight. But Háider-náic hearing of this, wrote to his son to retreat from thence, and to draw the English army into the plain, and meanwhile to retrograde himself gradually towards his father. The son having obeyed punctually, Gen. Monro put his army in battle array, and having ordered a regiment with some Captains, and Lieutenants, and Ensigns, and some Sergeants, with two pieces of cannon, and necessaries to advance forward as usual, at two or three cosses distance from the main body, he followed himself with his whole army; and in this manner he advanced ten or twelve cosses farther from the fortress. Háider-náic hearing of this, sent a body of troops under the command of his son, with orders first to charge the regiment in question, and then to send intelligence every moment, and meanwhile to stand ready to execute further commands. The son did as he was commanded; and he attacked the regiment with so much vigour, that the Commander of it, after having bravely stood his ground, and received the enemy with a fire of musketry and cannon, sent word to the General, that the combat was drawing to a length; that his numbers were thinned; the enemy numerous; and that he wanted immediate relief. As the distance was great, and one-quart of the day was already spent, when the combat commenced, it was noon before the trooper with the intelligence arrived; and some time more being spent before the General could fix his mind on a resolu­tion, there remained only one-third of the day, when he sent four regiments to the assistance of the first, two of which were European white soldiers, new landed from Europe, the others being Indian Talingas. But it was evening before they could arrive. The five regiments being joined, passed the night on the spot. On this intelligence, Háider-náic sent his son-in-law with fresh troops to his son’s assistance; and these recom­menced the attack at day-break. The English were worsted; and finding that their General had erred, in not marching up with his whole army, they thought it expedient to retreat to the main body; and they commenced a retreat, but always in good order, and always turning about, and always facing their pursuers. The enemy continued pressing on all sides, and perpetually attacking with rockets, cannon-balls, muskets and bombs; and they had already burned the plants of the lives of numbers of English soldiers, when they were likewise favoured by fortune. It happened that one of the English carts of powder and ammunition took fire. In an instant the whole provision blew up, and carried away such vast numbers of men, which happened to be near or at no great distance, that those that survived the disaster, proved not numerous enough to continue the combat. The enemy having surrounded them, sent them promises of quarter. The English who are a courageous nation, full of military pride and firmness of heart, refused to surrender; upon which an order came to put them to the sword; and the poor souls were all hacked to pieces*. It happened that three or four men escaped from the slaughter, and reached General Monro’s encampment; Beats the English. but their report struck such a panic in his mind, that this General, whose courage had never been doubted to that day, no sooner heard the detail of the slaughter, than he lost his wonted firmness, and betrayed every mark of fear, trepidation and dismay. The report goes that he passed the night without going to bed. And that at day-break he mounted a fleet horse, and without stopping anywhere, or giving himself a moment to breathe, he retired within the fortress of Mendradj. The forlorn army following in much distress and idsorder retired into the fortress likewise; and the victorious in full pursuit of the runaways, entered the city of The English pursued to the very gates of Mendradj. Mendradj, which they mastered; so that there remained to the English nothing but the fortress of that name. They say that in a few days after, the fortress of Arcát, the capital of Mahmed-aaly-qhan’s dominions, who was the Viceroy of the Carnatec, was taken by the enemy, as well as that of Pool-churry, which last had been lately taken by the English from the French; and as in times of calamity, a misfortune never comes alone, it happened that a difference arising between the English and the Talingas of the garrison of Is-hac-patan (Vizagapatam), these last who were numerous, fell upon the small number of the English, and killing some of them, imprisoned the others; and thus that place also came cheaply in Háider-náic’s power.

General Monro having quitted the field in so disgraceful a manner, did not fail to be accused both by friends and foes, who covered him with shame. But this news had not yet reached Calcutta, where, meanwhile the fire of dissension, which had been raging with so much violence between the Governor-General and A duel between the Governor and Mr. Francis. Mr. Francis, had now risen to such a height, that from bad words, and disputes, they had proceeded to fighting with guns; and at the end of Redjeb or the beginning of Shaaban, both parties according to the established custom of the nation, went out by themselves, and fought with pistols. The Governor, being befriended by destiny, came off harmless; but Mr. Francis was wounded. As he was predestined to live a great deal more, the pistol ball, although it entered at his right side, did neither break the bone, nor even rend the curtain; it stopped between bone and flesh; and in a few days he was cured. It was justly at this time that General Coote, a King’s servant, who had succeeded General Clavering, as Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in India, arrived from Lucknow, whilst Mr. Doocreel, (Mr. Ducarell), arrived from Bardvan. These two men, who had connections with both parties, interposed their good offices, and became mediators of forgiveness and peace between the Governor and Mr. Francis. They brought them together, and made them take their seats at the Council-board; and it was about this time that the intelli­gence of Monro’s defeat arrived at Calcutta. The letters men­tioned that the enemy grew daily more powerful, and that General Monro had fled from the field of battle.

News came likewise of General Godard’s having come out Colonel Godard besieges Bessi. of Surat, and of his now besieging the town of Bessi (Bassain), which is one of the strongest fortresses in the Marhatta dominions. It was likewise at this time that an Englishman of some consequence arrived in a Packet-ship from Bombay, which means in English a Courier-ship; and God knows what news he brought with him. He found the Governor-General with all the principal English of Calcutta overwhelmed with sorrow, but busy in contriving expedients to raise a great sum of money, and to form an army. The Governor after borrowing upon interest, from the wealthy Bengalies of Calcutta, so great a sum as one coror of rupees, engaged General Coote to repair to Mendradj, and to take the command of the army there.

It was in those times of calamity and distress, I arrived at Calcutta, where I paid a visit to the Governor-General. That Viceroy, who has a vast fund of innate goodness in his nature, condoled much with me, and promised that I would one day see the accomplishment of my wishes; but he was so overwhelmed with public business, that he could not afford to give me many hearings, or to remember his promise. As to General Coote, he both objected to the scarcity of men and of money, until both being remedied, he consented to go to Mendradj with three or four battalions that had been brought together; and these being joined to the six or seven regiments now shut up in the fortress of that name, the whole with some other troops then in those parts, would form a body of ten or twelve regiments: a force which was thought sufficient to fight Háider-niác in the field. For the English trusted much to the goodness of their troops and to the talents of their Commander; nor do they admit any interference of the deity in the affairs of this world, but attribute their repeated victories, and numerous conquests, to the good conduct of their officers, and to the bravery of their troops; nor do they ascribe the defeats given to General Carnac, and to General Monro, to anything else but to the misconduct of those two men, whom they loaded with imprecations and obloquy, as the principal authors of those disasters that had disgraced their nation. There is no doubt, indeed, but that wisdom and prudence bear a great sway in the direction of the affairs of the world; but not so much neither, as that the Original Mover of all events, He that has created and bestowed that wisdom and prudence, should remain idle himself, and as it were out of office; or that the affairs of the world, for want of apparent solidity and permanency, should be wholly and entirely in the power and disposal of human wisdom, and foresight. Be it as it may, General Coote, who commanded in chief all the troops in the Company’s service in India, and had under his care all the affairs of war, as his particular province, consented to repair to Mendradj. Urged by a thorough sense of the critical situation of affairs both in Mendradj and in Decan, he embarked, in the A. D. 1780. middle of the blessed month of Ramazan, of the year 1194, on board of a ship*, and repaired to that fortress. As to myself, perceiving that the Governor could not pay any attention to my affairs, and that I had no chance for any assistance at Calcutta, I returned to Moorshood-abad, being very uneasy on account of a threatened invasion from the Marhattas of Cateck, and on account of my having left my children and family like so many forlorn souls, in a city that had no Governor and no Ruler, that might partake of the distresses of families, and watch over their safety. For both the Nazem*, and his Lieutenant were perfectly free from such cares; nor could much be expected from the English themselves, who had in most places bestowed the offices of Rulers and Lieutenants on some principal Indians, who trusting to their interest with their masters, paid little attention to the situation of the people of this land. I arrived at Moorshood-abad the seventeenth of Shavval, and remained there till the 25th Zilhidj, of that same year; and all the while I was hearing accounts that differed from each other. Nevertheless whatever was most confirmed, has been inserted in these sheets; and it amounts to this much: that General Monro having, as has been already said, retired in that shameful manner within the fortress of Mendradj, had become a standing stock for the shafts of reproach from every one of his countrymen, as well as from the enemy. But as Háider-náic’s troops had taken possession of everything without the walls, and even of the city itself, as far as the precincts of the fortress, the English shut up within the place, resolved to fall by surprise upon those bodies of the enemy that were encamped close to their walls, in hopes of making an impression upon them. For this purpose there came out of the fortress at day-break, nay before day-break, two battalions of Grandils (Grenadiers), which word signifies in their language, picked men, tall and stout, and of tried bravery. But as Háider-náic is fully acquainted with the particular turn of genius of the English in war matters, and is indefatigable, and always thoroughly informed of the motions of his enemies, he never suffers his people to be supine, or off their guard, or negligent in their duty. His troops therefore proved to be ready for the enemy’s reception. A furious combat commenced; and troops being con­tinually sent to the assistance of those engaged, the two bat­talions in question were surrounded, and finding no way open for a retreat, they continued fighting heroically, until they all rushed into eternity, leaving to Háider-náic’s troops a full pos­session of the victory. It was after this disgrace that the news of General Coote’s coming became public. General Monro seemed struck with the intelligence; and fearing for both his life and character, should that Commander land unexpectedly at Mendradj, he resolved to exert himself in recovering his honor. With this view, he came out with all the troops he could muster, leaving only such a small number as might guard the gates, and the Company’s magazines. He had with him a great train of cannon and mortars, with every necessary for some important expedition. On the other side, Háider-náic’s son, with an army of disciplined troops, and a good train of artillery, advanced to meet the enemy, and a mighty battle ensued. But again destiny would have it so, that Háider-náic’s son gained a complete victory; and General Monro being vanquished again and defeated, was forced to retreat within the fortress with the shattered remains of his army, where probably, he is safe from an attack. For it is reported that Háider-náic does not care to fight against walls and fortresses, and has been heard more than once to say, that it would be a folly to expose the lives of so many brave men for the sake of acquiring the possession of three or four thousand yards of ground; and that, provided God Almighty would give him the open country, and victory against the English, he did not care to dispute walls and brick-bats with them. This much is certain, that he must have known how little they could hold in a place destitute of every thing. He knew that as the fortress of Mendradj is seated by the sea-side, it has no sweet water at all; and although provisions of it are daily imported from abroad, it was impossible that they should answer the necessities of twenty or thirty thousand persons of all pro­fessions and sexes, which were shut up within its walls, and that too for a space of three or four months. Add to this that Mendradj is not really a fortress*; it is only a wall drawn round the habitations of an infinity of merchants and other numerous people residing there. These men daily import their own water from without the walls, where there is a city apart. But even supposing that in times of full peace, they should have formed an aqueduct or a rill that should carry a supply of water up to their habitations, still such a contrivance would prove of little avail, as an approach to that rill is now opposed and full of danger. Now as it is certain that they can no more import provisions than their water, it becomes altogether incomprehensible, how that multitude can have subsisted all this while without suffering every extremity*. It is a pity that the English do not mention such matters, and the like details publicly. They never talk of them to such people as we; and I cannot get any sure intelligence from any one else. But for that reservedness of theirs, we should have set down all those events with a full detail.