EXTRACT from a paper entitled: The Square Silver Coins of the Sultáns of Kashmir, by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, M.R.A.S., &c., in the Journ. Asiat. Socy. Bengal, Vol. LIV. Pt. I., No. 2, 1885, pp. 92 to 139 (see pp. 116-21).

In Notes 2, p. 433—1, p. 441—1, p. 482, and in Sec. I of the Introduction, reference has been made to Mr. C. J. Rodgers' transla­tions from Firishta's History contained in the able and interesting paper cited above. As Mirza Haidar closes his narrative some­what abruptly, at the time of his conquest of Kashmir, I believe that a summary of the affairs of the country during his regency, will be found useful to the reader, and therefore transcribe here, that portion of Mr. Rodgers' published paper which deals with the period in question. It comprises the last ten years of Mirza Haidar's life, and is also, no doubt, the best account that exists of a little known phase of Indian history.

Názuk Sháh. 2nd Time.—After his father, Názuk sat on the throne of the kingdom. (His father we are told was Ibrahim Sháh. There is confusion again here.) He had not, however, reigned more than five or six months when Mirzá Haidar Turk, having obtained a firm footing in Kashmir ruled it. In his time the Khutba was read and coins were struck in the name of Násir-ud-Din Muhammad Humáyun Bádsháh. (The coins of Humáyun struck in Kashmir are exceedingly rare. They are exactly of the same type as those of the preceding kings. There are some small differences in the inscriptions in the arrangements of the letters. One coin has a ha in the field to the right, which I consider to be the first letter of Haidar's name. The dates of the coins fall within the period during which Mirzá Haidar ruled Kashmir nominally in his master's name. But all these ten years poor Humáyun was a fugitive in Sind and Persia and Affghánistán and he never derived any benefit from the fact that prayers were used in Kashmir with his name in them, and coins current with his name on them.)

In the year 948 A.H.* when Humáyun, flying before Sher Sháh Suri, reached Lahore, Malik Abdál Mákari, Zangi Chakk and other petitioners wrote about Humáyun's taking Kashmir and sent the letter by the hands of Mirzá Haidar. The emperor dismissed the Mirzá in the direction of Kashmir and gave it out as his intention to follow shortly himself. When the Mirzá arrived at Bhir he was met by Abdál Mákari and Zangi Chakk. The Mirzá had with him only three or four thousand horsemen, but when he arrived at Rájáori, Malik Gáji Chakk who was the ruler of Kashmir, arrived at Khabal Kartal (it is called Karmal by Erskine) and entrenched himself with from three to four thousand horsemen and 50,000 infantry. Mirzá Haidar therefore changed his route and went by Pabhaj (the Panuj of Erskine) which Gáji Chakk in his pride had forgotten to defend. The Mirzá crossed the mountains and descending into the plain of Kashmir took possession at once of Srinagar. Abdál Mákari and Zangi Chakk finding themselves strong, busied themselves with the affairs of the kingdom, and they gave several pergunnahs to the Mirzá. But just at this time Abdál Mákari, died after recommending his sons to the care of the Mirzá.

After the arrival of Mirzá Haidar in Kashmir, Malik Gáji Chakk went to Sher Sháh Afghán for assistance. He obtained five thousand horsemen, over whom were Husain Sharváni and Adil Khán; and two elephants. Mirzá Haidar met him between Danahdyár and Káwah, and the zephyr of victory blowing in favour of the Mirzá, the Malik and his Affghán allies fled from the field and took possession of Bahrámgalla.

In the year 950 A.H. Mirzá Haidar settled himself in the fort of Indarkot. Zangi Chakk being suspected by him fled to Gáji Chakk and in 951 A.H. the two set out, in the direction of Srinagar, determined to root out Mirzá Haidar. Bahrám Chakk, son of Zangi Chakk arrived first at Srinagar, but he was easily put to flight by two of the Mirzá's generals, and his disorganised troops falling back on the main army Zangi Chakk and Gáji Chakk also fled and returned to Bahrámgalla. After this the Mirzá employed his army in invading Tibet. He took Lansur and many other large forts.

In 952 A.H. Gáji Chakk and his son Muhammad Chakk died of fever and ague. This year the Mirzá spent in ease.

In 953 A.H. Zangi Chakk fighting with Mirzá Haidar was killed. His head with the head of his son Gázi Khán were presented to Haidar.

In 954 A.H. ambassadors came to the Mirzá from Káshgar and he went with many nobles as far as Lár to meet them. In Lár the head of Khwája Ujh son of Masaud Chakk was brought to him. This man had for the space of seven years been fighting in Kamráj, but at last he had desired peace. Mirzá Mirak, swearing that all should be right, asked him to attend on him to make a treaty. But when Ujh came into the assembly he was stabbed by Mirak and he fled to the jungle pursued by Mirak who took his head off and sent it to Mirzá Haidar. Ide Ziná was far from pleased at seeing it, and, standing up in anger said, that after an oath and covenant had been made the slaughter of one man was not necessary. Haidar replied that he was not privy to the circumstances of the death.

After this Mirzá Haidar turned his attention to Kishtwár. Bandagán Kukah, Muhammad Mákari and Yahi Ziná led the van. The Mirzá took up his abode at Jhapur near Kishtwár. The van, doing three days' journey in one descended on Dahlot, where the river winds, and they were not able to ford it, for the enemy too opposed them. The next day the army of Haidar made a diversion to the right in hopes of reaching Kishtwár, but when they reached the town of Dhár, gusts of cold air laden with dust came down upon them, the day became dark and the people of the town made an attack on them. Bandagán Kukah with five other men was slain. The rest of the army with a thousand exertions at last joined themselves with Haidar. The Mirzá was not successful: he was obliged to retrace his steps ingloriously.

In 955 he turned his attention to Tibet. Taking Rájáori he gave it to Muhammad Nazir and Nasir Ali. Pakli* he gave to Mulla Abdullah and Little Tibet* he gave to Mullah Qásim. Conquering Great Tibet,* he appointed Mulla Hasan its governor.

In 956 he took the fort of Danel. At this time Adam Ghakkar came before the Mirzá and asked him to pardon Daulat Chakk. He agreed to do so and Adam called Daulat into the tent. The Mirzá, on his coming in, showed him no honour. For this reason Daulat became very angry, and taking away the elephant he had brought as a present, he went away. The courtiers wished to pursue him but the Mirzá forbade them. After some time Haidar returned to Kashmir. Daulat Chakk and Gázi Khán and Jai Chakk went to Haidar Khán who had fled from Islám Sháh to Rájáori. When Islám Sháh who was pursuing the Niyázis arrived at the town of Madawár from Naoshahra, Haibat Khán Niyázi sent Sayyid Khán to him. Sayyid Khán making propositions of peace gave up the mother and son of Haibat Khán Niyázi to Islám Sháh who turning back went to the town of Bán near Siálkot and agreed to the conditions. The three Kashmiris above-mentioned then took Haibat Khán to Bárámula and wished to take him to Kashmir, and carry away Haidar. As Haibat did not see his way to doing this he sent a Bráhman to Haidar with conditions of peace. When he had received a promise from Haidar he went to live at Hir (Nir in MS. No. 6571 opening 190 in British Museum) in Jammu and the Kashmiris went to Islám Sháh. Gházi Khán Chakk, however, went to Mirzá Haidar. (It is evident that at this time the Kashmiris were tired of Haidar. They wished Islám Sháh to be king. We do not read that Islám ever went so far as Kashmir. The nobles, however, must have struck coins in his name, using the formula struck in Kashmir on the reverse. I have seen two coins of Islám Sháh of this time. It was a common practice to strike coins anticipating events which did not come to pass. The date on this coin is 957 A.H. It may have been struck by Haidar as a compliment to Islám Sháh.)

In the year 957 A.H. Mirzá Haidar being at peace with his neighbours sent presents of saffron to Islám Sháh by the hands of Khwájah Shams Mughal. In the following year Islám Sháh sent the ambassadors back with presents of silk cloth and goods accompanied by Yásin (Básin in above MS.) as envoy. Mirzá Haidar sent back Yásin laden with shawls and saffron to Islám Sháh.

Mirzá Qarrá Bahádur was appointed governor of Bhirpul (or Bharmal) and along with him were sent from amongst the Kashmiris Idi Ziná and Názuk Sháh, Husain Mákari and Khwájah Háji. The whole of these with Mirzá Qarrá came back to Indarkot and went thence to Bárámula and became rebellious. The reason of this rebellion was that the Mughals (the forces of Mirzá Haidar) were not acceptable to them. When the Mughals informed the Mirzá of this he told them they were no less ready than the Kashmiris to rebel. Husain Mákari sent his brother Ali Mákari to Mirzá Haidar to make excuse for the Kashmiris and to call again the army. Haidar was not aware of the condition of things, and told them that the Kashmiris were powerless and that there was no use in calling the army.

On the 27th of Ramzán a great fire burst out in Indarkot. Mirzá Qarrá and his following sent word that their houses were destroyed, and asked for orders saying that if convenient they would rebuild their houses and next year go to Bhirpul. Mirzá Haidar was displeased at this conduct. Never­theless whether he would or not the army went towards Bhirpul. At night time, however, Idi Ziná and the rest of the Kashmiris left the Mughals and came to the pass of Bhirpul and took with them Husain Mákari, Ali Mákari and others in order that they might not be slain by the Mughals. When it was morning the men of Bhirpul fought with the Mughals who were fastened in the mountains. Sayyid Mirzá fled and went into the fort of Bhirpul. About 80 Mughals, men of note were slain in this affair. Muhammad Nazir and Mirzá Qarrá Bahádur were captured. The rest of the army came to Bahrámgalla. When Mirzá Haidar heard of this he was sorely vexed and ordered all the silver vessels to be broken and the coin now current in Kashmir was struck from them. Jahángir Mákari at this time got into favour and the estates of Husain Mákari were bestowed upon him. Trades­people had horses and outfits given to them and were made soldiers. After this news came that Mulla Abdullah, hearing of the exodus of the Kashmiris, was coming to Kashmir. When he got near to Bárámula the Kashmiris crowded on him and slew him. Khwájah Qásim was slain in Little Tibet. Muhammad Nazir was imprisoned in Rájáori. The Kashmiris leaving Bahrám-galla came to Hambarapur. Mirzá Haidar was thus forced to fight them and he came to Indarkot. He had with him only a thousand men. With him were Mughal nobles who had 700 men more. The whole took up a position in Shaháb-ud-Dinpur. Daulat Chakk and Gházi Khán Chakk went to Hambarapur to help Idi Ziná and coming from that place assembled in Khánpur. Mirzá Haidar took up his position in the plain of Khálidgarh near Srinagar. Fath Chakk, whose father had been slain by the Mughals, Khwájah Bahrám brought, with 3,000 men to Indarkot to revenge his father's death. They burned all the palaces of Mirzá Haidar in the Safá gardens. When Mirzá Haidar heard of this he said, “I have not brought this from Káshgar that I might by the grace of God, again build it.” Jai Ali in revenge burnt the palaces of Zain-ul-Abidin in Suryápur, but this did not please Mirzá Haidar and the army burnt the palaces of Idi Ziná and Nauroz Chakk in Srinagar. Mirzá Haidar himself took up a position in Khánpur in which place was a willow tree under which 22 horsemen could stand. If one branch of this tree were shaken the whole tree was moved. At last the Kashmiris came from Khánpur and took up a position at Adnipur and not more than a distance of two kos remained between the two armies. Mirzá Haidar determined to make a night attack on the enemy. He first of all made his own younger brother Mirzá Abdur Rahmán his heir-apparent and inaugurated him, then getting his men into order he prepared for the night attack. It so happened that the night was very cloudy and when he got to the tent of Khwájah Háji who was the soul of the rebellion and the agent of the Mirzá, the darkness hid everything. Sháh Nazar a cuirassier of Mirzá Haidar said, “When I shot an arrow the voice of the Mirzá fell on my ear, saying, ‘you are at fault.’ I then knew that the arrow had accidentally struck the Mirzá.” It is also said that a butcher shot him in the thigh with an arrow. In another tradition it is stated that Kamál Kuka killed him with a sword. But except an arrow-wound in his heart no other thing was visible. In reality this is the sum of the traditions. When morning dawned it became noised abroad amongst the Kashmiris that a Mughal was lying slain in their camp. When Khwájah Háji came to view the corpse, he said it was that of Haidar. He held up the head from the earth but nothing but the last breath remained. He moved his eyes and gave up the ghost. After this the Mughals fled to Indarkot and the Kashmiris buried the corpse of Haidar and then pursued the Mughals. They took refuge in Indarkot and for three days defended themselves. On the fourth day Muhammad Rumi loaded the cannon with copper coins and fired them on the enemy. Every one who was struck with them died. At last, however, Khánmai, the widow of Mirzá Haidar, and her sister Khánji spoke to the Mughals and said, ‘Inasmuch as Mirzá Haidar has departed from our midst, it would be better to make peace with the Kashmiris.” The Mughals agreed to this and sent Amir Khán, builder, to the Kashmiris to ask for peace. The Kashmiris were pleased at this and wrote a letter with oath and covenant that they would not persecute the Mughals any more. The government of Haidar Turk lasted for ten years.

Názuk Sháh. 3rd Time.—When the doors of the fort were opened, the Kashmiris went into the treasury of Mirzá Haidar and plundered it, taking away the beautiful and delicate garments it contained. The family of the Mirzá was taken to Srinagar and placed in the hands of Manujá. The Kashmiri chiefs then divided Kashmir between themselves. Daulat Chakk got the pargannah of Deosar, Gházi Khán the pargannah of Wáhi; Yusuf Chakk and Bahrám Chakk obtained Kamráj. Khwájah Háji the wakil of the Mirzá took a lákh of shawls and the whole of the nobles of Kashmir, but especially Idi Ziná, took the government of the province into their hands. Názuk Sháh as a kind of shadow of a king was upheld in name. In truth Idi Ziná was king.

SOME inquiries regarding the Karáwánás, which were very kindly made for me in Khorasán by Mr. Maula Bakhsh, K.B., Attaché at the Meshed Consulate General, have resulted, it would seem, in tracing some of the posterity of the Karáwánás. Mr. Maula Bakhsh writes from near Asterabad:—“Only the other day, while passing through the Mána district of Bujnurd, I heard of a village called Samandarra or Kárnás. This excited my curiosity and, on inquiry, I found that the village derived its name from its Kárnás inhabitants, about thirty families of whom (the total population of the village) are settled there. In the Gurgán country again, which extends from Dáhana-i-Gurgán on the east, to the Gunbad-i-Kábus (or Káus) on the west, on both banks of the Gurgán river, and is occupied by the Goklán Turkomans, I found about fifty families of Kárnás, and was told that there were some families in Khiva also.

“These people speak Turki now, and are considered part of the Goklán Turkomans. They, however, say they are Chingiz-Kháni Moghuls, and are no doubt the descendants of the same Kárnás, or Karávanás, who took such a prominent part in the Moghul victories in Persia.

“The word Kárnás, I was told by a learned Goklan Mullah, means Tir-andáz , or Shikári (i.e., Archer or Hunter) and was applied to this tribe of Moghuls on account of their professional skill in shooting, which apparently secured them an important place in the army. In Turki the word Kárnás means Shikam-parast—literally ‘belly worshippers,’ which implies avarice. This term is in use at present, and I was told, by a Kázi of Bujnurd, that it is sometimes used by way of reproach… The Kárnás people in Mána and Gurgán say it is the name of their tribe, and they can give no other explanation.”

Although the modern name has become curiously abbreviated, there appears to be little reason to doubt that these Kárnás, or “shooters,” represent, at any rate, the “artillerists” of Wassáf (see pp. 76, 77, Introduction).

ENGLAND.
1327.	Edward II. deposed and mur­dered.
1338.	Edward III. invaded France.
1346.	Battle of Creçy.
1356.	Battle of Poictiers.
1371.	Stuart dynasty established in Scotland.
1377.	Accession of Richard II.
1399.	Deposition of Richard II.
1403.	Battle of Shrewsbury.
1413.	Accession of Henry V.
1415.	Battle of Agincourt.
1422.	Henry VI. proclaimed king of France.
1461.	Edward IV. becomes king.
1485.	Battle of Bosworth Field. Tu­dor dynasty founded.
1509.	Death of Henry VII.
1512.	Henry VIII. invades France.
1520.	Field of the Cloth of Gold.
1534.	Papal authority abolished.
1547.	Accession of Edward VI.
1553.	Accession of Mary.
1558.	Accession of Elizabeth.
CONTINENTAL EUROPE.
1328.	Valois dynasty founded in France.
1358.	Turks first cross the Hellespont.
1378.	The Papacy restored in Rome.
1385.	Independence of Portugal.
1396.	Crusade in Hungary against the Turks.
1403.	Sultan Báyazid defeated by Timur.
1428.	Joan of Arc delivers Orleans.
1436.	Supposed date of invention of printing.
1453.	Constantinople taken by the Turks.
1462.	Ivan III. becomes Prince of Muscovy.
1467.	Bombs and mortars invented in Italy.
1478.	Khans of Crimea submit to Turks.
1482.	Ivan III. becomes first Tsar of Muscovy.
1483.	Cape of Good Hope discovered. (Portugal).
1492.	Discovery of America. (Spain).
1501.	Naples subdued by France.
1516.	Charles V. ascends the throne of Spain.
1517.	Egypt conquered by Turks.
1523.	Gustavus Wasa becomes king of Sweden.
1529.	Vienna besieged by the Turks.
1533.	Ivan IV. (the Terrible) suc­ceeds as Tsar.
1545.	Council of Trent assembles.
1552.	Treaty of Passau.
1584.	Death of Ivan the Terrible.
INDIA.
1325.	Death of Mahom. Tughluk, founder of Tughluk dynasty of Delhi.
1398.	Timur invades India.
1450.	Lodi dynasty of Afghans.
1498.	Arrival of Vasco de Gama at Malabar.
1509.	Albuquerque becomes viceroy of Portuguese India (d. 1519).
1526.	Baber founds Moghul (Chag-hatai) Empire.
1530.	Humayun succeeds.
1538.	Turkish attack on Portuguese at Diu.
1540.	Humayun defeated by Shir Khan at Kanauj.
1540.	Rule of Afghan Sur dynasty begins.
1555.	Return of Humayun to India.
1556.	Accession of Akbar.
CHINA.
1333.	Accession of Ching-tsung (or Tohan Timur), last Emperor of Mongol dynasty.
1368.	Ming dynasty established. Emperor Hung Wu. Capi­tal at Nanking.
1403.	Yung Loh, 2nd Ming Emperor, changes capital to Peking.
1536.	Macao granted to the Portu­guese.
1580.	(abt.) Jesuit missions first established.
1644.	Ming dynasty ends.
PERSIA.
1380	Invaded by Timur.
1399.	Invaded by Timur.
1468.	Conquered by Turkomans.
1501.	Sufavi dynasty founded by Shah Ismail.
1519.	Ismail conquers Georgia.
1525.	Accession of Shah Tahmasp.
1576.	Ismail II. succeeds.

IN Section IV. of the Introduction I have endeavoured to show that the so-called Moghuls in the fifteenth century, and even in the first half of the sixteenth, were in fact Mongols, and preserved, as far as the mass of the people was concerned, their racial character­istics. It had often been represented that they had become Turks both in type and language since about the days of Timur, but Mirza Haidar's evidence on the point was entirely opposed to this view, and it convinced me that the Moghuls of his day could not be classed as Turks. I endeavoured also to support the conclusion that the Mongol type could not be eradicated within a period of less than two centuries (see page 81) by such testimony as was forthcoming from other sources, and on general grounds of pro­bability ;* but I was not aware at that time (1894) of the existence of certain Mongol settlements in Khorasan and Herat where living testimony to the correctness of my arguments might be seen even at the present day. It is, however, a fact that communities of Mongol race and type are living now—some 500 instead of barely 200 years beyond the time when they have been said to have been absorbed—who have nevertheless been Musul-mans for the whole of the longer period, and have inhabited a country where the surrounding population has been entirely Musulman, albeit of various nations. It was only on returning to Khorasan, in the spring of 1895, that I became acquainted with these relics of the days of Chingis Khan, and had an opportunity of visiting some of them.

The places where these settlements are to be found are: (1) Sangbast, about 20 miles south-east of Meshed; (2) Nasar-i-Kurlás, some 20 to 24 miles north of Turbat-i-Haidari, and about 10 miles east of the pass of Godár-i-Bédar on the main road leading thence to Meshed; (3) some other spots within the Turbat-i-Haidari district; (4) some odd settlements in the Kain district; (5) at Kuhsán, near the frontier of Herat and Khorasan; and (6) round about the city of Herat. The few particulars I have refer only to those at Sangbast and Nasar-i-Kurlás, and they may be given separately in the form of brief extracts from my notebook:

“The whole of the walled enclosure of modern Sangbast would contain perhaps about 200 people, mostly in a state of great poverty and occupying wretched hovels among the ruins. They are nearly all either Moghuls or Hazáras. Though the two races live together, it appears that they seldom intermarry, and usually neither of them intermarry with other inhabitants of Khorasan. Still, this has not been an invariable rule of late years, from what they themselves say and from the type of countenance of some of those who claim to be Moghuls. The bulk of those I saw had unmistakable Mongolian features—so much so, that it was difficult to distinguish them from the Hazáras. They spoke Mongol freely among themselves (though to what degree corrupted I know not) and their mullah professed to write it, but when he wrote some sentences, at my request, they were in Persian characters. He did not know the Mongol written character, but produced his Mongol words in Persian letters. A few words and phrases that I happened to remember the Mongol for, I repeated to him in Persian, and he translated them correctly, without a moment's hesitation.

“The mullah had no trace of the Mongol in his face. His story was that the few families at Sangbast came, within the present generation (some forty years ago), from Herat, where a fairly large number of Mongols, or Moghuls, are still to be found. There are also a few other small communities settled in this part of Khorasan, but all seemed to have come from Herat in very recent times. The first man I spoke to called himself and his people here Chingizi (pronounced Changizi) or Chingiz-Khani. The mullah, however, said it was a very common thing among the Moghuls to call themselves Chingizi,* but in reality this community was composed of Mangut—they were descendants of the Mangut, who were a tribe of Moghuls. He continued that there were many other Moghul tribes, besides the Mangut, of whom he recited the following:—

Hukki.	Guzlak.
Burghut.	Kulás (sic, perhaps Kurlás?).
Jaotu.	Iké Arwán.
Jaghatai.	Taghári.
Laghzi.	Zi Sharka (or Zai Sharka, said to mean Fighters).
Beiri.
Nabjin.	Uzbeg.
Jawak.	Sadar Tukuz (Turki? “Nine heads”).
Marda.	No Laki (in Persian, 9 laks—900,000).

The two last can hardly be the names of Mongol tribes in any case; and it is evident, moreover, from some of the other names in his list, that the mullah is not clear as to who are Moghuls and who are not. Neither Uzbegs nor Manguts were Moghuls, for instance; and if his people here are really Manguts, how do they come to speak Mongol? The mullah added that the Hazára or Barbari were also a branch of the Moghuls, but he knew nothing of their origin, or how they came to be settled in Afghanistan.

“The Karawánás are known by name to the Moghuls. All those present recognised it immediately I mentioned it, but pronounced it Karaonás, exactly as written by Marco Polo. They could give no explanation of the name or of who the Karaonás were, though the mullah believed them to have been a section of the Moghuls. They seemed to know of none now-a-days in existence.”

“At Nasar-i-Kurlás the Moghuls also give themselves the name of ‘Chingizi.’ They maintain that 400 years ago they came from ‘Turkistan’ to the number of 12,000. Of these, 5000 settled about Herat and Kuhsán, 5000 in Kain, and 2000 in the Turbat-i-Haidari district.* At that time all were nomads—tent-dwellers. During the reign of Nádir Sháh (say the middle of the 18th century) the Turbat-i-Haidari communities became settled in houses at the spot now known as Nasar-i-Kurlás.

“Kurlás, they say, is the tribal name; but their head man holds a firmán dated 1119 Hijra, from Sháh Husain Safani, in which the following four tribes are mentioned:—

Tukalli.	Kurlás.
Chahárdui.	Yákubi.

though in the body of the document certain Yákubi are mentioned ‘in addition’ to the rest. This firmán endorses one issued by Sháh Táhmásp dated 1071 Hijra.* The firmán of Husain remits taxes from the above tribesmen, who are described as Il—or nomad tribesmen.

“The name Nasar or Nasr means the ‘cold side’ or Yelák, the opposite to which is (commonly in Khorasan) called Aftáb Ruh, or, vulgarly, Pitau, which is only a corruption of Aftáb.* Thus Aftáb Ruh would mean ‘Facing the Sun,’ and Nasar ‘Back to the Sun,’ or ‘Looking North.’

“The Kurlás Moghuls say that the Moghuls at Kuhsán call themselves Chaghatai, but that they are really Kurlás Moghuls.

“The Kurlás at Nasar put their own number at about 150 families, and in neighbouring villages at some fifty families more; but these figures are pro­bably in excess of the reality. They seem to retain comparatively little of the Mongol language.

“In the Kain region the number is said now to be 2000 to 3000 families, some of whom, however, appear to be settled in Sistan. They are still known as Kurlás and Moghul.”

In connection with these Moghul communities in Khorasan, and with the remarks on the Hazára at p. 80 (Introduction), of the Tárikh-i-Rashidi, it may perhaps be worth while to mention the view of the origin of his people which was held by a chief of the Hazára of Turbat-i-Jám, who died in 1894. The pith of a state­ment which he made to my munshi (Mirza Abdulla) was that the present Hazára belonged to one of the chief sections, or largest tribes, of the Moghuls. They rebelled against Chingiz Khan, who ordered them to be removed from Moghulistan to the Kohistán of Kabul. This order was being carried out, but Chingiz died just as the Hazára had crossed the Oxus. One of Chingiz's sons [descendant may be meant] moved part of them to the Kohistán of Kabul; but some effected their escape and settled in Bádghis.

With regard to the modern use of the names Hazára and Barbari, it may not be out of place to explain here that in Afghanistan the former is used exclusively, as far as I am aware. It is applied to all Hazáras, and the word Barbari is never heard. In Persia the two names refer to one and the same race, but the distinction is between (1) those members of it who have remained in the Hazáraját of Afghanistan, and are Shiah by religion; and (2) those who have migrated into Persia, and are usually Sunni. The former (contradictory though it may seem) are known as Barbari and the latter as Hazára. No Hazára or Barbari, it may be added, should properly be classed among the Chahár Aimák (or Four Tribes) as is so often done. These consist, according to all local authorities, of the Jamshidi, the Timuri, the Taimuni, and the Firuz-Kuhi, who are all distinct from the Hazára nation, as well in descent as in type and other respects.