Humāyūn bestowed* all that he had in the treasury upon his followers, while to supply the party who had not yet arrived,* he borrowed from Tardī Beg and others by way of assistance, and gave it them. He also made presents of money, and sword-belts* to the sons of Rānā, who, for the reason that his father had been put to death by Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain Arghūn, collected a large force* from the surrounding country,* entered the service of Humāyūn, and leaving his baggage and camp equipage in* Amarkoṭ under the care and protection of Khwāja Mu‘zam, the brother of Begam,* he (Humāyūn) proceeded towards Bakkar.*

^442. On Sunday, the fifth of the month Rajab, in the year 949 H. the auspicious birth of the Khalīfah of the age Akbar Pādshāh occurred in a fortunate moment at Amarkoṭ. Tardī Beg Khān conveyed this joyful tidings to Humāyūn at that halting-place, who after giving (the child) that auspicious name,* proceeded with all haste towards Bakkar. At the camp of Chaul* he sent for the Prince of auspicious mien, and was rejoiced by the well-omened sight of his son. His soldiers, in whose nature the craft of unfaithfulness was as firmly planted as is deceit in the nature of the times, were one by one, including even Mun‘im Khān, de­serting. * At this time Bairām Khān* came from Gujrāt and tendered his allegiance. Considering it unadvisable to remain in that country Humāyūn determined to make for Qandahār. Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain thinking this an opportunity not to be lost, in ac­cordance with a requisition* sent thirty boats and three hundred camels, and Humāyūn crossed the river Indus. At that time Mīrzā Kāmrān* had taken Qandahār* from Mīrzā Hindāl and had left it in charge of Mīrzā ‘Askarī, and having given Ghaznīn to Mīrzā Hindāl had read the Khubah in his own name. After some time, however, he changed that also.* Mīrzā Hindāl having given up all royal dignity in Kābul used to live like a darvesh,⁸ and Mīrzā Kāmrān yielding to the instigation of Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusaiu wrote to Mīrzā ‘Askarī saying, “Seize the road by which the Pādshāh will proceed and take him prisoner in any way you can contrive.” Accordingly when he arrived at the camp of Shāl Mastāng,* Mīrzā ‘Askarī* marched by forced marches from Qandahār and sent Chūlī* Bahādur Uzbakī to reconnoitre.* He however, went straight off and informed Baīrām Khān, whose camp he reached at midnight, and Baīrām Khān went with all ^443. haste behind the royal tent and represented the state of affairs. Accordingly he gave up all idea of Qandahār and Kābul, and in opposition to his brothers, uttering the formula* of separation, took the road to ‘Irāq, accompanied by twenty-two men, among whom were Bairām Khān and Khwāja Mu‘aam. These two he sent to bring the Queen-consort and the young prince, asking Tardī Beg for the loan of a few horses, who, however, again brand­ing himself* with the stigma of meanness and disgrace, refused to comply with this request, and further declined to accompany him. Humāyūn left the young Prince, who was an infant of only one year, in the camp under the charge* of Atkah Khān* on account of the great heat and the scarcity of water along his route, but took the Queen-consort* with him and journeyed by way of Sīstān.

Mīrzā ‘Askarī just then arrived at the royal camp,* and alighting and tearing the veil of humanity from the face of modesty, set about appropriating the valuables. He also placed Tardī Beg* in rigorous confinement, and carried off the young Prince* to Qandahār, and handed him over to Sulān Begam, his own wife, with injunctions to take every care for his kind treat­ment and protection.* In that journey important events took place,* which, although they were fully and elaborately detailed in the original,* do not admit of relation in this place; and must be rapidly passed over as he did that long stretch of road. These events took place in the year 950 H. (1543 A.D.). In short, leaving Sīstān and journeying to the city of Khurāsān, he had an interview with Sulān Muḥammad Mīrzā, the elder son of Shāh Ṭahmasp, who held the rule of that country under the tutelage* of Muḥammad Khān Taklū,* and receiving all the necessaries of royalty, and requisites for his journey,* with all honour and ceremony reached the sacred city of Mashhad (Meshed); and at each succes- ^444. sive stage, by order of the Shāh, the governors of the provinces hastened to welcome him, and made all preparations for enter­taining him and shewing him hospitality, escorting him from stage to stage. Bairām Khān proceeded to do homage to the Shāh, and brought with him thence a letter congratulating Humāyūn upon his arrival. The two monarchs met at Pulāq-Surīq * and exchanged the customary honours and courtesies.

In the course of conversation the Shāh asked what had led to his defeat; Humāyūn incautiously* replied ‘The opposition of my brothers.’ Bahrām Mīrzā, the brother of the Shāh, who was present, was grieved at this speech, and from that day* forth sowed the seeds of enmity against Humāyūn in his heart, and set himself to overthrow his enterprise, [nay more to overthrow Humāyūn himself as well],* and impressed upon Shāh Tahmasp, saying, “This is the son of that self-same father who taking so many thousand Qizilbāsh soldiers to reinforce his army, caused them to be trampled under foot by the Ōzbaks, so that not one of them escaped alive.”* This was a reference* to that affair in which Bābar Pādshāh took Najm-i-Awwal from Shāh Isma‘īl* with seventeen thousand Qizilbāsh cavalry,* and led them as an auxiliary force against the Ōzbaks, and at the time of the siege of the fortress of Nakhshab, otherwise known as Kash,* (?) wrote the following verse upon an arrow and discharged it into the fort:

Verse.

I made Najm Shāh to turn the Ōzbaks from their path,
If I did wrong, (at any rate) I cleared (my own) path.

The following day when the two armies met* he withdrew* to one side, and the Qizilbāsh troops met with the treatment which was in store for them; that circumstance* is notorious.

However, to return from this digression, Sulān Begam* the sister of the Shāh, whom he regarded as an adviser equal to the promised Mahdī,* (who in the belief of the Shi‘ahs lies concealed in a subterranean dwelling in the city of Sāmirah, otherwise known by the name of Surra-man-ra'ā,* and when ^445. necessity arises will emerge from thence and inaugurate an era of equity), and with whose opinion and advice all the affairs* of State were bound up,* dissuaded him from that mistaken step,* and by the use of rational argument brought him back* to an attitude of kindness and manhood, and induced him to help and assist. His Majesty (Humāyūn) wrote a rubā‘ī (quatrain) of which the following is the last verse.*

Verse.

All kings desire the shadow of the Humā,*
Behold! the Humā has sought thy shadow.