MUHAMMAD SHÁH BÁDSHÁH, FORMERLY CALLED ROSHAN AKHTAR, FOURTEENTH IN DESCENT AND SIXTEENTH* IN SUCCESSION TO AMÍR TÍMÚR.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 839.] Rafí'u-d Daula had reigned only three months and two days when it became known that his death was near at hand. Saiyid 'Abdu-llah was in despair, and he sent from Fathpúr to bring Prince Muhammad Roshan Akhtar, son of the late Jahán Sháh, and grandson of Aurang-zeb, then only eighteen years of age. ^{* *} Since the death of Jahándár Sháh he had lived with his noble mother in the fort of Dehlí. He was a good-looking young man, with many good qualities, and of excellent intelligence. Rafí'u-d Daula had been dead nearly a week before the young Prince arrived; but the fact was kept secret, and the defunct was buried soon after the arrival. On the 11th Zí-l ka'da, 1131* A.H. (Sept. 1719 A.D.), he reached Fathpúr, and on the 15th of that month he ascended the throne. ^{* * *} Money was struck in the name of Abú-l Muzaffar Násiru-d dín Muhammad Sháh Bádsháh-i Ghází, and his name was read in the khutba as Emperor of Hindústán in the mosques. His mother was well acquainted with State business, and was a woman of much intelligence and tact. ^{* *} It was settled that the beginning of his reign should date from the deposition of Farrukh Siyar, and should be so entered in the Government records. Fifteen thousand rupees a month were allotted to his mother. The názirs and ^{* *} all the officers and servants around the Emperor were, as before, the servants of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah. When the young Emperor went out for a ride, he was surrounded, as with a halo, by numbers of the Saiyid's trusted adherents; and when occasionally, in the course of two or three months, he went out hunting, or for an excursion into the country, they went with him and brought him back.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 843.] * Mír Jumla was appointed to the office of chief judge, and Ratan Chand held firm his position. His authority extended over all civil, revenue, and legal matters, even to the appointment of kázís in the cities and other judicial officers. All the other Government officials were put in the background, and no one would undertake any business but under a document with his seal.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 842.] Chhabílá Rám Nágar, Súbadár of Alláhábád, had given uneasiness by his insubordination, and Husain 'Alí Khán prepared to march against him and bring him to order; but news arrived that he was dead. ^{* *} After Chhabílá's death, his brother's son Giridhar, who was called his swordsman, set about collecting forces and strengthening the fortifications. When this became known, they (the Saiyids) took Muhammad Sháh from Fathpúr to Ágra, and, in pre­paration for the siege of Alláhábád, orders were given for throw­ing a bridge over the Jumna, and for the march of a force in advance. ^{* *} Giridhar hearing of the preparations for the siege of Alláhabád, sent his vakíls to make propositions, ^{* *} which ended in his being promised the súbadárí of Oudh, with other favours, and the title of Bahádur. ^{* * *} But Giridhar placed no reliance on the words and promises of the Saiyids. ^{* *} So the fortress was invested, and the siege dragged on a long time. At length Husain 'Alí Khán crossed the Jumna [to press the siege].

The fort of Alláhábád is protected on three sides by the rivers Ganges and Jumna, and Giridhar had worked hard in strengthening the defences, and in collecting provisions and stores of war. The report of his rebellion had caused great ex­citement in all the exchequer territories and among the great jágírdárs. Taking these facts into consideration, it was feared that the protraction of the siege might lead to serious derange­ments in civil and revenue matters, and the condition of the people in all the súbas. The promise of surrendering the fortress had induced Saiyid 'Abdu-llah to return with the Emperor towards Dehlí; ^{* *} but when it was known that the promise had not been kept, contrary to all usage, they turned back. ^{* *} Giridhar had written repeatedly to say that if Ratan Chand were sent to him, some settlement consistent with safety and honour might be made, so that he might leave the fort. The two brothers decided upon deputing Ratan Chand, and he proceeded thither with a suitable escort at the end of Rabí'u-l ákhir, in the second year of the reign.

When Ratan Chand and Giridhar met, an arrangement was made and confirmed by an oath upon the water of the Ganges—a very solemn oath among Hindús. It was agreed that Giridhar should receive, in addition to the súbadárí of Oudh and the faujdárí dependent thereon, two or three other important faujdárís which he desired to possess. At the beginning of Jumáda-l ákhir he withdrew from the fortress, and proceeded towards Oudh. It has been said that “Laughter ends with weeping, and rejoicing with sorrow.” The surrender of Alláh-ábád was not generally known, ^{* *} before Fate brought forth another serious matter.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 847.] Husain 'Alí Khán deemed himself superior in military and government matters to his brother. In his judgment it seemed that, as there were sufficient adminis­trators with him and his brother, and as his adopted son 'Álam 'Alí was acting (as súbadár) in the Dakhin with a sufficient army, it would be well to send Nizámu-l Mulk to be Súbadár of Málwá, half-way between Dehlí and the Dakhin. ^{* * *} Nizámu-l Mulk accepted the appointment, and received his robe and dismissal to his government on the third day after the ac­cession of Rafí'u-d Daraját. He took with him his wives and children, and there accompanied him more than a thousand com­panions, mansabdárs and jágírdárs, who were poor and sick at heart with the unkindness shown by the Saiyids, and through pay being in arrear. Nizámu-l Mulk busied himself in collect­ing soldiers and artillery, which are necessary for governing the world and keeping it in order. He gave 500 horses with ac­coutrements and arms to Muhammad Ghiyás Khán for his Mughal fraternity, and turned them into horsemen. He lent large sums of money to ^{* *} and others, binding them to himself by the bonds of debt and kindness.

When Saiyid Husain 'Alí Khán was marching from the Dakhin against Farrukh Siyar, on coming to the Nerbadda, Marhamat Khán, who was in the fort of Shádíábád at Mándú, made an excuse of illness, and did not go out to meet him. ^{* *} After the death of Farrukh Siyar, the Saiyid appointed Khwája Kulí Khán to succeed him. ^{* *} Marhamat Khán resisted. ^{* *} Then Husain 'Alí wrote to Nizámu-l Mulk, desiring him to turn Marhamat Khán out of the fort. ^{* *} After some negocia-tion, Marhamat Khán came out and joined Nizámu-l Mulk.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 850.] After the accession of Muhammad Sháh, letters were often sent by him and by his mother, Maryam Makání, through the medium of I'timádu-d daula Muhammad Amín Khán, to Nizámu-l Mulk, informing him that the con­straint used by the Saiyids was so strict that he had only liberty to go to service on the Sabbath, and that he had no power of giving any orders; that the Saiyids, in their futile scheming, proposed, after settling the affairs of Nekú Siyar and Giridhar, to get rid of Nizámu-l Mulk, and then to do as they pleased; that they (Muhammad Sháh and his mother) had full reliance on Nizámu-l Mulk, that he would not fail in the loyalty which his ancestors had ever exhibited.

When Nekú Siyar had been taken prisoner, and peace had been made with Giridhar, Husain 'Alí Khán set other springs of disturbance in action. He made a compact with Maháráo Bhím Singh Háda, that after chastising Sálim Singh, Zamíndár of Búndí, and settling matters with Nizámu-l Mulk, he would raise Bhím Singh to the high dignity of Mahárája; so that, after Mahárája Ajít Singh, he would be higher in rank than all other Rájas; and that he should receive a mansab of 7000 and 7000 horse, with the Fish banner. He appointed him, Rája Gaj Singh of Narwar, Diláwar 'Alí Khán, and others, with an army of 15,000 horse, first to punish and expel Sálim Singh of Búndí, and then to direct their attention to Nizámu-l Mulk, and be ready to act upon the directions they might receive.