The Chandálbhor Phúr, or Púr, in some copies of the Yamíní, the ruler of Ásí, may, perhaps, indicate that the Rájá was a Chandel Rájpút, for Ásí is close to the spot where we find that clan now established. The name Phúr may have some connection with the legendary Fúr, or Porus, who opposed Alexander; for, be it observed, his capital is represented by Indian geographers to have been in the neighbourhood of Allahabad; and the Rájás of Kumáún, who are themselves Chandels, represent themselves to be descended from this Fúr, the ruler of Kanauj and Prayág. So addicted are the Asiatics to ascribe this name to Indian potentates that some Arabic authors name even Ráí Pithaurá as Puras. On this name and the analogies which it suggests, much might be added, but it would lead us beyond the immediate purport of this Note to discuss them.*
Chand Ráí, perhaps, also indicates the same lineage, for his dominions must have adjoined Bundelkhand, in which province are included Mahoba and Chanderí, the original seats from which the Chandels emigrated.
Thirteenth Expedition.—Battle of the Ráhib. A.H. 412.—'Utbí mentions no year for this expedition. Nizámu-d dín Ahmad attributes it to 410; Firishta to 412. The latter is the most probable. Mírkhond and Khondamír make no mention of it. 'Utbí places the scene on the Ráhib, which we know from Al Bírúní to be on the other side of the Ganges, and is either the Rámgangá, or the Sye— apparently the latter in the present instance.
The other authors place the scene on the Jumna, and we might consider their account to refer to some other expedition, were not Purú Jaipál mentioned in both, as well as the circumstance of the surprise by eight men swimming over the river. It is also worthy of remark that Al Bírúní gives the death of Púr Jaipál in 412 A.H., which makes it highly probable that he was slain in this very action, though that fact is not expressly mentioned in the Taríkh Yamíní.
Dr. Bird doubts this expedition altogether, because another expedition occurs against Kálinjar, and the two appear to have been in reality one. But here not even Firishta represents that Mahmúd went to Kálinjar, though he was engaged with the Rája of that place. 'Utbí's statement must be received as conclusive respecting a movement as far as the Ráhib; though he mentions nothing about Kálinjar or Nandá Rája. Indeed, in that author we nowhere find mention of that submission to the Sultán, on account of which the Ráí of Kanauj was sacrificed to the vengeance of the Hindú confederacy.
That Purú Jaipál should be found on the other side of the Ráhib, as 'Utbí says, or come to the aid of Nandá Rájá, according to Nizámu-d dín and Firishta, is confirmative of the probability previously noticed, that he had then established himself far to the eastward of Lahore.
The following is the statement of Nizámu-d dín:—
“It is said that when Sultán Mahmúd heard that a Rája named Nandá* had slain the Ráí of Kanauj, for having recognized and submitted to the Sultán, he resolved to invade his territory. So, in A.H. 410, he marched again towards Hindústán. When he reached the banks of the Jumna, Púr Jaipál,* who had so often fled before his troops, and who had now come to assist Nandá, encamped in face of the Sultán; but there was a deep river between them, and no one passed over without the Sultán's permission. But it so happened that eight of the royal guards of Mahmúd's army having crossed the river together, they threw the whole army of Púr Jaipál into confusion, and defeated it. Púr Jaipál, with a few infidels, escaped. The eight men* not returning to the Sultán, advanced against the city of Bárí,* which lay in the vicinity. Having found it defenceless, they plundered it, and pulled down the heathen temples.
The Sultán advanced from hence to the territory of Nandá, who, resolving on battle, collected a large army, which is said to have consisted of thirty-six thousand horse, one hundred and five thousand foot,* and six hundred and forty elephants. When the Sultán approached his camp, he first sent an ambassador, calling upon him to acknowledge fealty, and embrace the Muhammadan faith. Nandá refused these conditions, and prepared to fight. Upon this, the Sultán reconnoitred Nandá's army from an eminence, and observing its vast numbers, he regretted his having come thither. Prostrating himself before God, he prayed for success and victory. When night came on, great fear and alarm entered the mind of Nandá, and he fled with some of his personal attendants, leaving all his baggage and equipments. The next day the Sultán, being apprized of this, rode out on horseback without any escort, and carefully examined the ground. When he was satisfied that there was no ambush or strategical device, he stretched out his hands for plunder and devastation. Immense booty fell into the hands of the Musulmáns, and five hundred and eighty of Nandá's elephants, which were in the neighbouring woods, were taken. The Sultán, loaded with victory and success, returned to Ghaznín.”* —Tabakát-i Akbarí.
Fourteenth Expedition.—Kírát, Núr, Lohkot, and Láhore.*
A.H. 413.
We now lose the guidance of 'Utbí, and are compelled to follow the
more uncertain authority of later writers. It has been questioned
whether this expedition ever took place. Elphinstone and Reinaud
take no notice of it, and Bird says that it is a mere repetition of the
previous one to Bálnát; and “the narratives evidently refer to the
same places and transactions.” Even if they did refer to the same
places, there is no reason why the transactions should not have been
different. As Firishta asserts that Kuriat*
and Nardein lie apparently
between Turkistán and Hindústán, it is evident that he thought he
was dealing with places which had not yet been mentioned. His
authority for assigning this position to the tract is not the Tabakát-i
Akbarí, in which it is merely stated that the country has mountain
passes, is very cold, abounds with fruit, and that its inhabitants
worship lions. This latter, no doubt, alludes to the worship of
Sákya Sinha (lion) the Buddha. But, though Firishta had little
authority for his assertion, it is evident that he was correct in
making it Kuriat. First, we must restore the true reading of
Nardein. The latter, in the Tabakát-i Akbarí and Kanzu-l Mahpúr
is correctly given as “Núr;” and “Kuriat” in the same works, in the
original of Firishta, is correctly given as “Kírát.” Now, the position
of Kírát and Núr is ascertained by referring to Al Bírúní's
account of the Kábul river, which is thus described by him: “This
body of water—the Kábul river—passes through the country of Lam-
On the supposition that Núr and Kírát were in the neighbourhood of Bajaur, there is no difficulty in tracing the progress of the conqueror during this invasion. On his way from Ghaznín, he makes an incursion across the Kábul river, and while his general is engaged in capturing Núr and building the fort, to overawe the wild inhabitants, he himself proceeds to the impregnable Lohkot, by the same road which he had previously travelled; and then returned to Ghaznín after visiting Lahore.
As the Habíbu-s Siyar gives no account of this expedition, the following narrative is taken from Nizámu-d dín Ahmad. Firishta adds to it that the king of Lahore fled to Ajmír, and that Mahmúd, before returning to Ghazní, nominated commanders to the conquered provinces of Hindustán, and left troops for their protection. This author is mistaken in speaking of the stone which was found at Nárdín, and was represented to be four thousand years old. He has in this respect, from similarity of name, confounded this expedition with that against Ninduna or Nárdín, in the Bálnát hills.