NASĪRU-D-DĪN MUḤAMMAD HUMĀYŪN PĀDSHĀH GHĀZI,

Returning from Kābul, a second time fought a fierce battle with Sikandar, and being favoured by fortune* with victory and conquest, restored to the imperial throne fresh lustre, glory and fortune. The following is an epitome of these events: After that the king­dom of Hindūstan slipped from the grasp of that Pādshāh glorious as Jamshīd, like the ring from the hand of Suleimān,* and the opposition and strife between his brothers was not changed to amity and concord,* and each one took his own way and sought his own asylum, considering his own interests by consultation with advisers, as has already been briefly related,* Humāyūn crossed from the Panjāb and attempted to seize Bakkar,* making his camp at the township of Lohrī,* which is near to Bakkar. Mīrzā Hindāl having left Sind proceeded to the township of Pāṇtar,* which is fifty krohs distant from Bakkar, on account of the abundance and cheapness of grain. Humāyūn sent a robe of honour and a horse with a message to Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain Arghūn, governor of Tatta, saying, “I have arrived here driven by necessity and have fully determined upon the conquest of Gujrāt,* and this undertaking is dependent upon your advice and guid- 437. ance.” Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain spent five or six months* in tempo­rising, and brought Humāyūn by specious pretexts from the Bakkar territory to the neighbourhood of Tatta, with the inten­tion of doing whatever might be advisable later on.

In this year, 948 H.,* Humāyūn married Ḥamīda Bānū Begam, and coming to Pāṇtar returned to Lohrī. Mīrzā Hindāl started for Qandahār in answer to the summons of Qarācha Beg,* the governor of that district, and Yādgār Nāṣir Mīrzā, who had encamped at a distance of ten krohs from (Humāyūn's) camp also intended to proceed to Qandahār. Humāyūn thereupon sent Mīr Abūl-Baqā,* who was one of the most distinguished of the learned men of the time, Persian commentator on Mīr Saiyyid Sharīf, and author of other compositions, to advise him and dissuade him from his purpose, * At the time of crossing the river a party sallied out from the fortress of Bakkar and rained showers of arrows upon the people in the boats. The sainted Mīr was struck by the soul-melting arrow of Fate, and was drowned* in the ocean of martyrdom. This event took place in the year 948 H. and the chronogram Surūr-i-kāināt* was invented to commemorate it.

Mīrzā Yadgār Nāṣir hearkened to this advice and counsel and remained in Bakkar, and Humāyūn proceeded to Tatta, where­upon many of his soldiers left his camp and joined Mīrzā (Yādgār) and spent their days* in comfort by reason of the increased pay they received. In this way Mīrzā gathered strength, and Humāyūn crossing the river laid siege to the fortress of Sīyāhwān.* Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain kept sending* reinforcements and supplies* to the garrison,* and embarking on a boat, and* coming near to the camp blocked the avenues of supplies (to Humāyūn). The siege lasted for seven months, and victory seemed as far off as ever, while great distress was felt from scarcity of 438. grain* and want of salt.*

Verse.
Every feast which is prepared* by the hand of heaven
Is either altogether without salt or is altogether so salt (as
to be uneatable).

The soldiers were reduced to such extremities,* that they were forced to give up grain and content themselves with the flesh of animals, and finally* they had to abandon the hope of even this.

Verse.
The hungry-bellied fastened his eyes on skins,
For fur is the near neighbour of flesh.

Then he sent messengers a second time to Bakkar to summon Mīrzā* Yādgār Nāṣir, so that in conjunction with him he might repel Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain and gain possession of the fort. He sent a reinforcement, which was however of no service,* and hearing of the distress which prevailed in the camp he saw no good in going there, so remained in Bakkar.* Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain played upon his ambition by false promises of the rule of that kingdom, and of having the Khubah read and the currency issued in his name; he also promised to obey him, and also that he would give him his daughter in marriage, and thus misled him into opposing Humāyūn.* He further took possession of all* the boats belonging to Humāyūn, who, in consequence of all these obstacles, any one of which was a sufficient reason,* seeing the distress and misery of his army, abandoned the siege* of the fortress, and all unwillingly saying, “Retreat is the wisest course,” turned back towards Bakkar, and remaining several days inactive for want of boats, at last by the help of two zamīndārs recovered two boats which Mīrzā had sunk, and reached* Bakkar. Mīrzā, as a means of covering* the shame he felt, before he came to pay his 439. respects,* marched by forced marches against Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, and putting to death or taking captive large number of the people of Tatta, who in ignorance of his intentions had left their boats,* did a good deal to repair* his former defections. Then with shame and confusion he came and had an interview (with Humāyūn) and brought in countless heads of the enemy. His faults were overlooked, but in consequence of certain events which occurred, he again became rebellious, and being deceived by the wiles of Mīrzā Shāh Ḥusain, prepared for war. Mun‘im Khān who eventually became Khān-i-Khānān also meditated* flight. Both of them, however, became* aware of the folly of their design, and realising its heinousness abandoned their iniquit­ous intention. The men of Humāyūn's force were day by day going over to the side* of Mīrzā Yādgār Nāṣir. In the mean­time Maldeo, Rāja of the kingdom* of Mārwār, who was distin­guished above all the zamīndārs of Hindūstān on account of the strength of his following* and his exceeding grandeur, again sent letters of summons. Humāyūn not thinking it advisable to remain* any longer in the vicinity of Bakkar and Tatta, pro­ceeded by way of Jaisalmīr towards Mārwār. The Rāja of Jaisalmīr blocked the road by which his army was to pass, and fought a battle in which he was defeated. In that waterless desert Humāyūn's army suffered terrible distress, so much so that* around the wells blood was spilled in place of water among his followers, and most of them* from the violence of their thirst cast themselves into the well as though they had been buckets, till it became choked.

In this state of affairs Humāyūn quoted the following mala‘, whoever is the author of it:—