Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 3

The completion of the final volume of the English translation of Akbarnāma by the late Henry Beveridge, I.C.S., has taken a long time. Mr. Beveridge completed the translation, and the last fascicle was issued in 1921. He also prepared the Index and passed pp. 1-32 of it for printing. Besides the Index, the Dedication, Introduction, Errata and Addenda to the volume and a Prefatory Note were completed before the death of the author in 1929. What was left to be accomplished was the correction, revision and printing of pp. 33-66 of the Index and other preliminary matters including the preparation of Lists of Contents, Abbreviations and additional Errata and Addenda to pp. 1-22 of the Index. Unfortunately this was not done due to a variety of causes, the most serious of which was a period of quiescence which occurred in the activities of the Society during this time. Thanks, however, to the initiative of Dr. Baini Prashad the incomplete portion of the work was taken up this year and the volume has now been completed. The work of Mr. D. K. Das, the press clerk, who laboured very hard to see it through the press, deserves special mention.

It is hoped that the reading public, while forgiving the delay of this publication, will appreciate the great erudition and care bestowed on it by Mr. Beveridge.

B. S. GUHA,

Hon. General Secretary,

Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal.

I dedicate this book, being the third and concluding volume of my translation of the historical part of the Akbarnāma, to the memory of my father and mother and to my dear wife, Annette Susannah Beveridge.

H. BEVERIDGE.

I have at last finished the translation of the historical part of the Akbarnāma. It has occupied me, with occasional interruptions, for over twenty years, and I must confess that the work has not been always congenial. In fact, I must say that I began it with a feeling of aversion. I had the idea that Abu-l-Faẓl was a rhetorician and a shameless flatterer. And I admit that the feeling still remains. I must also say that his style, especially in the later volumes, is tortuous and obscure. Possibly, this is due to the loss, during the progress of the work, of Faiẓī, his elder brother, who was a poet and who revised part of the book, and who, presumably, improved Abu-l-Faẓl's style. Left to himself, he may have adopted a still more stilted and archaic style which, perhaps, he picked up from 'Abdullah Waṣṣāf and others, with the result that he became even more obscure than he was originally. But I must go on to say that his indomitable industry, and his accuracy wherever he was not, from prudential motives, suppressing the truth, have at length overcome me, and I leave him with greater feelings of respect than I began with. After all, when everything has been said that can be said against Abu-l-Faẓl, should we not be grateful to him for his book? If he had not given so many years of nights and days to his task, where would we have looked for a knowledge of many important facts of Indian history? And what a pity it is that Jehāngīr, Akbar's unworthy son, should have murdered the author, when he was approaching the end of his task and when there were not wanting signs that he was beginning to see that there were spots on his sun and that his idol had not worked out the beast!

I believe that I am indebted to my learned friend Dr. Hoernle, C.I.E., for having led me to undertake the translation of the Akbarnāma. He it was who, as Philological Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, set me on a task for which I, a poor opsimath, was very imperfectly fitted. I hope I have improved as I went on, but the want of early training in scholarship can never be made good.

Since I finished the translation, I have been engaged in making the Index. Not that I have any skill in such work, but I have thought that if I did not do it, no one else was likely to undertake it, and that my translation, to use the expression quoted by Mr. Norton, the Indian Barrister, might remain a costly tool without a handle. So, I have begun it and have nearly got to the end of the letter M which is by far the biggest letter in an index to a Muḥammadan work. I have also made a list of Errata and Addenda. I am sorry that they are so many and so important, but it is satisfactory that I have found them and acknowledged them. I do not think that it would repay any one to read through my translation of the Akbarnāma, and I very much doubt if any one will do so. I think the world is too busy for this. What I would recommend is that somebody should abridge the book. He, or she, might profitably omit the horoscopes and the biographies of Akbar's real or imaginary predecessors and ancestors before Bābur. He might also omit the strings of names, the discussion about comets and a digression, in the third volume, into Persian History. He might also curtail occasional verbiage. On the other hand, he might, I think, add “The Sayings of Akbar” in Colonel Jarrett's translation, with perhaps some additions and corrections, and Abu-l-Faẓl's account of his early struggles. He might also add, in the original Latin, Monserrate's description of Akbar's person, pp. 640-41 of his Commentary, A.S.B. edition. I am too old and feeble for such work and shall only say “Exoriare aliquis nostris e vocibus auctor.”

Abu-l-Faẓl is not a picturesque writer, nor are his reflections profound or affecting. Very seldom does he make an interesting remark. He has not the charm of Herodotus, nor the outspokenness and raciness of the crabbed, bigoted and sinful Badāūnī. He seldom tells a story without spoiling it. See, for instance, the account of Akbar's chivalrous rescue of the Jodhpūr Rajah's daughter from a compulsory Satī. We are not told her name, nor the length of Akbar's ride, nor any other of the little details which would have enhanced the interest of the narrative. Perhaps the best instance of his picturesqueness is the account of Rūpmatī's death, and his most sensible remark is that in the third volume where he says that the accounts of a battle are like the blind men's descriptions of an elephant.

On the other hand, Abu-l-Faẓl's love for sources—the Quellen of the Germans—is far in advance of his age. To him we owe not only the Akbarnāma but also the Memoirs of Gulbadn Begam, Jauhar the ewer-bearer, Bajazat (Bāyazīd) Biyat and, perhaps, Niẓāmu-d-dīn's history. But I have treated of this matter in a paper published in the J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XIV, 1918, p. 469.

I should also like to say something about Abu-l-Faẓl's flattery of Akbar. It is gross, but it is not unnatural, and is in part the result of an honest hero-worship. We must remember the position of the two men. Akbar was emperor of India and a very remarkable man. He had raised Abu-l-Faẓl and his family from indigence and obscurity to affluence and power. It must also be borne in mind that Akbar was the elder of the two men. He was born in October, 1542, and Abu-l-Faẓl in January, 1550, so that there were seven years and more between them. Akbar therefore was in the position of an elder brother. This, when added to the attraction of Akbar's position as sovereign, was more than human nature could withstand. Even Badāūnī felt this I believe too that Abu-l-Faẓl really thought that the fact of Akbar's ignorance of reading and writing, when combined with his mental gifts, placed him in the category of inspired beings or super-men and placed him on a level with such prodigies as Buddha, Zoroaster and Muḥammad, if indeed he was not superior to them. That Abu-l-Faẓl really believed in Muḥammad's spiritual greatness, seems to be proved by his occasional involuntary ejaculations, and by the labour and cost which he bestowed on making copies of the Qorān and in publishing an elaborate commentary on it. It is also well-known that all orientals used to believe, and probably do so still, in mystics and fanatics. See also Akbar's own saying, Jarrett, III, 385: “The prophets were all illiterate. Believers should therefore retain one of their sons in that condition.” He did not, however, keep any of his three sons uneducated.

Abu-l-Faẓl's general accuracy has been vindicated against Elphinstone, who has made a charge against him which is based on Elphinstone's own imperfect knowledge of Persian. I refer to a note in the latter's History of India, p. 452 of the 4th edition, 1857, which I have quoted at p. 731 of my translation; Elphinstone says there that A. F., after giving a full description of the disaster in Afghānistān, concludes by stating the loss at (only) 500 men. Now the work in the original for “men” is kas, and this in Persian has two meanings. Firstly, it means ordinary persons or “no-account men.” Secondly, it means persons of distinction, that is, personages, and the context shows that the word is used here by A. F. in the secondary sense. On this point see Vullers' Dict., II, 831, where kas is rendered by vir dignus, and Richardson, 1008a. And that the 500 of A. F. here means 500 notables or men of rank, is sufficiently evidenced, I think, by the fact that Ferishta and Badāūnī, while stating the loss at 8,000 and more, make no comment on A. F.'s 500 which would have been quite contrary to their statements if kas had been understood by them to mean the total loss. Blochmann, too, in p. 345 of his Āīn translation, has “500 officers fell.” Here it may be remarked in passing that Blochmann has inadvertently said that the disaster took place in the Khyber. It should have been Kekur or Balandarī in the Yūsufzai country. A. F.'s character for accuracy is also supported by Monserrate's Commentary where he describes the campaign against Muḥammad Ḥakīm in Afghānistān. Indeed, the two accounts, A. F.'s in the Akbarnāma and Monserrate's in the Commentary, agree so well that one thinks they must have discussed the expedition together. Both of them were in it, but Monserrate's is fuller, and where he states something more than A. F. does, for example, where he describes the interview of Muḥammad Ḥakīm's sister with Akbar in Cabul, where she pleaded the cause of her brother, Monserrate's statement should be preferred.

Lord Macaulay, in his History of England, remarks: “To speak the whole truth concerning William Penn, is a task which requires some courage, for he is rather a mythical than a historical character. Rival nations and hostile sects have agreed in canonising him.” A similar remark might be made about Akbar, and my point is not affected by doubts as to whether Sir James Makintosh and Macaulay were right in identifying the go-between in the affair of the pardons with the apostle of Pennsylvania. They may have been wrong. This is a question I am not competent to decide, but on account of my love and admiration for Macaulay's writings, I may be allowed to say that I have never seen any proof that Penn the intriguer and Penn the Quaker were two different persons. All I think that Macaulay's detractors have shown is that there was another Penn who dabbled in the political intrigues of the day, and that so he may have been the guilty person in the affair of the pardons. But proof that he was so, seems to be wanting. I admit, however, that Macaulay's note is not as conclusive as, perhaps, it might have been.

To return to Akbar. He certainly has been over-praised. He had charming qualities and had a keen intellect, but he was by no means a saint or a philosopher. He had by no means worked out the beast, and he had the defects of his age and race, and of his own idiosyncrasy. If regarded as a Man, who makes his moral being his first care, he was inferior to the bigoted Aurungzeb. After all, he was a Tārtār, or at best had Cingiz Khān blood in his veins. He was both ruthless and self-indulgent. The man who could order^xiiia a lamp-lighter to be flung over the battlements for the crime of having fallen asleep in an imperial bed, and could condemn some twenty children to death or idiocy because, like Psammaticus of Egypt, he could learn in this way what was man's primæval language,^xiiib and who could subject an officer to the agony of being thrown under the feet of an elephant even though the beast had been privately ordered not to kill him, was at heart a savage. This has been well put by my friend Vincent Smith in a note to p. 343 of his life of Akbar.

On another occasion, when he was on the banks of the Indus in 1581, he sent an officer to look for a ford. (Monserrate, p. 582). The man went up-stream for 25 miles, but could not find a ford and was told by the villagers that there was not any ford in that part of the country and so he returned. But as Akbar found that he had not gone as far as he had directed him to go, he ordered him to be taken to the place he (Akbar) ḥad mentioned to him, tied upon an inflated ox-hide and flung into the river! When this order was given practically the whole army turned out to see what would happen. The unfortunate man was carried down the stream, lamenting and crying for pardon. When he was passing the imperial tent he was taken out by Akbar's orders but his property was confiscated and he himself was publicly sold as a slaye. A friend bought him in for eighty pieces of gold, taken, apparently, from the royal treasury, and he was eventually pardoned!

Akbar's order to the officer was that he should inquire if the Indus could be forded anywhere on horse-back. After Prince Jelālu-d-dīn's exploit in Cingiz Khān's time it was perhaps impossible to say that the Indus could not be crossed by cavalry. But it would seem that for practical purposes the Indus is unfordable either above or below Attock unless one goes very far upstream. Even when the Indus or the Cabul river is fordable, they are liable to sudden freshets as shown by a melancholy experience near Jelālābād during the Afghān war. Major Rennell says in his Memoir of 1792, p. 98: “The Indus is sometimes fordable above Attock, but we never hear of its being fordable below.”

The Akbarnāma tells us that on another occasion Akbar, in anger at a poor man coming into his presence drunk, had him drenched with cold water with the result that he eventually died of shock.

The love of cruelty for its own sake was a characteristic of the age and race, and was shown in the chivalrous Bābur who had a man flayed alive and who had men killed by inches, and in the generally humane Humāyūn and in Akbar's son Jehāngīr who took pleasure in inventing new methods of killing people, such as causing them to be bitten by snakes and who inflicted the lingering death of impalement upon rebels, and added thereto the making his son witness the deaths of his followers. It is true that Akbar, after he became half a Hindu or half a Parsee, expressed horror at his son's cruelties, but it was Akbar who hanged the innocent Manṣūr Shīrāzī, and it was he who killed or connived at the killing of his old and once venerated teacher! There is ground for the current native view of Akbar that he was a man who could disembowel a pregnant woman in order to see what she carried in her bosom, even if it be not true that he actually did this.

I may add that if the tradition that Akbar buried the slave-girl Anārkalī (the pomegranate flower) alive for the crime of exchanging a glance with his son Selīm (afterwards Jehāngīr) be true, he committed an atrocity which excuses, if it does not justify, the son for making war upon him, and might even have excused an act of parricide.

The tomb and its touching inscription still exist, but the bigotry of a good but narrow-minded Bishop caused it to be removed from the mosque (now the English Church) into what the Imperial Gazetteer of India euphemistically calls “a repertory of Secretarial records,” in plain language, a daftarḵẖāna, to lumber-room for waste paper! But perhaps Lord Curzon had the tomb removed to a more fitting place.

Like many Eastern potentates Akbar had a feeling of the paltriness of life, and an interest in religion. His father and grandfather had similar emotions, and these were also felt by his grandfather's great antagonist—Shaibānī Khān of Samarḳand. Unfortunately, Akbar, though a man of genius and one eager in the quest of truth, was less educated than were his ancestors. He could not even read and write. He had been told, perhaps, that the apostle Muḥammad was an ignorant man and this may have encouraged him to neglect studies. There also seems to be no doubt that for an oriental he was of singularly slow development. As a boy, he seems to have passed most of his time in amusements such as pigeon-flying, and in good eating. This, apparently, is what Abu-l-Faẓl means when he so often says that Akbar remained long under the veil. When he grew up, his flatterers told him that his educational deficiencies were an advantage. But he came too late into the world to play the part of an ignorant and inspired prophet, even if he had not been born in too high a position of power and responsibility to be fitted for it. It is probable that if he had known to read and write he would have been saved from one of his worst blunders and crimes, that of his putting to death the innocent and able Persian Shāh Manṣūr. For then he would have been able to detect the forgeries which caused the condemnation. Such knowledge also might have saved him from his rash interference with chronology. It is creditable to Akbar that he endeavoured to give a good education to his sons.

Like most religious innovators, he began by being very orthodox. Having been brought up as a Muḥammadan he began by being pious and very observant of the rules of the Qorān. Religion was in the air when he came to the throne and he strove to imitate the ceremonial exercises of Sulaimān Kararānī the ruler of Bengal and the other Sulaimān who was ruler of Badakhshān. This feeling continued to influence Akbar for many years, and Niẓāmu-d-dīn, the excellent and orthodox historian, tells us in his account of the 24th and 25th years of the reign that Akbar at that time used to join in the public prayers five times a day. See p. 344 of Newal Keshore's lithographed edition of the Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī. Akbar, indeed, continued his practices of outward devotion long after he had ceased to be a believer. See the accounts of his public devotion to an alleged Holy Stone, and his repeated visits to the Ajmere shrine. And Monserrate tells us that he had a private oratory carried about with him during his advance into Afghānistān, though it disappeared during his return journey. Probably this was used for quasi Christian practices such as an adoration of the Virgin Mary, and also for Parsee rites.

In May 1578 and the 23rd year of the reign, 14 Ṣafr 986 A.H. he had a strange experience which is described in the third volume of the Akbarnāma, see my note p. 345, and also Niẓāmu-d-dīn Aḥmad's history and in Badāūnī. Akbar had arranged to hold a great circular hunting-drive which is called by a word which is half Arabic and half Persian (Qamargāh) qamar being Arabic for the moon, and gāh, which is Persian for place. Birds and beasts had been gathered together, for miles round near the river Jhelam in a place called Nandana in the Pind Dādan Khān taḥsil of the Jhelam district of the Punjab. Suddenly, a change came over Akbar and he ordered every bird and beast to be released and the hunting arrangements to be abandoned. It was not known what had caused this change, but it was supposed to be a case of jaẕba or spiritual attraction. It was supposed that he had had a vision, or that some hermit had visited him. Shortly afterwards his mother came from Fatḥpūr Sikrī to see him. Probably, she had been alarmed at the news about her son, as it had caused a good deal of public commotion. The result was that he gave up further progress into the Punjab and went back with his mother to Fatḥpūr Sikrī. The incident reminds one of the “Tolle lege tolle lege” as St. Augustine's confessions. Both took place in a forest, and both were cases of a sudden conversion, or of a conviction of sin. But the two were not of equal value. St. Augustine's resulted in purification and change of life. Akbar's was less lasting and less beneficial. It does not appear that he led a better life afterwards or that it had any other effect upon himself or the world than to increase his self-conceit and to lead him to the fantastic attempt to establish a new Religion, the Divine Faith, which died out after his death. He was about the same age as St. Augustine when the change came to them both. But Akbar was not a student and he was more tied and bound by the chain of his sins and his position than was Augustine. His life too was probably far more worn. He was thirty-four or so when the jaẕba occurred, and St. Augustine was two or three years younger when the change came to him.

It will be seen that the attractive incident took place before the arrival of the Jesuit Mission.

I fear that Akbar was too much tied and bound with the chain of his sins—the sin which doth so easily beset us—and also by his regard for his wives of whom he had more than 300, to accept Father Rudolf's exhortations. Indeed who but a young and impetuous fanatic like the Duke's son could expect him to do so. I doubt very much if Monserrate made similar demands on the emperor.

There was a great discovery in our knowledge of Akbar's character and of his campaign in Afghānistān when Canon Firminger found the original Latin edition of Father Monserrate's commentaries in the Library of the Calcutta Cathedral. How General Maclagon would have been delighted if he had met in with the volume! But it fell into good hands when Canon Firminger discovered it in 1906 and when Father Hosten, S.J., edited it in 1914. The history of the MS. is a curious one, but is not yet completely known. Father Anthony Monserrate, the author, was a Spaniard and was born in Catalonia in 1536. His father was personally acquainted with Ignatius Loyola, and Anthony became a member of the S.J. In 1574 he embarked for India. He and Father Rudolf were the two missionaries who were sent to Akbar at his request to instruct him on the Bible. They left Goa in November 1579, and arrived at the Court in Fatḥpūr Sikrī in February 1580 and had an audience early in March. Rudolf was an Italian and of noble descent, his father having been Duke of Atri in the Abruzzi and his paternal uncle Claude Aquaviva being General of the Jesuits. Rudolf was born in October 1550 so that he was 15 or 16 years younger than Monserrate. The two missionaries lived together for a good while but in February 1581 Monserrate accompanied Akbar in his expedition to the Punjab and Afghānistān. See Commentary p. 580. In November 1582 Akbar and Monserrate returned to Fatḥpūr Sikrī. Rudolf, who had joined Akbar at Lahore, also came back with him. In May 1583 Rudolf took leave of Akbar and went to Goa, and in July of that year he was killed by the villagers. May 1583 is given in Father Goldin's book (Chronology Table) as the date of Rudolf's return, but Father Hosten says (p. 521) that he left in February, and perhaps May is the date when Rudolf arrived at Goa. Monserrate had already left for Goa in the end of 1582 in order to go with Akbar's Moghul Ambassador to Portugal. But the embassy never got any further than Goa. Monserrate was at Goa when Rudolf was killed, but apparently was not present at the martyrdom. Eventually Monserrate was sent on a mission to Ethiopia, but was wrecked at Dofar in Arabia and was captured by the Turks there and taken to Eynam and afterwards to Sanan where he was imprisoned for over six years. He finished his Commentary there in January 1591. He was ransomed and returned to Goa in 1596. He was afterwards posted to Salsette and died there in 1600.

Monserrate's simple piety gave an explanation of the real cause of the failure of the mission. It failed, he says, because Akbar's invitation for the mission had not been divinely inspired (Comm. 638) for if this had been the case nothing could have stopped or prevented its success. Nam si opus hoc a Deo fuisset, nullis incommodis, aut obstaculis, inpediri non potuisset. At vero, quia non erat a Deo, per seipsum, etiam renitente Rege, concidit et dissolutum est.

No, dear Father Monserrat! Your mission, at least as far as you were concerned, was not a total failure. It gave rise to a valuable book. We should remember too the lines in the Epic of Hades, which John Bright admired and which tell how far high failure overleaps the bounds of low success. Nor was Rudolf's blood altogether wasted. Doubtless his teachings and his death had a good influence on Akbar and Muḥammadan Court.

Monserrate has a long and eloquent eulogium on Father Rudolf who, no doubt, was a noble-minded man, but wanting in gnosis. He might have done much good at Agra. He might have converted Akbar's three sons who were all favourably disposed towards him and were allowed by Akbar to attend his teaching. He was a quick man and speedily attained a good knowledge of Persian. But he weakened himself by his fastings and scourgings and did much less good to India and the world than Monserrate. The latter produced a book of priceless value, and stuck to his post. Nor was he responsible for the deaths of four Christians, and for the cruel reprisals perpetrated by the Portuguese civil authorities.

Monserrate worked at his book for eight years and finished it in 1591. He does not tell us much about himself, but there is something touching in his finding consolation for his years in prison from the fact that he had a priest as his companion to whom he could make a full confession (propter exomologesem). Poor man, shut up as he was, he could not have material for a long confession. That he was not all unhappy is shown by his saying of his imprisonment that his lines had fallen in pleasant places.

Selīm, afterwards Jehāngīr, accompanied his father, and so also did Murād, the second son, to whom Monserrate was tutor. Father Rudolf, the Duke's son, remained at Fatḥpūr. His uncle was Claude Acquaviva the General (Praepositus) of the Jesuits order. Rudolf went up-country afterwards to meet Akbar on his way back from Cabul, but fell ill at Sirhind. He afterwards joined Akbar at Lahore, and the two returned together to Agra or Fatḥpūr. He eventually left the Court and went back to Goa in 1583, where he arrived in May. Three months afterwards he was killed by the Hindu villagers of the Goa-Salsette, along with four other Christians at Cunculim. All five were beatified by the Pope as recently as 1893. Rudolf was more brilliant than Monserrate and distinguished himself by the rapidity with which he acquired the Persian language. He was perhaps more ascetic and saint-like than Monserrate, but I doubt if his canonisation was altogether justifiable. Apparently, he had no business to go destroying idols, which was what led to his death. For he was only a private individual and was not supported in his visit to Cunculim by the Portuguese civil authorities. This point was taken by the Devil's advocate at one of the investigations into his claims as a martyr, but probably it was feebly urged. He himself had a keen desire to become a martyr, and was distressed to find that there was little chance of thus acquiring such a crown as long as he was at Akbar's Court. He had the intolerance and impatience of his youth and upbringing. To me it seems that he committed a great mistake in leaving Fatḥpūr. It is true that there was no likelihood of his converting Akbar, and how could he expect Akbar to repudiate his more than 300 wives, and to confine himself to the aged lady whom he had married in his childhood. Akbar might have answered as Agrippa did to St. Paul: “With but little persuasion thou wouldest fain make me a Christian.” But he might have exercised a great and beneficial influence over Akbar's wives and children. Akbar allowed the missionaries to talk freely to his children and even to proselytise them.

Monserrate was sent off to Ethiopia after the failure of the embassy to Europe. He was captured at Dhofar or Dofa (Ẓafr?) in South Arabia in the end of 1588 or beginning of 1589. From there he was taken to Eynan (Ainad) and then to Sanan. Altogether he was 6 1/2 years a prisoner in Arabia. His imprisonment does not seem to have been a hard one. He calls it an ergastution and I am not sure if this means that he had to work or that it was confinement only. He was released at last, perhaps in consequence of a ransom, and returned to Goa in the end of 1596. He died at Goa-Salsette in March 1600.

When Monserrate went off with Akbar, his companion and superior Father Rudolf remained alone at Fatḥpūr Sikrī. He was of high rank and of stainless character. But he was young and impetuous and wanting tact and commonsense.

Akbar liked him and regretted his death. But it seems evident that Akbar preferred the quieter Monserrate as a companion for he took him with him in his long march to Cabul instead of Rudolf. He, however, left Monserrate at Jalālābād out of consideration for his health.

That Father Rudolf had a ready wit is shown by the dexterity with which he met the outcry of a Parsee at Surat. They were discussing religious topics and the Father, perhaps accidentally, opened a casquet (scriniolum) which contained some relics. They were the bones of St. Stephen, the Protomartyr and other saints. The Parsee was horrified, started back and said “These are the bones of dead men, I cannot wait here and I must rend the clothes I am wearing.” Rudolf pacified him by saying: “We do not carry about with us dead men's bones. These are the bones of living men.” And with that he closed the casquet. A similar remark was made not long ago, though from a different point of view, when there was a question about the proper site for a bridge over the Hooghly. The engineers found that the best site for one end of the bridge was one which was very near some saints' graves. The Muḥammadans objected to these being disturbed. An Englishman replied that the saints were dead and so would not be hurt by the removal of the bones. But the rejoinder was that saints were not dead though no longer on earth, but were still living.

The question arises, what should now be done with Monserrate's autograph Commentary? He wanted to send it to Rome to the general of the Jesuits. But, apparently no autograph or copy was ever sent there. Monserrate died in India in 1600, and his papers seem to have been dispersed. Perhaps, they fell into the hands of that eminent but misguided antiquary and scholar Colonel Wilford who, I believe, was a Hanoverian. It seems to me that the proper thing to do now would be to follow the example of the Archbishop of Canterbury and his gift to America of the Log of the Magbloner and to send the Calcutta Cathedral autograph to the Jesuit College in Rome, or to the Pope.

But I think that another attempt should be made to find another copy, and that before sending the autograph to Italy, it should be submitted to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge and that they be requested to revise the edition published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Father Hosten did excellent work in editing the Commentary but it is difficult to edit properly from one copy. Experts too might be asked to examine the MS. and to furnish full notes. Several readings want revision.

H. BEVERIDGE.

I refresh my words with the name of God
For his name guides to Reality.
For to this end gave He us tongues
Speech^1a cannot rival Praise in weight
What weight can God-knowing Reason assign to it?
In the desert which casts down the litter
Men cannot tread with speech's foot
The orator whose fame resounds to the sky
Utters in this plain the cry of lamentation.

Alas, Alas! What strength has an accidental atom tossed about in the desert of bewilderment and thirst to attempt the comprehension of the stablished Sun? What force has it to rise from the hollow of Error to the height of Recognition? How can it reckon potsherds of its fancies and the frayed tinsel of its knowledge among the rareties of the storehouse of truths and the excellencies of substantive treasuries?

The Divine mysteries are not comprehended by us
Nor is the ocean contained in the cowry!^1b
Neither sage nor simpleton can grasp them
The chamaeleon^1c is blinded, even as the bat.

But simple-minded terrestrials convert into materials for Divine praise, whatever perfections they find in the record of their own conduct, or gather from the volume^2a of enlightenment, and although the incomparable Personality be excluded from their ken they regard those things as the Divine Attributes. Inasmuch as the unequalled Creator chants His own praise with the glorious voice ² of His marvels and recites the tale of His panegyric with creation's tongue, even if I admitted that there could come to any one the heaven-measuring power of eulogising God, still such an one would stay his hand when so great a blaze of the sun of truth was presented to his eye and ear, and would not turn to his own skill nor lift the head of understanding from the abyss of ecstacy. And let praise for ever and ever be given to the divinely chosen ones, who are the gardeners of the aromatic herbs of morals, and the unveilers of spiritual and physical mysteries, for that they have in this glorious audience hall consigned the books of their own knowledge to the waters^2b of silence, and have trodden the line of ignorance, folded up the pages of their eloquence and opened a tongueless^2c tongue. Therefore it is far better that this wanderer in bewilderment's desert should address himself to the recording the events of a rule which is conjoined with eternity and should by one^2d great performance in some degree set in order two arduous tasks!

Glory to God the Incomparable, the Formless
That He hath made such a mirror of His beauty as the Shāh.
His glorious substance is beyond thought's ken
And his letter is beyond Reason's line,—Glory to Him!

His (Akbar's) keen eye is the astrolabe^2e of the substantive sun— his truth-discerning heart is the celestial observatory of Attributes— he is of noble lineage, of joyous countenance—of right disposition— of open brow—of well-proportioned frame—of magnanimous nature— of lofty genius—of pure purpose—of enduring faith—of perfect wisdom—begirt with varied talents—of wide capacity—of high honour—of splendid courage—of right judgment—of choice counsel —of generosity unfeigned—of boundless forgiveness, abundant in graciousness—at peace with all-compendium of dominion—of plenteous sincerity—multiple of single-minded warriors—abounding in wealth—accumulator^3a of the world's rareties—of pure heart—unspotted by the world—leader of the spiritual realm—of enduring alertness! How has he been gathered together into one place? Or how doth a single body upbear him on the shoulders of genius?

Sphere of wisdom and vision, Akbar Shāh the Only One
Whose brow has opened on the earth like the dawn
A king whose eyes have been lessoned by the heart
A king who has been taught by Wisdom in person.

Glory be to God the Creator, who hath made the adorner of the kingly throne a witness of His lovely and awful attributes, and hath made the standard-bearer of God's shadow an ensample of His glorious praises.

An Alexander-minded Elias^3b the producer of the fountain
Determiner of the Pole-star, expounder of the Almagest
The substance of kingship and saintship is in him
The magazine of divine mysteries is in him
From his great power, he is the head of princes
From his wondrous wisdom, he is the famed of epochs
While night and day endure, may his night be day ³
May his kingdom's jewel illumine the night.

If (even) by rising and falling (i.e., stumbling) I cannot attain to the court of his praise (because) auspicious speech has not been granted to me, nor the glory of wisdom vouchsafed, and if I address myself to the beginning of that task with a short-fingered hand and a broken pen, I shall be involved in a typhoon of shame, and shall find no path^4a to the shore of the ocean! How shall I describe in mortal speech his noble qualities and glorious gifts which are known to those who preside over the heavens? Who shall dare to advance beyond the limit of his capacity? 'Tis true enlightenment to turn away my heart from this and to address myself to my noble task with the help of the arm of Faith. I must accept the secret message and withhold my soul from the suggestions of the devilish carnal spirit (deo-nafs),^4b and by legitimate necromancy make my inner and outer man dazzling to the eyes of the profound and critical. I must fulfil in some measure the various obligations of expressing thanks and carry on the task of adorning dominion. I must suspend in the antechamber of my being the charm for awakening the sleepers and the talisman for insensing the infatuated.

I wrote in this book the thought
That a memorial of me might remain in the world
Perhaps on beholding this garden
Friends may utter a benediction on me
By virtue of imploring the genius of the ancients,
May my^4c heart and speech accord.

When favour was shown to me the empty-headed one, and the door of design was opened for me, a ray was cast upon my clear heart to the effect that a separate volume should be indited for every thirty years of the transactions of the earth's lord, so that the heavy burden of expectancy should be lightened somewhat for the students of the age, and that mortals might be cheered by learning something of the wondrous fortune of the world-ruler. And also that there might be for all—both those near and those afar off—a general distribution of the Divine abundance. With this view, the series of endless epochs was begun at the commencement of the existence of the Lord of the saints. With this heavenly note the drums of joy beat high.

I hope that this record may become valuable
That it may be impressed on the world and be a thing of joy.
From the blessing of the wise king's approbation.
It receives both its name and its fame.

Though this is the middle of the seventeenth Divine year from the accession of thē Prince of rulers, yet a message of eternal dominion brought the mandate that the second cycle should be dated with reference to the time of the brightening of the face of the “Beloved of Creation” (shāhid-i-āfrīnish).

Let the second cycle begin from the Birth
May it be glorious, O God, by conquests
May the foot of his dominion be stable, and his fortune firm
May he be an eternal king in a fading world
A happy morn has dawned for the Age ⁴
May this orient light fill the western sky
The throne of his fortune's power long endures
Whom celestial auxiliaries have chosen.

One^5b of the occurrences of this time was that Sulaimān Kararānī who exhaled the breath of power in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar departed this life. Ascetic sages, and politicians who had regard to the repose of mortals, which is bound up with one rule, one ruler, one guide, one aim and one thought, recognised in the emergence of this event an instance of the helps of fortune, whilst those who were void of understanding and who made the agitation of the black-fated Afghans in the eastern provinces an argument in support of their own views, and opposed the expedition to Gujrat, were by this event cast into the pit of failure. Another faction whose narrow intellects could not comprehend the idea of marching to Gujrat and of overcoming it, and which indulged in foolish prattle, made the event a pretext for prating and urged the propriety of marching to the eastern provinces. As the God-worshipping Khedive reflected that the oppressed ones of Gujrat should be brought into the cradle of grace he did not give ear to these futilities and said with his holy lips that it was good that the news of Sulaimān's death had come during the march to Gujrat, for had it come while he was in the capital, assuredly he would, out of deference to the opinions of most of his officers, have addressed himself in the first place to an expedition to the eastern provinces. What necessity was there now for the Shahinshāh's personal visit to these countries after Sulaimān's death? Now the conquest of that country would be accomplished by the skill and courage of the officers. Accordingly an order was sent to Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān that he should conquer Bihar, Bengal and Orissa in concurrence with the other officers.

One of the occurrences was the wounding of the Khān^6a Kalān. The account of this is as follows:—The Khān Kalān and other great officers—who had been made a vanguard—reached the town of Bhādrajan^6b which is near Sirohī, and were halting there. Rai Mān Singh Deohra, the chief of Sirohi, took to feline tricks and sent some Rājputs as envoys, and professed obedience. When they had paid their respects to the Khān Kalān, he, at the time of dismissal, called up each one of them, and, in accordance with the Indian custom, was giving pān to each and bidding them adieu. One of these daring and furious men struck a blow with his dagger between the Khān Kalān's collar-bone so that the point came out below the shoulder-blade to the extent of three finger-breadths. Bahādur K. Turbatī, one of his servants ran and felled the Rajput to the ground. Ṣādiq Khān and Muḥammad Qulī Khān acted with promptitude and killed him. Others were stretched upon the ground as being involved in his wickedness. When the truth of the affair was ⁵ brought to the hearing of H.M. he, in contradiction to the foolish fancies of men of small capacity, prosecuted more earnestly the conquest of Gujrat. He arrived on the day of Tīr, the 13 Abān Divine month (about 20 October 1572,) at the place where the officers had been previously, and who now came in to welcome him. When he perceived that there was such rebellion on the part of the men of Sirohī he issued an order that the victorious troops should march to Sirohī and should demolish the rebels thereof. He also decided to go there himself. On the day of Sarosh, the 17 Abān Divine month he encamped in the territory of Sirohī. The presumptuous ones of that country took refuge in the mountain-defiles. In accordance with the custom which prevails among turbulent Rajputs of a number surrounding their master's palace, and of some of them establishing themselves in an idol-temple, a large body of men collected in a temple^7a of Mahādeo which was one kos distant from Sirohī. The world's lord restrained the alert heroes from making war on this canaille and sent off swordsmen and archers on foot to account for these doomed ones. Among the servants of the threshold of fortune, Dost Muḥammad, the son of Tātār Khān missed his way and drank the sherbet of death.

One of the occurrences was that Yār 'Alī Beg Turkamān came with a number of Persians on behalf of Sulṭān Muḥammad Khudābanda, the eldest son of Shāh Ṭahmāsp, who was governor of Khurāsān for his father, with the rareties of Persia as an emissary.^8a He was received with princely favours.

At this stage (Sirohī) an order was issued to Rai Rai Singh and a number of servants to abide in the territories of Jodhpur and Sirohī and to exercise supervision therein, so that if the disaffected should on hearing of the advance of the royal army wish to come out of Gujrat and cause disturbance in the imperial territories, they might be prevented. When the Shāhinshāh's mind was at ease about the affairs of that country he marched onwards. From the borders of Pattan he sent forward Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn^8b with rescripts to 'Itimād Khan, who had repeatedly sent petitions and had expressed desires for the arrival of the exalted court, and gave him salutary advices to guide him in the paths of auspiciousness. When H.M. had halted in the vicinity of the town of Dīha,^8c the intelligencers reported to him that when Sher Khān, who had possession of Ahmadābad, had heard of the royal advance he had fled to the territory of Surat^8d and Jūnagarh, and had sent his sons Muḥammad Khān and Badar to ⁶ Pattan to convey his family and goods to places of safety. They had now done so and were proceeding to rejoin their father. Also that Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M., who had come to help 'Itimād Khān, had gone back to his own estate and that 'Itimād Khān intended to wait upon H.M. H.M. sent Rajah^8e Mān Singh and a body of troops to seize Sher Khān's sons, but they fled to the defiles. The troops, however, came up with their baggage and were victorious. On the day of Ashtâd 26 Ābān Divine month, corresponding to Saturday 1 Rajab (7 November) 1572, H.M. encamped in the pleasant city of Pattan which was formerly known as Nahrwāla. The inhabitants, both high and low, showed reliance on the justice and kindness of the Shāhinshāh and tendered their homage. H.M. directed his attention to Mīrzā Khān and questioned him about the martyrdom of Bairām Khān (his father). In his graciousness he said that he would make over Pattan to him, and that as at present he had not the means^9a of looking after it, Saiyid Aḥmad Khān would be appointed to take care of it. From this place he deputed Ḥakim 'Ain-al-mulk to bring to court 'Itimād Khān and Mīr Abū Turāb. Mīrzā Muqīm, who was related to M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, was one of the first to take the path of auspiciousness and to come and kiss the threshold. Here, too, the good services of Moẓaffar Khān were called to mind, and as his merits were found to outweigh his defects, an order was issued rescinding his departure for the Ḥijāz, and bringing him to Court. On 3 Āẕar Divine month or 7 Rajab (13 November 1572), H.M. marched towards Ahmadābād.

When he reached Jutāna^9b it appeared that Moẓaffar Gujrātī, who was the document of sovereignty for the Gujrātīs, had separated from Sher Khan Faulādī and was wandering about in a distracted state in the neighbourhood. Mīr Khān Yesāwal and Farīd Qarāwal were sent, and after them were despatched Abū-l-qāsim Namakīn^9c and Karm 'Alī to investigate and to bring that confused wanderer to court. When Mīr Khān had gone some way, Moẓaffar's umbrella and canopy fell into his hands. He was then joined by Mīr Abū-l-qāsim and Karm 'Alī who had followed him. They went on and at last Mīr Khān seized Moẓaffar, who was hiding in a corn-field, and brought him before H.M. He had compassion on him and made him over to Karm 'Alī. On the night of the same day Mīr Saiyid Ḥāmid Bukhāri and Ulugh Beg Ḥabshī arrived with their troops and did homage, and were encompassed with royal favours. No long time had elapsed after that when Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn and Ḥakīm Ainu-l-mulk brought to Court Mīr Abū Turāb, who was the chief ⁷ counsellor of Gujrat, and reported that 'Itimād Khān was coming to offer his submission. Before Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn arrived, he had sent Mīr Abū Turāb, Wajīh-al-mulk and Mujāhid Khān to court in order that they might procure him fresh confidence and then return. When Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn met in with the envoys, he comforted them and went on to 'Itimād Khān. Ḥakīm 'Ain-al-mulk came and turned back Abū Turāb and carried him to Aḥmadābād. After much discussion all the Gujrat officers and grandees of that country set their hearts to loyalty and glorified the faces of the coins and the tops of the pulpits with the name of H.M. the Shāhinshāh and proceeded to court. 'Itīmād Khān dismissed the ambassadors along with Mir Abū Turāb from the town of Karī.^10a When this news was brought to the royal hearing, Khwāja Jahān, Khān 'Ālam and Ṣādīq Khān were deputed to welcome them and they conducted them with honour. Next day, when the royal standards had advanced from Jūtāna, 'Itimād Khān and a large body of persons drew near. Khwāja Jahān, Mīr Abū Turāb and a number of others were ordered to hasten forward and to exalt him by bringing him to do homage. H.M. mounted in his glory on an elephant, the envoys brought forward 'Itimād Khān and he was made illustrious by performing the prostration. After that Ikhtiyār-al-mulk, Malik Mashriq,^10b Jujhār Khān Ḥabshī, Wajīha-al-mulk and Mujāhid Khān came and kissed the carpet, and each was received with favour proportionate to his position. 'Itimād Khān and some of the nobles of Gujrat were ordered to mount (on elephants?) and to come nearer. H.M. conversed with them the whole way and encouraged them and halted at the town of Kari. Saif-al-mulk and some others were in Maḥmūdābād. Ṣādiq Khān and other servants were sent to give these loiterers the bliss of doing homage. At this station, as a matter of prudence and caution—which are adjuncts of administration—the Gujrat officers were summoned and told that H.M. would entrust the country to 'Itimād K. and would leave him all the officers he wished for. It was proper that each of them should give security so that there might be no failure of vigilance and forethought, and that the conditions of honourable conduct (futuwat)^10c might be fulfilled. Mīr Abū Turāb engaged to be security for 'Itimād K., and the latter became surety for all the others except the Abyssinians. H.M. ordered that the Abyssinians should be included among the royal slaves on the same terms as they had been slaves of Sulṭān Maḥmūd. In observance^11a of certain matters, which were necessary for the guarding of sovereignty, they were made over to the great officers. Next day the standards of fortune halted at the village of Sāntaj.^11b

One of the warning occurrences was that a crew of libertines and ⁸ vagabonds of that country—where there are thousands of such— raised a shout to the effect that a sublime order had been given that the people of the army of fortune should plunder the Gujrātī's camp. They began to do so and a great commotion resulted. When this came to the Khedive's hearing, he summoned the great officers and ordered them to inflict punishment on the plunderers, and to put to death those who were found in the possession of plunder. He himself held a public court and had fierce elephants present. The rioters were brought before H.M. and were trampled under the feet of elephants. The goods were returned to the owners, and in a short time the disturbance was quieted, and there was a sound of peace and security. By the glory of this justice the newly acquired territory became a seat of tranquillity. On the day of Ābān 10 Āẕar Divine month or 14 Rajab (November 20, 1572) the standards were set up in the neighbourhood of Aḥmadābād, and merely by the glance of the Shāhinshāh a work which a crowd of men would have regarded as difficult was accomplished with ease. A multitude of men, high and low, submitted and were made happy. Everyone according to his means returned thanks^11c for the deliverance from the calamities of the age, and was honoured by the sublime glance. Aḥmadābād which is the metropolis and has 380^12a pūrahs (quarters) i.e., wards, each of which is like a city, became a scene of heavenly excellences from the glory of the advent of the Shāhinshāh. H.M. several times entered this city. The wishes of many generations of mortals were fulfilled; the oppressed obtained favour, and the oppressors sank into the abyss of destruction. The talented came out of the secret chamber of capability into the conspicuousness of action. On this day^12b of joy the festival of weighing the Shāhīnshāh was held and there was rejoicing upon rejoicing. The solicitous obtained their wishes, and the prayers of the suppliants were heard. At this time, while the camp was at Aḥmadābād, the envoys of Amīn^12c Khān Ghorī arrived with suitable presents and had the bliss of performing homage. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. sent a hypocritical petition and presents, but as he was not sincere, he did not find acceptance.

When the delightful country of Gujrat had become the abode of peace and tranquillity by the advent of the Shāhinshāh, he made over the government of Aḥmadābād and this side of the river Mahindri (i.e., the Mahī) to the Khān A'aẓam M. 'Azīz Koka. The other side, ⁹ viz., Baroda, Cāmpānīr, Surat, and the districts which had been usurped by the Mīrzās were entrusted to the Gujrat officers who had bound on the straps of fealty and had been included among the imperial servants. 'Itimād Khān Gujrati was placed at the head of them, and these officers, new and old, engaged to administer the territories, and to extirpate the Mīrzās. Thereafter H.M. determined that after he had visited the sea, he would return to the capital (i.e., Aḥmadābād). Accordingly on the day of Asman 27 Āẕar Divine month or Monday 2 Shābān, 2 December 1572, he marched to the port of Cambay which is thirty kos from Aḥmadābād. The Gujrat officers took leave for some days in order to make their arrrangements and stayed in the city. He left Ḥakīm 'Aīn-al-mulk, who had relationships with them, in order that he might civilise these savages of the desert.

On the march he heard that Ikhtiyār-al-mulk had in his wickedness absconded, and that 'Itimād Khān and the other Gujrat officers were on the point of falling into evil ways. Accordingly Shahbāz Khān received orders to go there quickly and come with those traitors and prevent them from turning into the desert of error.

On 1^13a Dai Divine month H.M. encamped at the port of Cambay so that pleasant spot became the meeting-place of the spiritual and material oceans. The merchants of Rūm,^13b Syria, Persia and Turan regarded the advent of the Shāhinshāh as a great boon and paid their respects. H.M. embarked on a ship with a select party, and made an excursion on the sea. The hearts of the sincere received a fresh instruction. On the day of Shahrīyūr 4 Dai, Divine month, Shāhbāz Khān brought 'Itimād Khān and some other of the Gujrātī officers to Court. As these wicked and deceitful men had broken their engagements of loyalty, H.M. again turned his attention to the affairs of the country and made over each one of them to a faithful servant. The short account of those evil-conditioned men is that timidity, deceit, and falsehood have been mixed up with a little honesty, simplicity and humility (farotanī, perhaps meanness) and made into a paste (m'ajūn) to which the name of Gujrāti has been given. Among these 'Itimād Khān was the leading specimen. When the reverberation of the fortune of the sublime army rose high in Gujrat, the officers thereof lost hold of the thread of counsel. At last they contrived a scheme and did homage, but all their thought was by this deception to keep up the old state of things. As H.M. is an ocean of benevolence he winked at their inner wickedness and encompassed them with favours. Although farsighted counsellors who had to some extent understood the dispositions of those evil-minded ones, and had by hints and also by clear language suggested their arrest, their proposals were not accepted. On the contrary the position of those men (the Gujrātīs) was made yet confidential. At the time when H.M. went off to witness the spectacle of the ocean, it was evident from their taking leave and remaining behind that this wicked crew had evil designs. What campaign had they made that it was imperative that they should at this time take leave? But the world's lord, from his reverence and graciousness, ¹⁰ took the view that they were honest, and when those wretches saw the glorious justice and the daily increasing fortune of the king, they perceived that now that so wide as a territory had been made brilliant by his equity, it was impossible for them to remain in it according to the old, old way, and that it would be better for them to retire and raise the head of turbulence. On the night^14a of the second day after H.M.'s departure, Ikhtiyār-al-mulk took the opportunity to desert, and 'Itimād Khān and all those who were in league with him were on the point of going off when Abū Turāb and Ḥakīm Ain-al-mulk arrived. The conspirators sought to ruin them by tricks and pretences and sought to detain them and to use up the time by discussions and stratagems. It nearly came to their being imprisoned and carried off and to their being put to death and to the evil schemes being carried out. Just then Shāhbāz Khān arrived, and their evil intentions did not become acts. Shāhbaz Khān considered with himself that if he hastened to arrest Ikhtiyār-al-mulk, this crew would escape. Without raising the veil from over the acts of those disloyal ones, he went off to the threshold of fortune. As H.M. the Shāhinshāh is a touchstone for all classes, the false coin of these men was soon revealed, and they met with their punishment. The right-thinking and magnanimity of the world's lord were revealed to mankind and the links of sway maintained. The good fortune of the farsighted was conspicuous and also there was a demonstration to the general public of the conduct of the faction. The good name of the Shāhinshāh was written on the pages of the hearts of high and low. If H.M., in accordance with his own secret perception or with the requests of the clear-sighted ones of the court had before this put those evil-doers into confinement, how would the real state of the case have been made manifest to the general public, with whom—the blind and superficial—rulers have principally to do?

When the Shāhinshāh's mind was free from the affairs of these wicked and two-faced men, he addressed himself to the extirpation of the seditious Mīrzās. For from the time when that crew had, after failing in Malwa, come to this country, Baroda had come into the hands of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M., Surat into those of Muḥammad ¹¹ Ḥusain M. and Cāmpānīr into the hands of Shāh M. H.M. made over the charge of the port of Cambay to Ḥasan Khān Khāzāncī and on the day of Amardād 7 Dai Divine month, proceeded towards Baroda. From near Baroda he sent Shahbāz Khān, Qāsim Khān, Bāz Bahādur Khān and a body of active men towards Cāmpānīr in order to free that fort from the rebels. Khān Aāẓam M. Koka was sent off to the government of Ahmadābād. He instilled into the mind of that auspicious one many principles of government such as the love of justice, continual watchfulness, the having regard to the ranks of mankind, the preservation of their honour, the observing of peace with all, etc., and bade him confirm him (Akbar) in his good opinion of himself. He (Akbar) also appointed as his assistants Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn Khān, Dastam Khān, M'aṣūm Khān, Saiyid Ḥāmid Bokhārī, Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī and a large number of loyal heroes, and he encompassed them with favours above their positions. His purpose in sending them was that they might inflict suitable punishment on the Mīrzās if they should try to raise a disturbance there. On the day of Āẕar the 9th of the said month (Dai) he reached Baroda. Next day he learnt that the ill-fated Mirzas had strengthened the fort of Surat and had collected near Cāmpānīr. The Khān 'Aālm, Saiyid Maḥmūd Khān Bārha, Shāh Qulī Khān Muḥram, Rājah Bhagwant Dās, Mān Singh, and Khwāja Ghīāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī Iṣfahānī^16a and another body of troops were deputed to give those infatuated ones a lesson. It was past midnight when an intelligencer brought news that when the news of the advance of the Shāhinshāh's army reached Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. in the fort of Broach, he put to death Rustum^16b Khān Rūmī who had resolved on becoming loyal and wished to do homage. Though he could not maintain himself in that fort against the world-conquering standards, yet the wine of presumption in his brain was making him pass by at a distance of eight kos from the camp of fortune, in order that he might cause a disturbance in the country. As many of the loyal servants had already ¹² been sent against those vagabonds, the world-lord—who in his excess of courage always wished to wield his sword in the battlefield,—was pleased, and determined that he would personally make a rapid expedition and chastise those evildoers.

As H.M. knew that the chastisement of the presumptuous and rebellious was at the head of the deeds of sovereignty, he sent off Shahbāz Khān Mīr Bakhshī quickly in order that he might turn back the officers who had previously hurried off to put down the Mīrzās, and cause them to join the imperial force. He left Mīr Muḥammad the Khān Kalān, Khwāja Jahān, Shujā'at Khān and Ṣādiq Khān in the camp and in charge of the princes (Akbar's children), and put his foot in the stirrup of victory. He took with him Khwāja 'Abdullah, Jalāl Khān Qūrcī, Raisāl Darbārī, Āṣaf Khān, Jaimal,^17a Bahādur Khān Qūrdār, Maqbul Khān, Aqā^17b Sarkh Badakh shī, Mathurā Dās, and Adam Tājband. Dilāwarkhān^17c was ordered to remain on the edge of the camp and to see that no one else should follow them. H.M. did not judge it proper that more than two^17d or three servants (mardum) of his companions should go with them lest Ibrāhīm Ḥusain should decamp on account of the crowd of victorious warriors. Though those loyalists who had the privilege of speech implored and lamented, it was of no avail. He said that such was his reliance on God's help that he needed not a large force to quell those wretched insurgents. But out of farsightedness—which is the foundation of conquest and world-rule—he ordered that the army^17e which had gone in advance should be united with his band.

On the same night that the news of the rebels had been brought, he mounted his swift steed when about two hours of night remained and went off at a gallop. Malik Ashrāq^18a Gujrātī was added as a guide, as he was acquainted with the country. On that swift journey the guides went wrong owing to a design of Providence. At last the path was found by the illumination of the sun of fortune and they went on still more rapidly.

One of the mysterious indications, which caused joy to H.M.'s comrades, was that when it became morning, and the world-lighting splendour of the great luminary took possession of the world, a deer ¹³ appeared. It passed into the mind of the Shāhinshāh that if he caught this deer it would be a sign of victory. So a cīta was slipped, and immediately the deer was captured. When this became known to H.M.'s followers their hearts were strengthened a thousandfold and they addressed themselves to the march. No trace of the enemy could be seen. It appeared as if they had heard of the victorious, royal army, and had increased their pace. Delay was also caused by the cavalcade's missing its way. When two hours of day remained, they fell in with a brahman and inquired from him about the enemy. He said they had crossed the Bikānīr^18b river and encamped in large force at Sarnāl, and that the distance was about four kos. H.M. took counsel with his followers. Jalāl Khān said, “Our troops have not come up yet, and the enemy is in force. When we are so few in number it is not advisable to engage in daylight with so many. The proper thing is to halt a while and make a night-attack.” The mine of truth and courage did not approve of a night-attack, which is a form of deception and fraud, and in order to encourage his comrades, said, “Courage is a helper, and many cowards become brave men out of shame. It is far better not to be put off the work of the day till the night, and to fight with the smartness and alacrity that we are marching with.” He uttered words of encouragement and said, “Friends, be stout-hearted, and let each one of us overthrow a foe.” Khwāja 'Abdullah said “Your Majesty will remember that you have often said that ‘A good elephant is one who is not satisfied with overthrowing one opponent but addresses himself to the casting down and trampling upon many.’” H.M. commended this speech, and resolved, heaven helping, to fight by day,^19a and pushed on faster than ever. At last the town of Sarnāl,^19b which was on the top of a hill, appeared in sight. After H.M. had proceeded a little way further, he drew up his men on the banks of the Mahindrī, and ordered them to put on their cuirasses. At this time, when this Tiger of God was preparing for combat—and not more than forty men had arrived, news came of the approach of his other troops. He was angry at their delay, and said to his companions, “We'll not suffer them to share in the fight with us.” But when it was explained that the cause of their delay was that they had hurried off in an opposite direction and also that Shahbāz Khān, who had been sent to call them, had been long in coming up with them, his wrath was appeased, and he permitted some of them to present ¹⁴ themselves. The Khān 'Aālm, Ṣaiyid Muḥammad Khān Bārhā Rajah Bhagwant Dās, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Kuar Mān Singh Bābā Khān Qāqshāl, Bhūpat, Salīm Khān Kākar, Bhoj, Hajī Yūsuf Khān and many others of the officers and cavaliers bent forward the head of shame and joined the royal cavalcade. So the number of the troop became about two hundred. At the time of crossing the river Mān Singh petitioned to be placed in the van. H.M. said, “What force have we that we should make a division. To-day we are all one and have set our hearts upon the fight.” He begged, saying, “It is the privilege of devotion to go a few steps in front and to show life-sacrifice.” The just prince granted his desire and allowed him and some experienced warriors to go in front. He himself, proceeding on pari passu with the Divine assistance, put his bay horse into the deep river. By the good fortune and miracle of his personality the river became fordable, and all the loyal servants crossed in safety. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. had a little while before halted in the town of Sarnāl. When he saw the dust of the victorious army and the horsemen crossing the river he recognised the Divine glory (far Īzdī) and said to his companions, “Evidently the king is here from their crossing so splendidly.” From illfatedness and shortness of vision he immediately prepared for battle and came out of the town and took post on rising ground. When Ḥ.M. had crossed the river the bank was found to be very rugged.^20a The devoted heroes abandoned prudence and pressed forward. Parties of them came into the broken ground, and sought for a means of success. The lord of the earth and a few of his immediate followers came to the gate of Sarnāl which faced the river, and then some of the wretches tried to oppose him. Maqbul Khān, a Qalmāq slave, and some brave men rushed forward and levelled them with the dust. When they got into the town they found the streets full of baggage, and it appeared that Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. had gone out with the rest of the rebels by another road and was prepared for battle. The world's lord and a party of kindred spirits got out, with great difficulty, from the narrow and encumbered streets, and he addressed himself to encouraging his followers. Bābā Khān Qaqshāl and his bowmen were driven off by the enemy. The other heroes stood firm. Many of the practised warriors, who had got separated in the ravines, came in from every side and attacked the foe. One of them, Bhūpat^20b the brother of Bhagwant Dās, became confronted with a number of the enemy, and bravely yielded up his life.

In every corner there was a hot engagement,
There was a dealing with an ill-fated set,
As the troops were few but fortune was friendly
They were better than numbers and difficulties

For in war the result is from the stars
Not from wealth and a large army.

As the ground was rough and there were thorn bushes^21a two horsemen could not advance abreast. The tiger of the forest of courage displayed the power of God and slowly advanced by the narrow ways. Rajah Bhagwant Dās was close beside him, and when on every side there was hard fighting three daring men rushed from out the ranks of the opponents against the lion-hearted sovereign. One of them made at Rajah Bhagwant Dās and aimed his javelin at him, but the Rajah stood firm in his stirrups and attacked him with his spear. The javelin did not hit its mark, and the Rajah so smote that wretch with his spear that he was overthrown. Just then the other two attacked H. M. The thorn bushes were an obstacle, and the Khān 'Aālm, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram and some others who were near at hand, were so unfortunate as not to be able to assist. That tiger-slayer and world-champion, when he saw that those two evildoers were coming near him, urged on his horse and jumped over the thorns and in front of them. The glory of the Divine radiance affrighted them and they fled. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. was vanquished by the fortune of the King.

Dost thou not know that when he engaged in combat
Fortune uttered the cry of “Beware”!
What brave man will seek a contest with him?
What courage will he have to look on his brow?
He so fights that heroes, high or low,
Fall down as if drunk with wine.
At each onset he strides thirty paces,
At each wound an elephant falls down.
The soldiers fly in crowds on crowds:
They give themselves to the river and the rock.

All at once they fled in confusion, and the warriors pursued them and killed many. By the blessing of the Shahinshāh's personality such a great victory was obtained by a few.

No one has seen such fighting in the world
Nor has heard of such from the skilled in history.

The account of this great masterpiece is beyond the mould of ¹⁶ language, and so instructive an event has seldom been met with among the feats of the ancients, to wit, that such a great King, at whose beck are a thousand armies, should, in his high courage and greatness of soul, not delay, but with a few of his own followers should make so long a march against so many brave troops, and should, by the Divine help, uprear the standards of victory and drive such haughty ones before him! Assuredly human power cannot account for such deeds, nor comprehend them. Clearly it is the special Divine favour to which they should be ascribed!

His world-conquering mind desired that the pursuit should not be given up till Ibrāhīm Husain should be seized, but as the cup of his life was not yet full the darkness of night threw a veil over him. Of necessity the farsighted Shāhinshāh returned and encamped in the town of Sarnāl.^22a He returned thanks to God and proceeded to reward his followers. He sent the bulletin of victory, which was full of the wonders of the Divine aid, to the camp by Surkh Badakhshī. Next morning he proceeded towards the camp, and on 12 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to the night of Wednesday the 18th Shāban (24 December 1572), he returned to the camp. The gates of rejoicing and thanksgiving were opened anew.

One of the occurrences of this time was that Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Ṣādiq Khān and some of the chosen heroes were appointed to go to the neighbourhood of the fort of Surat so as to allow none of the besieged to escape. When the news of the royal army reached the besieged in the fort, Gulrukh Begam the daughter of M. Kāmrān, and wife of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M., took with her her son Moẓaffar Ḥusain M. and some of her trusty adherents and went off to the Deccan. Though the officers hastened after her they did not succeed,^23a and that wise woman manfully^23b got away from them.

Another occurrence was the chastisement^23c of Shahbāz Khān Bakhshī Begī, and the warning given thereby to all the pillars of the state. The cause of this direction was that Maḥmūd the son of Iskandar Afghan had been made over to his care, and that he managed to escape from his guards and go off to the Deccan. H.M. severely censured him. In fact it was kindness in the guise of wrath, so that the servants of the threshold of the Caliphate might not show slackness in the affairs of sovereignty—which in truth is a form of Divine worship—and should not lose hold of vigilance and wariness.

When it was ascertained that the rebels were making the fort of Surat—which is in Gujrat on the bank of the Taptī and near the ¹⁷ ocean—their place of refuge, and were labouring to strengthen it, and had made it over to Hamzabān, who formerly had been among the qūrcīs^24a (body-guards) of the Shāhinshāh, but whom an evil fate had now included among the mutineers, H.M. turned his attention to the taking of the fort. Rajah Todar Mal, who was distinguished for foresight and mental activity, was directed to go and examine the methods of ingress and egress of the fort, and to submit a report as to how it could best be taken. He reported^24b that the capture of the fort could be very easily effected. But it was decided that the untying of this knot should be done by H.M. in person. It was from looking to the majestic fortune of the Shāhinshāh that the Raja represented this difficult task as an easy one. If he had had regard to ordinary considerations he never would have ventured on such a bold statement. But at a time when so extensive a country had come into possession, and the sovereign had come a long way from his capital, and had for some months been behind the shields of the army, and when the seditious were everywhere lifting up their heads, both those of Gujrat and those of the eastern provinces, how could it be right so great a lord should personally undertake the reduction of a fort? The ruler of the world perceived in his farsightedness that although the circumstances were of this nature, yet if the disposal of the affair were left to the officers there might be delay in accomplishing it, and that if he did not give his personal attention to the matter, the root of those evildoers, which was supplying them with the means of strife, would remain fixed in the soil of sedition as before. Accordingly he determined that he would personally undertake the task and make easy what was difficult. An order was issued that Shāham Khān Jalāīr should proceed with a number of loyal heroes towards the fort of Cāmpānīr, and that Qāsim Khān Mīr Baḥr, who was there, should come to head-quarters, as he was H.M.'s best pupil in the matter of making sābāṭs and driving mines. An order was also sent to the Khān A'aẓam, informing him that H.M. was about, with God's help, to accomplish this work, and that he, as the arm of dominion, should see, in concert with the other officers who had been left to assist him, that if the turbulent Mīrzās should invade the country they should be suitably punished. As caution was the foundation of administration, Sher Beg Tavācī had been sent to Mālwa to direct Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān and the Mālwa officers, who had been ordered to Gujrat, to proceed thither as quickly as possible so ¹⁸ that, if necessity should arise, the whole body of officers should be at his (Khān A'aẓam's) disposal, and clear the country of rebellious rubbish.

When the Shāhinshāh's mind was at rest about the affairs of Aḥmadābād he marched on the day of Bahrām 20 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Wednesday, 25 Shābān (31 December 1572), from Baroda towards Surat. He moved on, stage by stage, hunting and administering justice as he went, and at last reached the neighbourhood of the fort on the day of Ardībihisht 3 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Monday, 7 Ramẓān (11 January 1573). Balls from cannon and culverins came several times into the holy quarters, but by the Divine protection they did no harm. As the station was very near to the fort, H.M. at the request of his officers moved to a place near the Gopī Tank.^26a That, too, was near the fort, but it was screened by forest, and uneven ground. Here, too, cannon balls reached the bounds of the quarters, but the Divine protection did its work. H.M. invested the fort with his victorious troops, and assigned each side of it to experienced loyalists. The besieged in their evil-fatedness and blackened hearts turned away from the sun of fortune, and in reliance on the strength of the place, the abundance of provisions, the number of cannon, etc., and the recalcitrancy of the Mīrzās, fell into the abyss of insouciance. Some of them continually sallied forth and made attacks on the batteries. The lives-devoting heroes exerted themselves in chastising these wretches. One of the occurrences was that on a day when there was a rain of balls and bullets from above, and an attack from below by some rebels on the miners in the batteries, Saif K. had fought and distinguished himself. As he was coming back he was struck by a bullet. Though he was confined to his bed for a month, he eventually recovered. Some one said to him: “H.M. is not pleased with you, and why do men like you take the lead for he says^26b to many who have not attained to your rank, “Why do you knowingly and intentionally throw yourselves into such dangerous positions?” That loyal warrior replied: “At the battle of Sarnāl I missed my road and could not be present at that manhood-testing place. From the disgrace of that day my life is a burden to me and I wish to make it lighter.”

One of the occurrences of the siege was the obtaining possession of some elephants and baggage of the Mīrzās. The brief ¹⁹ account of this is that those blind and inauspicious men had made over some of their elephants and other property to Rānā Rām Deo, a landholder of that part of the country. When the sublime camp halted there the camp-followers went out on a plundering expedition, and those elephants, etc., came into their hands. They regarded this as a good omen and brought them to H.M. who rewarded them by princely gifts.

One of the occurrences of this time was the deputation of some of the officers to the capital. The brief account of this is that Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā and Shāh M. were near Pattan and were waiting in ambush there for an opportunity to cause a commotion. Ibrāhīm Husain M., who had come away with disgrace from the battle-field of Sarnāl, joined those two rebels at Idar. It is the nature of the dominion which is conjoined with eternity that dumbfounded enemies show an activity in upraising the standards of its victory which surpasses that of the loyal, and exert themselves for their own loss. Instances of this occur in this book of fortune. The new instance was this, that a discussion arose among the brothers about Ibrāhīm's defeat at Sarnāl. From criticism they came to violent language, and from that to a quarrel. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M., who was skilful as a swordsman and distinguished for his want of sense, was displeased with his brothers and separated from them, and foolishly resolved to make an attack on the capital. His haughty brothers, from their evil destiny, were glād of the departure of such a brother and did not try to appease him. When this news came to the ears of H.M., he appointed S. Maḥmūd K. Bīrha, Shāh Qulī K. Maḥram and Rajah Bhagwant Dās to the capital, so that they should follow Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. An order was also issued to Shāham Khān that he should retire from the siege of Cāmpānīr and hasten to Kālpī which was in his jāīgīr, as the general report was that the turbulent man (Ibrāhīm) had rushed off there. When the great officers reached the capital the commotion of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. had already subsided and the eastern Afghans had raised up their heads. Mun'im Khān the Khān-Khānān was asking for help. Rajah Bihārī Mal, who had charge of the administration of the capital, sent the army off to the eastern provinces. It had reached Etawah when Lūdī left Dāūd, and a stone of dispersion fell among that crew. Consequently it hastened back to the capital.

When the narrative has come so far it is necessary for the historian to give a brief account of the eastern provinces. The concise statement of this long story is that when Sulaimān Kararānī, who ²⁰ had been one of Selīm Khān's officers, became possessed of Orissa Bihār and Bengal, he as being a hypocrite, did not openly cast aside the thread of obedience. He always sent petitions and presents and so kept himself known at court. On account of this adroitness the veil of his hypocrisy was not rent away. Whoever does not bind himself to the saddlestraps of such a lord of fortune (as Akbar) will some time have the dust of ruin cast upon his head and on the heads of those connected with him. Especially shall anyone who enters into opposition to his lord soon receive his retribution, and leave no trace of his dominion. The case of Sulaimān is a fresh instance of this truth. When he died the Afghans raised up Bāyazīd his eldest son in his stead. His elevation helped his folly, and he in conjunction with the vagabonds of that country, had the khuṭba read in his own name. In his presumption he abandoned the dissimulation by which his father had tamed the haughty and rebellious and proceeded to oppress and vex them. He made a practice of overthrowing his father's counsellers. Hansū, the son of his cousin 'Imād, who was his son-in-law and was on friendly terms with him, became annoyed at his bad behaviour, and being stirred up to ambition by instigators of strife he had Bāyazīd put to death. Thus did this wretch disregard so many ties and commit such an act and thereby produce a result which the imperial servants could not have accomplished by a thousand endeavours. Lūdī, who was the rational spirit of the country, in concert with other officers raised up Sulaimān's younger son Dāūd, and arrested Hānsū and put him to death. Gūjar Kararānī, who was the sword of the country, set up in Bihār the son of Bāyazīd, and Lūdī set out for Bihār from Bengal with a large force. From Mun'īm Khān the Khān-Khanān's want of attention, and the tricks of Lūdī, Gūjar made out his expedition.

The brief^28a account of this is that when the death of Sulaimān became known, Mun'im Khān proceeded from Cunār towards Bihār. At the same time Sikandar Uzbeg died, which was good for himself and for others. The Khān-Khānān sent Tengrī Qulī, Farrakh Irghlīq and Payanda Muḥammad Sagkash and others against Ḥājīpūr, and Ṭalibī, Mīrzā 'Alī and Nadīm Beg and others against Patna. Gūjar was not able to withstand them, so he sent presents and professed concord, and promised that he would enter the royal service, and would co-operate in the conquest of Bengal. My request is, he said, that I may this day be enrolled among the servants ²¹ of the Shāhinshāh, and that Gorakhpūr may be given to me for my family and dependents, and that the province of Bihār be given in fief to the King's officers, or that you leave Sarkār Ḥājīpūr and Bihār to me for this year that I may account for their produce to the State. Next year I can have my fief in Bengal.” Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān accepted his request, and was about to give him Gorakhpūr. Meanwhile Lūdī who was the manager^29a of these towns and the crafty one of the province, got information of the affair, and in conjunction with Hāshim Khān, who was always of two colours, spoilt the arrangement. When Gūjar became hopeless of Mun'im Khān he of necessity arranged with Lūdī. Mun'im Khān retired after receiving suitable presents from Lūdī.

At this time news came that Yūsuf Muḥammad had taken Gorakhpūr and was prepared for strife. The account of this event is that Mun'im Khān had taken Yūsuf Muḥammad the son of Sulaimān Uzbeg with him to court and had represented his disloyalty. H. M. the Shāhinshāh ordered him to be^29b imprisoned in order that he might be watched and reformed. When the royal standards had moved to Gujrat the wretch escaped from his prison in the capital, and joining with some other vagabonds he took Gorakhpūr from Payanda Muḥammad Sag-kash's people. When the Khān-Khānān heard of this he sent off Jān Muḥammad Bahsūdī, Payanda Muḥammad Sag-kash, and Tengrī Qulī to quell this insurrection. He also set out in person from the town of Maḥmūdābād along with Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl and other officers. On the way, Majnūn Khān and the other Qāqshāls got suspicious and separated themselves from Mun'im Khān's army. The cause of this was that idle talkers and liars had spread a report that Bābā Khān Jabbārī, Mīrzā Muḥammad, Shāh Muḥammad and the other Qāqshāls who were in attendance on H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the Gujrat campaign had killed Shahbāz Khān and had joined with the Mīrzās, and that H.M. had issued orders for Majnūn Khān's arrest. The Khān-Khānān sent Mīr Farīdūn, Muḥammad Khān Uzbeg and Abū S'aīd to soothe Majnūn Khān and to bring him back. But though the envoys tried to contradict the rumours, they did not succeed. Meanwhile letters came from Bābā and Jabbārī full of the Shāhinshāh's graciousness and of their own good service Majnūn Khān was ashamed of his behaviour and proceeded to join the Khān-Khānān's camp. The Khān-Khānān had taken Gorakhpūr and had returned when Majnūn Khān arrived. Various courtesies passed between them. Meanwhile the day of Dāūd's destruction approached, and in his presumption he went towards Jaunpur. He sent on in advance ²² of himself Lūdī with the best troops and the choice elephants. Lūdī came with a large force and took Zamāniya. Muḥammad Qāsīm Muhrdār surrendered it on terms. The Khān-Khānān sent sazāwals and collected the officers. He also sent ahead Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, Majnūn Khān, Qiyā Khān, Rajah Gajpatī and a large body of troops. He himself marched slowly forward. At that time he took an omen from the Divan of the Mystic Tongue (Ḥāfiẓ) and this distich was found.

O King of the beautiful, be just to the pain of my loneliness
Without thee, my heart is dying, 'tis time you return.

The Khān-Khānān quoted this ode in his petition and sent it to the court. He prayed for assistance from the holy mind of the Shāhinshāh, and went on to extinguish the flames of rebellion. Lūdī's presumption was increased by the capture of Zamāniya and he sent Yūsuf Muḥammad, who had fled from Gorakhpūr and joined the Afghans, across the Ganges with 5 or 6,000 men. M. Ḥasan Khān, Rajah Gajpatī, Naẓr Bahādur and Ṭālībī, Tengrī Qulī and others of the servants of Mun'im Khān relied on the Shāhinshāh's fortune and waged war discreetly. The rebels were defeated, and a number were slain, and many drowned. After this victory Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās and other officers joined the imperial forces, and an army was drawn up in Ghāzīpūr. The Khān-Khānān, too, joined them with a suitable body of troops. Lūdī built a fort between the Sīāh Āb and the Ganges and took post with a large army. Every day there were single combats between the brave men on both sides. Though the generals waged war manfully yet the enemy was superior in men, elephants and guns. As the imperial standards were engaged in the siege of Surat, Mun'im Khān proposed a peace. Lūdī in his haughtiness did not agree. The generals were in a strange position. To fight was not advisable, and it was difficult to retreat. Suddenly the good news of the Shāhinshāh's success arrived, and Lūdī eagerly made peace and retreated.

The account of this instructive occurrence is that when Dāūd went from Bengal to Monghyr, he put to death Yūsuf, the son of Tāj and his own cousin, from apprehension that Lūdī would set him up. Though this idea was really caused by the Shāhinshāh's good fortune, yet apparently it was the result of remarks by envious people. As Lūdī was an old servant of Tāj, and his daughter was betrothed to that son (Yūsuf), Dāūd believed whatever the evil-thoughted said about Lūdī. When the news came to Lūdī he left Dāūd, and with great urgency made an arrangement with Mun'im Khān, and sent suitable presents to court. When Dāūd heard that Lūdī had turned gainst him and was coming, he retreated in great confusion and fortified Garhī. He also distributed his father's treasures among the soldiers. Jalāl Khān Sadhaurī, and Kālā Pahār, who was called Rājū, left Lūdī, and a discussion broke out among his followers. Lūdī, who was marching against Dāūd, was obliged to retreat and take refuge in Rhotās, and ask assistance from Mun'im Khān. He plainly wrote that he had become a servant of the Court and that he wished to see him speedily, and hoped that by his help he would be exalted by kissing the threshold. Mun'im Khān sent assistance to him and waited for the arrival of the royal standards. Whither have my words gone, and how far have they carried me for the sake of enlivening my discourse?

One of the occurrences during the siege of Surat was the defeat of Muḥammad Ḥusain M. and other rebels.

The sage and acute-minded man knows that whenever the lord of the earth forms a right design, and engages in the tranquillising of mankind, the servants of the threshold of fortune become loyal under his auspicious guidance, and with one heart and endeavour recognise the work of their king, their teacher and benefactor, as the Divine command, and devote themselves to his service. The world's work is adorned and glorious actions are revealed. At once does the sovereign of the world become successful, spiritually and materially, and the loyal pass by their own loss and gain, and recognise the service of the sultanate to be the highest form of Divine worship. Thus they perform services such as seldom appeared in the times of former rulers. This tale of a great victory is an instance of this. The brief account of this Divine aid is that when Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. was driven out of Gujrat by the Shāhinshāh's fortune and went off towards the capital, Muḥammad Ḥusain M. and Shāh M. and the Fūlādīans, who were in the hills in a disorganised state, made a compact and came down upon the city of Pattan. Saiyid Aḥmad Khān exerted himself to defend the fort. When the news of the gathering of the rebels reached Khān A'aẓim, he assembled his forces, and by a happy coincidence Sher Beg Tawācī, who had been sent to fetch the Malwa officers, added to them Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, Shah Budāgh ²⁴ Khān, Muṭṭalib Khān and the other fief-holders of Malwa. The Khān A'aẓim also sent persons and recalled Shaikh Muḥammad Bukhārī who was in Dūlqa, and who was preparing, under royal orders, to go to Surat.

When the officers were assembled, the Khān A'aẓim proceeded to arrange his forces in a proper manner. He himself took charge of the centre. Shāh Budagh Khān, M'uīnu-d-dīn Āḥmad Khān Farankhūdī and his son Ma'ṣūm Khān, and Muṭṭalib Khān and a large number were stationed there. Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān, Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Injū^33a held the right wing, and his (whose ?) men were on the flank of the right wing. Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī, Muḥammad Murād Khān, Shāh Muḥammad Khān and Ḥājī Khān Afghān, the son of Khwaṣ Khān, adorned the left wing. Shāh Fakhru-d-dīn, Moẓaffar Moghal and Payīnda Arlāt were on the flank of the left wing. Dastam Khān, Naurang Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Khān Toqbāī and Mihr 'Alī Silduz were in the van. Bāz Bahādur and a number of others formed the altimash. After arranging his forces the Khān A'aẓim proceeded towards Nahrwāla which is best known as Pattan. On the day of Gosh, 14 Bahman, Divine month, corresponding to Friday, 18 Ramaẓān, 22 January 1573, the army reached the neighbourhood of Pattan. The enemy abandoned the siege and faced the victorious army. Sher Khān Fūlādī and Junaid Kararānī commanded the centre. Muḥammad Ḥusain M., Shāh M. and 'Aāqil Ḥusain M. commanded the right wing. Muḥammad Khān the eldest son of Sher Khān and Sādāt Khān held the left wing. Bidar Khān the younger son of Sher Khān Fūlādī commanded the van. The rebels did not intend that the fighting should begin that day, as the son of Jujhār Khān and other seditious ones had not yet joined them. Sher Khān Fūlādī, by a feline stratagem, sent men to Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī and proposed a reconciliation. Many of the leading men of the army who sought for safety did not consider properly and were disposed to peace. Shah Budagh Khān whispered to the Khān A'aẓim, “Beware, and do not agree to peace: the object of this crooked-minded crew is to put off the time.” The Khān A'aẓim replied, “My opinion is the same as yours. As the minds of the officers were inclined for peace, and they did not understand the matter, and Sher Khān's agents used deceitful language, the Khān A'aẓim said, “If you are really for peace retire from the place where you are and encamp until we come to you, for it is not seemly ²⁵ for us to retreat.” As the words of this crew were deceitful and had no sincerity about them, they did not agree to this proposition. The imperial officers proceeded to the battle-field. And as it was generally stated that the Mīrzās would take the victorious army in the rear, Mīrzā Muqīm, Carkis Khān and a number of brave men were stationed on the rear of the centre.

When the two armies approached one another the left wing of the enemy attacked the imperial right wing, and drove off most of Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān's men. The Khān kept his ground manfully with a few of his followers. He smote^34a wīth his sword between the two tusks of one of the enemy's elephants and so excited admiration. The vanguard of the ill-fated rebels attacked the imperial vanguard. Naurang^34b Khān's elephant, which was mast, attacked a horseman of his own army and crushed him. Just then the brave men of the enemy's vanguard drove off the imperial vanguard. The altimash (reserve), too, could not stand and showed cowardice. In their flight some ran to the right and some to the left. The Afghans followed them up. About 500 horses came in front of the Khān A'āẓim and were soon dispersed. The other body, which had driven off the vanguard and the altimash, came upon the left wing of the imperial army. Most of the latter lost courage, and Murād^34c Khān made himself a spectacle by withdrawing himself. Shāh Muḥammad Khān was wounded and carried off by his servants to Aḥmadābād. Shaikh Muḥammad Bokhārī^34d with a few of his relatives, such as the son of Saiyid Bahāū-d-dīn, Saiyid J'afar the brother of Shaikh Farīd and others, displayed courage and offered up their lives. The rebels thought that they had gained the victory and turned to plunder. The Mīrzās came in person against Mīr Fākhru-d-dīn Khān and his people. The Mīr made some resistance, but could not maintain a firm footing. Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān remained with a few men and showed a firm front against the enemy. When the rebels had driven off Quṭbu-d-dīn's troops and had come to the baggage and were occupied in plundering, Quṭbu-d-dīn came upon them from behind and attacked them. By the Divine help a thorough victory succeeded to a complete defeat. The Khān A'āẓim and the heroes of the imperial centre drove off the black-thoughted Afghans and turned against the enemy's centre which was advancing against Quṭbu-d-dīn. As most of the enemy's men had hastened off to plunder, they lost heart on seeing this force, and solely by the Divine favour did so glorious a victory show itself. The Khān ²⁶ A'aẓim stood with his men on the top of the ridge and rejoiced in the shouts of victory. At this time the Mīrzās appeared. They had, after severe fighting, driven off the flank of the left wing and had pursued it for two kos. This was a great boon. If they had gone against the centre affairs would have been critical. When they had gone far, and their men had dispersed to plunder, they heard of the defeat of Shēr Khān and returned to the battle-field. In fact, if they had followed up those whom they had driven off to Aḥmadābād, they would have been successful. But from their evil fate they proceeded towards the ground of the battle. The Khān A'āẓim was drawn up in battle-array with many faithful heroes when the army of the Mīrzās approached, and Shāh Budāgh K. said, “Now is the time to attack.” K. A'zẓim was about to do so, when Yār M. seized his rein, saying, “Many officers are standing still. How can you attack?” When the Mīrzās came nearer they saw the real greatness of the imperial army, which was adorned by a spiritual force, and did not think it fit to engage, and as their evil fate was written on their foreheads they turned their rein and took to flight. By the Divine favour a difficult task became easy. If the heroes had pursued them, hardly any of them would have escaped. Apparently those who made a practice of caution did not think it proper to put the matter to the test, or else they listened to the opportunists and the evil-intentioned. In fine, most of the officers in seeing this mysterious favour bound fresh threads of devotion round their necks and increased in single-mindedness.

One of^35a the wonderful things which happened on that fortunate day was that a mast elephant belonging to the enemy's army, whose driver had been pinned by an arrow and killed, went about of its own accord, and approached wherever it heard the sound of the drums and there scattered the troops. The drums of joy, which were sounding in every corps, stopped for a while, and the elephant's turbulence ceased. He was caught by Shāh Budāgh Khān's men, and formed part of the peshkash (present to Akbar).

When the ill-fated crew was defeated, Shēr Khān Fūlādī hastened off to Jūnagarh, and the Mīrzās went to the Deccan. The Khān A'aẓim and the officers pursued them. When the good news of the Divine favour reached H. M's ears he offered thanks to God, and then issued orders that the Khān A'āẓim should send Quṭbu-d-dīn Khān, Shāh Budāgh Khān, Murād Khān, Mihr 'Alī Sildūz and a ²⁷ body of troops in pursuit of the rebels, and that he should himself come and do homage. The Khān A'aẓim had come to the district of Sarnāl in company with Dastam Khān, Naurang Khān, Maṭṭalib Khān and M'aṣūm Khān when Raẓavī^36a Khān brought the firmān. The Khan A'āzim received it with respect and kissed the threshold on the day of Daibamihr 15 Isfandārmaẕ Divine month, corresponding to Monday, 20 Shawwāl, 23 February 1573, and was graciously received.

One^36b of the things which happened during the siege of Surat was the arrival of Moẓaffar Khān. It has been already mentioned the Shāhinshāh's kindness had forgiven his incompatibilities and had sent for him. When he reached Aḥmadābād, the Khān A'aẓim had gone to put down the Mīrzās. Although it had been intimated to him (by the Khān A'aẓim) that it was proper that he should co-operate in this task, he did not do so, and threw away such an opportunity of service. He continued his journey and came to Baroda when the royal firmān reached him. The purport of it was that he should turn back from whatever place he had reached, and hasten to the Khān A'aẓim's assistance. He was obliged to turn back. When he came to Aḥmadābād it appeared that the imperial servants had been victorious, and that the Khān A'aẓim was proceeding to court in accordance with the sacred orders. Thereupon Moẓaffar Khān proceeded rapidly to court, and had the bliss of performing the kornish before the arrival of the Khān A'aẓim. He was received with princely favours.

One of the occurrences of the siege was that a large number of Christians came from the port of Goa and its neighbourhood to the foot of the sublime throne, and were rewarded by the bliss of an interview (mulāzamat). Apparently they had come at the request of the besieged in order that the latter might make the fort over to them, and so convey themselves to the shore of safety. But when that crew saw the majesty of the imperial power, and had become cognisant of the largeness of the army, and of the extent of the siege-train, they represented themselves as ambassadors and performed the kornish. They produced many of the rarities of their country, and the appreciative Khedive received each one of them with special favour and made inquiries about the wonders of Portugal and the manners and customs of Europe. It seemed as if he did this from a desire of knowledge, for his sacred heart is a depôt of spiritual and physical sciences. But his boding soul wished that these inquiries might be the means of civilising (istīnās, i.e. familiarity or sociability) this savage race.^37a

Why should 1 mention the awakened of heart and the profound and the far-sighted? The superficial and the practical clearly perceive that those connected with this eternal fortune make, merely from such a connexion, conquests which do not even occur as possible to the solvers of difficulties. Especially they do this when to such connection there is added the auspiciousness of devotion; and most of all if they be of that fortunate band which has been exalted by the degrees^39b of loyalty toward the Khedive of horizons, how successful are they in their glorious enterprises! Consequently every task which this one who has been magnified by God (Akbar) does personally, comes forth gloriously and without the veil of delay. The few days which wear the appearance of retardation seem to be the result of the Divine wisdom which requires them in order that the inscriptions of the degrees of devotion of the loyal, and the grades of each one's service may be recorded on the portico of visibility, that the jewels of ability may be polished, and the world's lord's method of educating men may be revealed to the world, and that the gold encrusted copper may be placed in the dissolving crucible and the coin of the realm be purified, and that the testing may be carried out to the uttermost.

In fine, through the Divine favour the taking of this strong fortress, which the sagacious would not have imagined possible even after years of siege, was accomplished by the supervision of the Shāhinshāh in the period of one month and seventeen days. The pioneers made from a long distance trenches and so brought themselves to the walls and began to break them down, and the alert servants raised mounds (tilhā) around it, and from them showered bullets on the garrison, and the bombardiers also performed marvels. When the presumptuous garrison perceived the true state of the case, and awoke from their slumbrousness, they opened the door of entreaty and supplication. Hamzabān sent his father-in-law Mullā Niẓāmu-d-dīn Lārī to the sublime court, and he, having been introduced by those who had the right of audience, represented in skilful language the dismay of the garrison. That adroit and eloquent man represented to the lord, who is the friend of the wretched and the succourer of the miserable, the lamentations and prayers of that crew. The heart of the Khedive of horizons inclined towards him, and the boundless ocean of his benevolence was put in motion. Though the supplications were the result of necessity, and though the grandees who had the right of speech spoke against the exhibition of clemency, they were not listened to. On the contrary their urgency for punishment increased the graciousness of that world-giver. He soothed each one of his intimates by special addresses. Those who were heavenly in character he rejoiced by Divine utterances, and those who were earthly he brought into repose by worldly arguments (maqálāt kaunī). In accordance with his (Niẓāmu-d-dīn's) petition he sent Qāsim 'Ali Khān and Khwāja Dost Kilān, (Daulat)^140a who were associates both in the battle and in the banquet, to reassure Hamzabān and the rest of the garrison and to bring them to the place of prostration. On the day of Rashn 18 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday, 23 Shawwāl (26 February 1573), the stiff-necked ones of the fort did homage with a thousand supplications. The Shāhinshāh's graciousness received into the reservoir of his protection the lives, the property and the honour of all the shame-faced evil-doers. But they cut^40b the tongue of Hamzabān, as it was always uttering futilities. Some others, whom prudence required should be kept for some days under restraint, were put into confinement. Next day H.M. surveyed the fort, and ordered that some large mortars (dey, but perhaps only cannon) which were called Sulaimānī, should be conveyed to the capital.^41a It appeared that they had belonged to Sulṭān Sulaiman, the ruler of Turkey (Rūm). He had intended to take possession of the European ports on the borders of Hindustan, and had sent great mortars along with a numerous army. But as the governors of Gujrat did not assist properly, the troops were distressed for provisions and had to return. Nor were they able to take with them those large guns.^41b

One of the things which happened, after the conquest of Surat, was the coming to Court of Baharjī,^41c the ruler of Baglāna, who was an influential landholder in that part of the country. He brought with him to Court Sharfu-d-dīn Ḥusain M. with a chain round his neck. The just Creator hath glorified this adorner of the Sultanate from the beginning of his power so that the seekers after bliss may rise to high degrees of felicity by recognising and obeying him, and that the auspicious and loyal may increase their devotion. One of the great favours which has been bestowed on this Khedive of God-knowers is that whoever withdraws himself from obedience to him either becomes a vagabond in the desert of destruction, and is brought to be in need of the threshold which is high as heaven. Or else he descends into the whirlpool of evils and is conveyed by his own bad deeds into the Presence. A fresh proof of this was afforded by this Khwāja's son. The brief account of this is that from the time when this weak-headed and infatuated one did not understand the teaching of the Shāhinshāh and adopted evil thoughts of being supreme, and trod the path of faithlessness, he became a vagabond and wandered from door to door of every one, high or low, and gave his honour to the dust of disgrace. Why shall I say this? He revealed his own baseness. Firstly, he gave to the Fūlādīs Jalaur which had been recently taken (by him) by the backing of the Shāhinshāh's fortune, and joined himself to these wretches. He spent some time in Pattan, and from there repaired to Cingīz Khān, and when the cup of the latter's life was spilled, he joined the Mīrzās. When the ³⁰ ruler of Khāndesh came with designs against Gujrat, and failed and retraced his steps with loss, Sharafu-d-dīn joined him. Then he came back in wretchedness and associated himself with Muḥammad Ḥusain M. When the world-conquering standards came to conquer Gujrat, and a stone of dissension fell among the rebels of that country, this Khwājazāda should have come to worship at Court and made amendment for his crimes, but as he was radically bad he hasted away to the Deccan. He had to pass through the territories of the aforesaid zamindar, and he, either from a desire of being loyal, or for his own advantage, imprisoned the Mīrzā, and plundered all his goods. He also endeavoured to arrest Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M.'s wife and children when they passed through the country, but did not succeed, though the two-years old daughter of Ibrāhīm M. fell into his hands. When H.M. heard of this he sent Mīr Khān Yesāwal to bring the landholder and his prisoners to Court. And as it appeared that the ruler of Khāndesh had sent his brother Raja 'Ali Khān to Court and that he had reached the territory of Nadarbār, but was now being detained by the petty notions usual with landholders, an order was given to Mīr Khān to bring him also. After that H.M. sent Jotik^42a Rai, Jai Tawācī-bāshī and Balbadhar^42b brahman that they might extricate the landholder aforesaid from the thorn-brake of delay, and that he might invigorate his brain by gathering the flowers of the garden of service. These envoys obeyed the order and brought him and his prisoners to Court. The innocent daughter^42c was taken under the shadow of H.M.'s protection and made over to the guardians of the harem. The Khwājazāda was frightened by means of an elephant which was not a manslayer, and as the sovereign was just and from extreme graciousness did not kill criminals, he was put in prison. For, keen inspection and profound consideration are requisite before destroying what has been founded by God (i.e. life).

Let it not be concealed that Baglāna^43a is a country one hundred kos long and thirty kos broad. It has 2,000 horse and 16,000 infantry. Its revenue is 6 1/2 kror of dāms. Whoever is the ruler, is called Baharjī. There are two forts—Sālhīr and Mūlhīr on the summits of hills. It has also two large cities—Antāpūr and Cintāpūr. It lies between Gujrat and the Deccan; and it submits to whichever of the two is the stronger. At this time, when Gujrat came into the possession of the imperial servants, the ruler, being awed by the majesty and might of the Shāhinshāh, did good service and brightened his countenance by performing the prostration.

One of the occurrences was that an injury happened to H. M.'s ³¹ hand; but it was cured. The brief account of this instructive catastrophe is that the sitter on the throne of the Caliphate is always shrouding himself under a special screen, while the stewards of fate are ever removing this screen and displaying the spiritual and physical glories of him who has been magnified by God. One night there was a select drinking-party. Discourse fell upon the bravery of the heroes of Hindustan, and it was stated that they paid no regard to their lives. For instance, some Rajputs would hold a double-headed spear, and two men, who were equally-matched,^43b would run from opposite sides against the points, so the latter would transfix them and come out at their backs. That Divine wrestler of the world, for the sake of screening his glory, or for testing men, or from the melancholy^44a engendered by his being in the outer world, fastened the hilt of his special sword to a wall, and placing the point near his sacred breast declared that if Rajputs were wont to sell their valour in their^44b way, he would rush against this sword. Awe fell upon those who were standing at the feast, and none had the power to utter a word, nor even to offer any opposition. Just then Mān Singh ran with the foot of fidelity and gave such a blow with his hand that the sword fell down and made a cut between H.M.'s thumb and his index-finger. Those present removed the sword and H.M. angrily flung Mān Singh on the ground and squeezed him. Saiyid Moẓaffar^44c foolishly tried to free him from the grasp of that tiger of God and by twisting his wounded finger released Mān Singh. This increased the wound, but by the Divine protection it soon healed.

When H.M.'s mind was at rest about the affairs of that country, he committed the charge of that lofty fortress (Surat) to Qulīj^44d Khān and gave him weighty counsels. On the day of Mār Isfand 29 Isfandārmaẕ, Divine month, corresponding to Monday, 3 Ẕi-l-q'aada, 8 March 1573, he proceeded to Aḥmadābād, and at this time too Rajah 'Ali Khān was honoured by kissing the threshold.^44e

During this auspicious time the shining standards of the Sultan of spring (the sun) polished the mirror of dispositions; the gardens were adorned by the silks of the rose and the satins of the jasmine. The north winds and the zephyrs swept away the weeds and rubbish of autumn from the rose-garden of the world, and the temperate breezes, equable as the justice of the Shahinshāh, produced wondrous ³² effects, and mortals blossomed into new and glorious actions.

The parterre from its lightness sought to fly
The jasmine from its delicacy sought to melt
The wind wrote with the hand of hope
The story of the rose on the page of the willow
The jasmine and rose formed a caravan
The turtle and nightingale joined in cadence
Whiles Spring came to salute the parterre
Whiles the rose tore her breast in adoration (?)
The recorders of the garden assembled,
The nightingale decreed the death of the crow.

After the lapse of eight minutes and seven seconds of the night of Wednesday the 6th Ẕī-ul-q'aada 980 of the lunar year (12 March 1573) the great light which illuminates the world shed his rays on the mansion of Aries, and the elemental world received the glory of the spiritual kingdom. One of the great acts of the justice of the Shāhinshāh, which was revealed in the beginning of this year was the infliction of capital punishment on Jujhār Khān, the Abyssinian, who was one of the great officers of Gujrat, and was distinguished for his influence. When the borders of Broach were brightened by the standards of fortune, the mother of Cingiz Khān demanded justice at the sublime Court, alleging that the greedy (zarmast) Abyssinian had come under the guise of friendship and killed her son. Though the report was widely spread, and many in the camp asserted it, and it has already^46a been mentioned, yet as many incorrect and seemingly true stories are current, there was need for caution and consideration. So an order was issued that wise and impartial men should inquire fully into the case, and should report the result of their examination of witnesses, etc. They investigated and found that the charge was true, and an order was issued that the destroyer of God's handiwork should undergo capital pūnishment. So he was thrown under the feet of an elephant in the presence of high and low. The old and deserted woman never imagined that so powerful a man would be punished for misdeeds, and was astonished on beholding such justice. She returned thanks to the Khedive of God-knowers, and the general public received enlightenment from this just sentence. The black-minded and presumptuous sunk their heads in the collar of obscurity.

³³ When the sacred cortège neared Aḥmadābād, the inhabitants went forth to meet and welcome H.M. On the day of Dín 24 Farwardīn, Divine month, corresponding to Friday 29 Ẕī-l-q'aada, H.M. encamped in the neighbourhood of Aḥmadābād. In ten days the affairs of the country were arranged. He made over the charge of the province to the Khān A'aẓam. Sarkār Pattan was bestowed on the Khān Kilān. Dhūlqa and Dandoqah were given to Saiyid Ḥāmid^46b Bokhārī, and similarly other estates were given to others. Though the Khān Kilān and Quṭbu-d-dīn Muḥammad Khān were the uncles of the Khān A'aẓam and were old, yet the far-sightedness of the Shāhinshāh put them in a subordinate position, for in the code of just sovereignty weight is given to wisdom and not to years, and reliance is placed upon abundance of loyalty, and not upon age. Far-sightedness is the pillar, not bodily bulk. Intellect is the substantive thing, not the largeness of the visible body. The foundation of appointments is talents and virtues, and the qualities of ancestors are not regarded.

When the Shāhinshāh's sublime genius had done with the conquest of this extensive country, and had punished the haughty and presumptuous, and had rewarded the loyal, and had arranged for the administration of the country he, after celebrating the festival of the Īd,^48a proceeded on the day of Ardibihist 3 Ardibihisht, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 10 Ẕī ul-ḥajj, 13 April 1573, by way of Pattan and Jālaur towards the capital. When the standards of fortune reached Sidhpūr^48b he renewed his instructions to the Khān A'aẓam. Especially did he exhort him to be active-minded and of wide capacity, and to overlook men's errors, and to accept the excuses of the faulty, and to proceed with great consideration in the disposal of disputes, and to treat impartially friends and foes. On the same day he graciously received and treated with favours the officers who had fiefs in that part of the country, and then allowed them to depart. Rajah 'Ali Khān too was received with princely favours and then returned to Khāndesh. Moẓaffar Khān received the government of the province of Mālwa and was sent there. Mān Singh ³⁴ Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Murād Khān, Muḥammad Qulī Khān, Saiyid 'Abdullah, Jagannāth, Rajah Gopāl,^48c Bahādur Khān, Lashkar Khān, Jalāl Khān, Bhoj^48d and a number of others were ordered to hasten to Dūngarpūr, by way of Īdar, and from there to come on to the capital. The Rānā and other zamindars^48e of the neighbourhood were to be treated with princely favours and to be brought to do homage, and the disobedient were to be punished.

When the world-conquering armies had been deputed, the Shāhinshāh proceeded stage by stage. On the day that he reached Sirohī, Mādhū^49a Singh and a number of men were sent to fetch that nursling of fortune's garden, Shahzāda Sulṭān Daniel, who had been conveyed from Ajmīr to Amber, in order that he might be brought back to Ajmīr, and might come under the shadow of the Presence. In order to do honour to Rajah Bhagwān Dās, his auspicious sister,^49b who held high rank in the imperial harem, was sent off in order that she might be present at the mourning for Bhūpat, who had fallen in the battle of Sarnāl.

When H.M. reached Sirohī, a letter came from the Punjab officers announcing that Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. had gone there with evil intentions, and that he had been properly punished and made a prisoner, and that mankind had thus been rescued from the flames of his sedition. The short account of this Providential help is as follows: Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M., who had rebelled against the spiritual and material lord, had been defeated and become a vagabond and had joined his brothers in Īdar. The Shāhinshāh's fortune had produced dissension among them, as has already been related, and he had gone off to the metropolitan province, taking with him his younger brother Maś'aūd M. He had come by Jālaur and Jodhpūr to Nāgor. Farrukh Khān, the son of the Khān Kilān, had been appointed to the command there, and he undertook the defence of the town. The Mīrzā proceeded to invest it, and matters were almost past remedy when Rai Raisingh, Mīrak Kolābī, Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh, and a number of others whom H.M. had left in Jodhpūr when he went to conquer Gujrat, as well as Rai Rām, the son of Māldeo, who held Sūjat as his fief, and Naqib Khān, Mīr^49c Ghiāṯu-d-dīn 'Alī, and a number of men who had bound on the dress of service and were on their way to Gujrat, joined together and marched in pursuit of the Mīrzā. When ³⁵ they came near, he withdrew from the siege and went on faster. On the day of Sarosh 17 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Monday, 3 Ramẓān, 7th January, 1573, the loyalists arrived at Nāgor, and Farrukh Khān joined them. The officers were doubtful about pursuing the Mīrza, but at length, on the urgency of Rai Rai Singh, they became all of one accord and set off next day in pursuit. At the end of the day, near a village called Kahntonī,^50a and which is a dependancy of Nāgor, they came up with Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. As it was night they were obliged to draw up their forces and halt. Rai Rai Singh held the centre with his followers. Rai Rām held the right wing, and Mirak Khān Kolābī, Muḥammad Ḥusain Shaikh, Farrukh Khān, Naqīb Khān, I'tibār Khān, 'Alī Cūlāq, Muḥammad Ḥusain Jālabān, and Mīr Quṭbu-d-dīn held the left wing. It happened that the tanks in that neighbourhood were in the possession of the enemy. When a watch of the night had passed the men grew thirsty, and a party of the Moghuls rescued one of the tanks. The Mīrzā divided his force into three bands, and made an attack upon the imperialists. They began by engaging the advance-guard of Rai Rām, and they had gained an advantage when Rai Rām came in person and drove them off. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. detached a body of his own men and sent them against the Moghul officers. Gallant men advanced from the latter force and engaged in battle. The Mīrzā became aware of the defeat of his own men, attacked in person, and Mīrak Khān Kolābī distinguished himself. But the force was nearly wavering when Rai Rai Singh came to its assistance. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. could not withstand this onset and turned and fled. Most of the imperialists escaped injury, but Naqīb Khān was wounded by an arrow. He however recovered. The victorious officers had regard to its being night and did not quit the field. That night a great misfortune befel the Mīrzā. His horse fell from the stroke of an arrow and he had to run some way on foot. Then one of his servants came up, and he got upon his horse, and fled with a few men. If the officers had exerted themselves next day, he would have fallen into their hands. But they were satisfied with their victory and all went off to their fiefs. The wretch went on towards Delhi. Raja Bihārī Mal, who was in the capital, sent Khangār^50b and a body of troops to Delhi, and all the jāgirdārs who were not in this force assembled at Delhi. The inauspicious one (Ibrāhīm) hastened off to Sambal^51a when he heard of ³⁶ the arrival of those troops, and there made some preparations. Ḥusain Khān,^51b who was in Patialī,^51c got together some jāgirdārs and others. Just then the news came of the taking of Surat and of the march of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's army. Ibrāhīm was obliged to go to the Panjab. The Khān Jahān and the other Panjab officials were engaged in taking Nagarkot, and Ibrāhīm thought he would find the place empty and be successful, or else turn to Gujrat by way of Sind. For these reasons he went off from Sambal to the Panjab. Wherever he went he did not fail to exercise oppression and misconduct.

Ḥusain Qulī Khān in accordance with the sacred orders sent a letter of advice to the men who were in the fort of Nagarkot, but they did not hearken to his counsels. The officers marched and besieged the place. When Rajah Jai Cand was going to court he, out of forethought, committed his son Badī Cand, who was of tender age, to the charge of Rajah Gobind Jesawāl.^51d Meanwhile the Rajah (Jai Cand) returned to the fort and proceeded to defend it. The work of the siege was nearly ended when the news came of lbrāhīm Ḥusain M.'s attack on the Panjab. When the loyal officers heard of this they held a consultation. Muḥibb 'Ali Khān, M. Yūsuf Khān, Kharram Khān, Fattū and a number of others were of opinion that this affair should be settled by a peace, and that they should hasten from this hill-country to the centre of the province, and take precautionary measures before the rebel should arrive. The Khān Jahān and another party took a narrower^51e view of the situation. As they had worked hard, and the fort had been nearly reduced to extremities, they were not willing to make peace. The officers said, “The measure of the gain or loss from the taking or not taking the fort is a known quantity, but the disturbance caused by this sedition-monger is a very weighty matter.” The Khān Jahān said, “I will make peace on this condition, that a proceeding be drawn up, descriptive of the character of the consultation, and that each person put his seal to it, so that if this withdrawal does not please H.M. the officers^52a will escape responsibility.” The officers delivered a writing and knocked at the door of peace. The Rajah regarded this as a great deliverance and was pleased. The peace was founded on four conditions: 1st.—The Rajah should send his daughter to the sacred harem. 2nd.—He should pay a suitable tribute. 3rd.—He should send with the officers ³⁷ responsible persons from among his sons and other relatives, so that if the king did not approve of the peace, those men should remain until the delivery of the fort. 4th.—As this province had been given to Rajah Bīrbar as his fief a large sum of money should be assured to him. The Rajah agreed to all four conditions. The Khān Jahān added a fifth condition, viz., that Rajah Gōpī Cand should come and pay his respects, and he said that in order to satisfy the Rajah, some of M. Yūsuf Khān's brothers would come into the fort until the Rajah returned. Or else M. Yūsuf Khān and Kharram Khān would come and stay in the fort. At last he sent M. Yūsuf Khān's brothers and the Rajah took them with him and came into the camp. He paid his respects to the Khān Jahān and took leave. The victorious army addressed itself to putting down the Mīrzā. No long time had elapsed when the Rajah returned and from spirit of loyalty said, “At this time when you are going against the foe, why should I go back to my house?” So with great joy he joined the army of fortune.

The Mīrzā had come plundering to the borders of Dipālpūr; when he heard the news of the approach of the loyal officers he became astonished and downcast. He abandoned the thought of Lahore and went to Multan. The officers left their baggage and the impedimenta of the camp and went on unencumbered to uproot the rebel. When they came near the town of Talamba,^52b which belongs to the province of Multan, it transpired that the Mīrzā had come there on the previous day and was staying there. The officers set themselves to draw up their forces. Ḥusain Qulī Khān, Ism'aīl Qulī Khān and a number of brave men held the centre. Muḥibb 'Alī Khān and M. Yūsuf Khān were on the right wing. Khurram Khān, Dost Khān Sahārī and Shāh Ghāzī Khān Tabrīzī were on the left wing. J'afar Khān, Fattū and other brave men formed the vanguard. They marched in this order. On that day Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. had gone off with a few men to hunt. When Mas'aūd Ḥusain M. heard of the approach of the imperial army, he prepared for battle, and sent a man to summon the Mīrzā. The latter hastened back with the foot of ruin, and after having made some arrangement of his troops advanced to the conflict. He engaged the right wing of the imperialists, and also with the vanguard somewhat. By the heavenly favour there blew a breeze of victory. Ḥusain Khān, who had hastened after the Mīrzā from Sambal, behaved valiantly in this battle. Mas'aūd Ḥusain M. was captured, and many of the vanquished rebels were slain. The officers returned thanks for this great boon and wrote to S'aīd Khān, the governor of Multan, that they had happily accomplished what lay upon them, and that they were now going to their fiefs; that the abandoned wretch had come to the province with a ³⁸ few men, and that it would be a fitting service to seize him so that his commotion might be altogether quelled.

Ibrāhīm Ḥusain M. went off rapidly and in a miserable plight. When he came to the district of Multan the Bilūcīs headed him and stopped his progress. He wished to come off by fighting. Some who were with him were killed. He himself was wounded and took refuge in the house of a Bilūcī.^53a When S'aīd Khān heard of this, he set out to search for him, and he found him in the place that he had crept into, and seized him. He reported the circumstances to the court. When his letter was communicated by the courtiers to H.M., he returned thanks to God, first for the repose granted to his subjects, and secondly for the seizure of this injurer of the State, and an order was given that he should be brought to court. But he who had been caught by his own devices was already dead, either of his severe wound, or from fear of the Shāhinshāh's majesty, or from excessive shame. Or perhaps the stewards of fate knew the extent of the Shāhinshāh's graciousness, and that if he came to court, the sovereign might pardon him, and on this account dissolved the bond between his perverse spirit and his vile body. On the day of Bahman 2 Khirdād, Divine month, corresponding to 11 Muḥarram 981 (13 May 1573), H.M. arrived at Ajmīr, and that seeker after the Divine favour visited the holy shrine and distributed various favours to the officials and visitors of that city. The special courtiers brought the prince Sulṭan Daniel there, and after one week H.M. proceeded towards the capital.

When the standards of fortune reached Sāngānīr^54a the Shāhinshāh decided that he and a few should make a rapid march to the capital, and that the camp should proceed slowly stage by stage. In the space of one day and two nights he completed that long journey and arrived at the town of Bacūna,^54b which is eight kos from Fatḥpūr. Jotik Rai^54c represented that after three days there would be an auspicious time for reaching the capital. So the Shāhinshāh remained in that town for three days. Shaikh Selim^54d and all the great and honourable men came to welcome him.