The style of the work is a most singular kind of colloquial Persian, written down without any attempt at order and the due arrangement of the sentences; the construction is consequently often very perplexed and the meaning obscure. Had I not heard men from the neighbourhood of Ghazní speak Persian very much in the style of our author, I should have conceived the work to be a literal translation from the Arabic, the sequence of words ac­cording to that language being very frequently observed. In speaking of his tenth volume, the author says he intends to devote it to an account of the Emperor Mas'úd's last invasion of Hindustán, and to the history of Khwárizm. To enable him to accomplish the latter purpose, he confesses that he will be indebted to the history written by Bú Ríhán, which he had seen some years before. This is, no doubt, the famous Abú Ríhán al Birúní, mentioned in a former article, who was a native of Khwárizm, and a member of the learned society which was in his time con­gregated at the capital under the auspices of the king.

Besides this voluminous work, he quotes, as one of the histories written by him, “the Makámát-i Mahmúdí,” though, perhaps, this may mean merely passages in which he has written of the affairs of Mahmúd in some of the previous volumes. He also distinctly mentions that he is the author of “Táríkh-i Yamíní.” This cannot possibly allude to the famous work of 'Utbí just noticed, who, under the name of 'Abdu-l Jabbár, is frequently noticed in this fragment; Baihakí, therefore, by this expression probably means that part of his work in which he has written of Mahmúd, entitled Yamínu-d daula.

The Extracts from this work are more than usually copious, as they are calculated to attract particular attention.

In one of the passages we find mention of the capture of Benares as early as A.H. 424 (A.D. 1033), only three years after Mahmúd's death. In other authors we have mention of an ex­pedition to Kashmír during that year by Mas'úd himself, but no mention of Ahmad Níáltigín's capture of Benares. All we have hitherto known of the Indian transactions of that year is that the king resolved on making an expedition into India. He took the route of Sarsutí, situated among the hills of Kashmír, the garrison of which fort being intimidated, sent messengers to the king, promising valuable presents, and an annual tribute, if he would desist from his enterprise. Mas'úd felt disposed to listen to the proposals, until he understood that some Muhammadan mer­chants, having been seen by the garrison, were then captives in the place. He accordingly broke up the conference and besieged the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with sugar canes from the adjacent plantations. This being done, he caused scaling-ladders to be applied to the walls; and the fort, after a bloody contest, was taken. The garrison, without distinction, was put to the sword, except the women and children, who were carried off by the soldiers as slaves. The king, moreover, commanded that a part of the spoil should be given to the Muhammadans who had been prisoners in Sarsutí, and who had formerly lost their effects. This year is also recorded by Indian historians as remarkable for a great drought and famine in many parts of the world, especially in Persia and India, in which entire provinces were depopulated. The famine was succeeded by a pestilence, which swept many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month forty thousand persons died in Ispahán alone.

The more celebrated Abú-l Fazl, the minister of Akbar, mentions in his Ayín-i Akbarí, that Sultán Mahmúd twice visited Benares: once in A.H. 410, and again in A.H. 413. I have in another work,* printed by direction of Government, pointed out the extreme improbability of these visits; and here the doubts are confirmed by a contemporary, who distinctly says that the Muhammadans had not yet penetrated so far before the time of Ahmad Níáltigín. Unfortunately, in the original a lacuna occurs at the very place where the extract closes, or we might have gained more information about this remote and in­teresting expedition.

The old form of spelling Lahore is also worthy of observation. Lahúr is very unusual. Zíáu-dín Barní always spells it Lohúr, and the Farhang-i Jahángírí says it is spelt Lánhaur, Loháwur, and Laháwar, as well as Lohúr. It is only of late years that the uniform practice has been observed of spelling it Láhore.*

In another passage we have an account of an expedition to India in A.H. 429. In Firishta and Mirkhond, we have no intelligence under that year, but as they mention that Hánsí was taken in A.H. 427, and as the extract mentions that it was com­monly called a “virgin fort,” because it had never yet been taken, no doubt, though the details are different, the same event is referred to.

Another extract is pregnant with information respecting the early credit assigned to Hindú soldiers, by their victorious enemies. Had we not other instances of the consideration in which the military qualities of Hindús were held, we might have hesitated to yield our belief that such sentiments could have been entertained by a chief of Ghazní. But we learn from other histories that even only fifty days after the death of Mahmúd, his son dispatched Sewand Ráí, a Hindú chief, with a numerous body of Hindú cavalry, in pursuit of the nobles who had espoused the cause of his brother. In a few days a conflict took place, in which Sewand Ráí, and the greatest part of his troops were killed; but not till after they had inflicted a heavy loss upon their opponents.*

Five years afterwards we read of Tilak, son of Jai Sen, com­mander of all the Indian troops in the service of the Ghaznivide monarch, being employed to attack the rebel chief, Ahmad Níáltigín. He pursued the enemy so closely that many thousands fell into his hands. Ahmad himself was slain while attempting to escape across a river, by a force of Hindú Jats, whom Tilak had raised against him. This is the same Tilak whose name is written in the Tabakát-i Akbarí, as Malik bin Jai Sen, which, if correct, would convey the opinion of the author of that work, that this chief was a Hindú convert.

Five years after that event we find that Mas'úd, unable to withstand the power of the Seljúk Turkománs, retreated to India, and remained there for the purpose of raising a body of troops sufficient to make another effort to retrieve his affairs. It is reasonable therefore to presume that the greater part of these troops consisted of Hindús.

In the reign of his successor, when Abú 'Alí, Kotwál of Ghazní, was deputed to command the army in India, and main­tain the Ghaznivide conquests in that country, we read of his sending a letter to Bíjí Ráí, a general of the Hindús, who had done much service even in the time of Mahmúd, inviting him to return to Ghazní, whence he had fled on account of some political dissensions, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of Kashmír.

These few instances will confirm the impressions which the extract is calculated to convey.

Events of the Year 422 H. Investiture of Khwája Ahmad Hasan.*

The first of Muharram of this year fell on a Tuesday. Amír Mas'úd, may God be pleased with him! went during the day to the garden-palace, with the intention of spending some time there. The public court rooms were arranged in it, and many other buildings were added. One year when I went there, the court-yard of the palace and the shops were all reconstructed in a different manner, under the orders of the king, who was a very clever architect, and not excelled by any mathematician. And this new saráí which is still to be seen in Ghaznín, is a sufficient proof of this. There was at Shádiákh, in Naishápúr, no palace or parade ground; yet he designed both with his own hands, and built a saráí there, which now excites admiration, besides numerous smaller saráís and enclosures. At Bust he so increased the cantonments of the Amír, his father, that some of them exist to this day. This king was singularly excellent in every­thing. May the Almighty God, whose name should be respected, be merciful to him!