Rent-free Tenures.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 404.] This year the King gave orders that the rent-free land throughout his dominions, whether in the shape of ayma, madad-m'ásh, wakf or pensions, should not be con­sidered valid, and that the revenue-officers should not recognize them until the Sadr had approved the grants. The consequence was, that the people whose rights were assailed flocked from the farthest east of India, and from Bakkar in the west, to represent their grievances. Whoever found a powerful friend among the nobles and people at Court, secured his wishes, and whoever could not obtain a similar introduction, had to give large bribes to Saiyid 'Abdu-r Rasúl, and all the subordinates of the Shaikh, even to the faráshes, door-keepers, grooms and sweepers, and by these means contrived at last to “save his blanket from the whirlpool.” He who could not succeed in procuring either of these passports, was well thrashed and kicked by the attendants; besides which, many of the unfortunates perished from the effect of the hot air in that immense crowd. Although the King knew all these particulars, yet such was his regard for the Sadr, that he could not be persuaded to interfere with his proceedings. Whenever the Sadr sat in state and dignity in the díwán-khána , and held public audience, the nobles would, now and then, taking forward some learned and respectable man, represent his case for consideration. But he used to receive them with little respect, and after much entreaty and importunity, some able man, who could explain the Hidáya, or any equally abstruse book, would get a paltry hundred bíghas, more or less, restored to him, and the rest, of which he might have been in possession for many years, would be resumed. But the ordinary run of ignorant and worthless fellows, even down to Hindús, would get as much land as they asked for, without question. From these proceedings, learning and its professors declined in estimation every day. Even in the middle of the assemblage, while seated “aloft in awful state,” if the time for midday prayers came, he would wash his hands, and care not how much water he sprinkled on the faces and clothes of the surrounding nobles and courtiers. They meekly submitted to the indignity, because they knew it was to the advantage of their poor clients, and would bestow upon the Sadr every kind of eulogium, compliment, and flattery, to his heart's content, in the hope by this means to secure at last some compensation for the insult.* In the time of no former king had any Sadr such extensive powers and jurisdiction.

The Author's Appointments and Emoluments.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 206.] About this time the King appointed me a preacher, and directed me also to undertake the office of marking the royal horses with the brand. I had no fixed salary, but I was told from the first to act like a mansabdár of twenty in bringing horses to the brand. Shaikh Abú-l Fazl arrived at Court about the same time, so that we were, as was said, loaves out of the same oven. Yet he, beginning his service by marking horses and attending to the mahallí, managed by his intelligence and time-serving qualities to raise himself to a mansab of two thousand, and to the dignity of wazír. But poor I, from my inexperience and simplicity, could not manage to advance myself. I reflected within myself that there were still hopes of securing contentment (that best of possessions!) by means of a madad-m'ásh , which would enable me to retire from the world, and apply myself to study and devotion, while free from the cares of the world. But even in this I was doomed to be disappointed.

In the month of Shawwál, 983, on my applying for leave of absence, it was refused; but I received a horse with suitable trappings, and a grant of a thousand bíghas, which was a mere nothing, being only equal to an allowance for the maintenance of twenty men, but in accordance with the unfriendly disposition of the Sadr and my unlucky fate. It was styled also in the grant a madad-m'ásh.* I represented that with this small tenure I could not afford to be constantly in attendance at Court, to which the King replied, that he would give me presents also during the marches. Shaikh 'Abdu-n Nabí too observed, that no person of my quality had received from him so large a grant of land. As for the presents which I was promised, though twenty-two years have elapsed since my hopes were raised, I have received them but once or twice, and the rest have been concealed behind the veil of fate. These fine promises were nothing better than a baseless mirage. I have performed services without reward, and undergone restraints, from which I can now be relieved only by the goodness of God.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 210.] [In these days (A.H. 983, A.D. 1575-6) His Majesty asked how it would be if he ordered the words Alláhu Akbar to be engraven on his Imperial seal and stamped upon his coins. Several people said it would be very good. But Hájí Ibráhím objected. He said the phrase had an ambiguous meaning, and that it would be better to substitute the verse of the Kurán, Lazikru Alláhi Akbaru (“To think of God is the greatest thing”), because it was free from ambiguity. His Majesty was not pleased with this, and said it was self-evident that no creature, in the depths of his impotence, could advance any claim to Divinity. He had only looked upon the word as being apposite, and there could be no sense in straining it to such an extent.]*

The Emperor's Heretical Associates.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 211.] [In this year (983) there arrived Hakím Abú-l Fath Gílání, Hakím Humáyún (who subsequently changed his name to Humáyún Kulí, and lastly to Hakím Humám), and Núru-d dín, who as a poet is known under the name of Karárí. These three were brothers, and came from Gílán (near the Caspian) The eldest brother, by his subserviency, obtained an extraordinary ascendancy over the Emperor. He flattered him openly, adapted himself to every change in the religious ideas of His Majesty, and pushing forward, he soon became a most intimate friend of Akbar. Soon after there came to Court Mullá Muhammad of Yazd, who got the nickname of Yazídí. He attached himself to the Emperor, and concocted the most extravagant censures against the sahába (companions of the Prophet, the peace of God be upon them!). He told extraordinary stories (about them), and tried hard to make the Emperor a shi'a. But this man was soon left behind by Bír-bal, that bastard, and by Shaikh Abú-l Fazl and Hakím Abú-l Fath. They turned the Emperor from the Religion, and made him a perfect sceptic of inspiration, the prophetic office, the miracles and wonders, and the law. They carried matters to such a length that I, the author, could no longer bear them company. The result of all this, as regards each one of them, will be told in its proper place. About the same time, His Majesty ordered Kází Jalálu-d dín and several other learned men to write a com­mentary upon the Kurán, but they fell to squabbling about it. That scoffer, Deb Chand, Rájá of Manjhola, used to say, that if the cow had not been greatly esteemed by the Almighty, she would not have been mentioned in the first chapter of the Kurán. As history was read from day to day, His Majesty's faith in the Companions of the Prophet began to be shaken, and the breach grew broader. The daily prayers, the fasts, and prophecies were all pronounced delusions as being opposed to sense. Reason, not revelation, was declared to be the basis of religion. Europeans also paid visits to him, and he adopted some of their rationalistic tenets.]

Death of Dáúd Afghán.*

[Text, vol. ii. p. 238.] [In the early part of the engagement, a cannon-ball struck the knee of Junaid, and broke his leg. When the armies closed, defeat fell upon the Afgháns. The horse of Dáúd stuck fast in the mud, and Hasan Beg made Dáúd prisoner, and carried him to Khán-jahán. The prisoner, being oppressed with thirst, asked for water. They filled his slipper with water, and took it to him. But as he would not drink it, Khán-jahán supplied him with a cupfull from his own canteen, and enabled him to slake his thirst. The Khán was desirous of saving his life, for he was a very handsome man; but the nobles urged that if his life were spared, suspicions might arise as to their loyalty. So he ordered him to be beheaded. His execution was a very clumsy work, for after receiving two chops he was not dead, but suffered great torture. At length his head was cut off. It was then crammed with grass and anointed with perfumes, and placed in charge of Saiyid 'Abdu-lla Khán.]