[vol. ii. p. 727.] After the victory * * Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, Lutfu-llah Khán Sádik, and other amírs were sent to arrange matters at Dehlí. Farrukh Siyar, after a week's rest, started for that city, and encamped in the environs on the 11th Muharram, 1124 A.H. (Feb. 9th, 1712 A.D.). Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán received the title of Kutbu-l Mulk and Yár-i wafádár Zafar Jang, with other favours, and a mansab of 7000 and 7000 horse, do-aspas and sih-aspas. Husain 'Alí Khán received the title of Amíru-l umará Fíroz Jang, with a mansab of 7000 and 7000 horse. He also received other honours, and was appointed to the office of Mír-Bakhshí. Muhammad Amín Khán was entitled I'timádu-d daula; his mansab was increased 1000, and he was appointed second Bakhshí. Kalích Khán's mansab was augmented from 5000 to 7000 and 7000 horse; he received the title of Nizámu-l Mulk Bahádur Fath Jang, and was appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin.* [Many other promotions and appointments.]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 730.] Farrukh Siyar had no will of his
own. He was young, inexperienced in business, and inattentive
to affairs of State. He had grown up in Bengal, far away from
his grandfather and father. He was entirely dependent on the
opinions of others, for he had no resolution or discretion. By
the help of fortune he had seized the crown. The timidity of
his character contrasted with the vigour of the race of Tímúr,
and he was not cautious in listening to the words of artful men.
From the beginning of his reign he himself brought his troubles
on himself. One great fault he committed at the outset of his
reign, in appointing Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, a Saiyid of Bárha, to
the office of wazír, which is such a high and important trust that
former kings always bestowed it upon wise, great and high-
Mír Jumla* had risen into the King's favour. He was a friendly, generous, and upright man (diyánat), from whom many received kindnesses; but he was unwilling that the reins of the government of Hindústán should pass into the hands of the Bárha Saiyids. When he saw that the sovereign power was entirely under the control of the two brothers, he could not suppress his envy and rivalry. By lauding the interest and sympathy shown to the Emperor by his new associates, he gained his point, and stirred up dissensions between him and the Bárha Saiyids. According to common report, it was he who was the prime mover in recommending the destruction of the old hereditary nobles, and also of overthrowing the family of Ásafu-d daula. The two brothers were not inclined to bear patiently Mír Jumla's invidious and provoking interference in their affairs, and every day they overstepped the bounds of subordination and duty. It has been commonly reported that the Saiyids prompted and shared in the execution of Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang; but I will now relate what I have ascertained from sure sources.
Ásafu-d daula and Zú-l fikár Khán came with their hearts full of doubt and apprehension to wait upon the Emperor. Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí Khán, having been informed of the consultation and desires of Mír Jumla and the Emperor, sent a message to Ásafu-d daula, promising him that, if he would wait upon the Emperor under his (Husain Khán's) introduction, not a hair of his head should be injured. Some other nobles, when they heard of this advice, disapproved of it, and sent Takarrub Khán, who was a man of Írán, and chosen for being a compatriot, to Zú-l fikár Khán, to console him, and to assure him, after taking the most sacred oaths, that his introduction to the Emperor by Husain 'Alí Khán would be productive of nothing but repentance and danger to his life and property. * * Mír Jumla having brought Ásafu-d daula and Zú-l fikár Khán, fastened the hands of the latter to his turban, and thus presented them. Ásafu-d daula spoke two or three words, expressing sorrow for his offences and hope of pardon. Farrukh Siyar spoke with apparent kindness, ordered (Zú-l fikár Khán's) hands to be released, and made presents of robes and jewels. He then told Ásafu-d daula to return home, and said that there was some business about which he wanted to consult with Zú-l fikár Khán, and that Zú-l fikár Khán should sit down in an outer tent.
The father saw that his son was doomed, and with a swelling heart and tearful eyes he repaired to his tent. Zú-l fikár Khán washed his hands of life, and having prepared himself for death, he went to the place appointed. He was surrounded by amírs and their men (chelas). First, with bitter words, they demanded of him the blood of 'Azímu-sh Shán and Muhammad Karím, and he replied to them with rough and sharp answers. Thereupon Láchín Beg, entitled Bahádur Dil Khán, and according to common report, one of the chelas, came behind Zú-l fikár Khán, threw a thong (tasma)* round his neck unawares, and pulled it tight. The chelas surrounded him on all sides; they struck him with sticks and their fists and kicked him; others used their knives and daggers, and never ceased till they had despatched him.
On the same day the order was given that men should go into the fort, to the tirpauliya, a small and dark room in which Jahándár Sháh was confined, and despatch him also with the thong. Muhammad Farrukh Siyar entered the city and fort on the 17th Muharram (15th Feb. 1712 A.D.), and gave orders that, in retaliation for violent acts against his brothers and the amírs, his head should be stuck upon a spear, and carried round the city on an elephant, with the carcase lying in the howda. The corpse of Zú-l fikár was ordered to be hung head downwards from the tail of the elephant. After thus being paraded before the people, the bodies were to be brought into the city and thrown down at the gate of the fort.
Directions were also given that Ásafu-d daula should be placed in a palankin and conducted along with his zanána—and carrying only the clothes and appurtenances which he and his attendants stood upright in—to the house of Khán-Jahán, there to be kept in confinement and under guard. An order of confiscation was also made against the household effects of father and son, and the effects of Kokaltásh Khán, Rája Sabhá Chand, and some others connected with Jahándár Sháh, who had incurred the anger of the Emperor and of Heaven. Rája Sabhá Chand abused the officials, and so an order was given for cutting out his tongue. [More executions.]
In common conversation the title of Láchín Beg was changed
into the nickname Tasma-kash (thong-puller). As men were
subjected to this punishment of the thong without ascertainment
or proof of offence, such a terror of it seized the hearts of the
nobles of the reign of Aurangzeb and Bahádur Sháh, that when
any one left his home to attend upon the Emperor, he took farewell
of his sons and family. Matters went to such a length that
actors and mountebanks got a living by exhibiting the newly-