All this arises from following Firishta too implicitly, without referring to more original and authentic sources. The statement in the Yamíní is clear enough, and it does not appear why Firishta should have departed from it.

The Yamíní says that, after passing by the borders of Kashmír, that is, close under the sub-Himalayan range, and crossing the Jumna, Mahmúd takes Baran, which is the ancient name of the present Bulandshahr, for which more modern authors, not knowing what “Baran” was, substitute “Mírat”—then Kulchand's fort, which is the Mahában of the other—then crossing the Jumna he takes Mathura—and then recrossing the Jumna, he proceeds to Kanauj, and takes that and its seven detached forts, of which the ruins of some may still be traced. He then goes to Munj, “a city of Bráhmans,” or, as Briggs says, “of Rájpúts,” for which there is no authority—his original being merely “fighting men.” This place must be the same as the old town of Manjháwan, or Majháwan, the ruins of which are still visible on the Pandú river, ten miles south of Kánhpúr. It is in the heart of the country of the Kanaují Bráhmans. He then proceeds to Chandalbhor's fort of Asní, lower down on the banks of the Ganges, ten miles N.E. from Fathpúr, where at a later period we find Jaichand deposit­ing his treasure. It is a very old town, founded, it is said, by Aswaní Kumára, the son of Súraj, who held a sacrifice there, and founded a city called after his own name. On the 25th of Sha'bán, after capturing Sharwa or Sarúa,—which I conceive to be either Seunra on the Ken, between Kálinjar and Banda, or Sriswa-garh on the Pahonj, not far from Kúnch,—he reaches the retreat of Chand Ráí in the hills. These hills must be those of Bundelkhand, for there are no others which he could have reached before the close of Sha'bán, seeing he only arrived at Kanauj on the 8th. There is to be sure no mention of his crossing or recrossing the Jumna, but this is no valid objection, for neither is there any mention of his crossing the Panjáb on his return to Ghazní. Of the two places mentioned above, in the plains of Bundelkhand, Sriswa-garh or Sríswa-garh, appears the most probable; for we know it to have been a place of considerable importance in the annals of the Bun-delkhand Rájas; for about two centuries after this, the bard Chand informs us, that several chiefs were slain in defending it against Pirthí Ráí of Dehli, who for the purpose of capturing it, had crossed the river Sind, which was the boundary between his dominions and those of Parmál Chandel, the Rája of Mahoba. It is to be observed that no other author except 'Utbí mentions the name of Sharwa— later authors not being able to identify it. Mahmúd's progress under the explanation now given appears to have been regular and consistent.

The Rauzatu-s Safá observes the same order, with the omission of some of the names. First, the fort of a converted Hindú (Baran); then the fort of Kulchand (Mahában); then the holy city not mentioned by name (Mathura); then Kanauj; then Munj; then the fort of Chandpál; and lastly, the pursuit of Chand Rája. The Habîbu-s Siyar follows this statement, omitting all occurrences after the capture of Kanauj. Nizámu-d dín and Firishta have reversed this order, and make Mahmúd proceed direct to Kanauj, then back to Mírat or Baran, then to Mahában, then to Mathura, then to the seven forts on the banks of a river, which the Táríkh-i Alfí adds were under the Dehli Rája; then to Munj, then to the fort of Chandpál, then in pursuit of Chandráí.

The following is extracted from Nizámu-d dín Ahmad. The number of troops which accompanied the Sultán is not mentioned. 'Utbí says he had 20,000 volunteers from Transoxiana. Mírkhond says these were in addition to his own troops. Firishta says he had 100,000 chosen horse and 20,000 northern foot.

“In A.H. 409, Sultán Mahmúd marched at the head of his army with the resolution of conquering the kingdom of Kanauj. When, having crossed seven dreadful rivers, he reached the confines of that kingdom, the governor of the place, whose name was Kora, submitted to him, sought his protection, and sent him presents.*

“The Sultán then arrived at the fort of Barna. The governor, whose name was Hardat, left the fort under the care of his tribe and relations,* and sought to conceal himself elsewhere. The gar­rison, finding themselves unable to defend the fort, capitulated in a few days, agreeing to pay a thousand times a thousand (1,000,000) dirhams, which is equal to 2,50,000 rupees, and also to present him with thirty elephants.

“The Sultán marched thence to the fort of Maháwan, on the banks of the river Jumna. The chief of the place, whose name was Kulchandar, mounted his elephant with the intention of crossing over the stream and flying away, but the Sultán's army pursued, and when they approached him he killed himself with his dagger.

“To live in the power of an enemy
Is much worse than to die.”

The fort was captured, and eighty-five elephants, besides much other booty, fell into the hands of the victors.

“Proceeding from this place, the king arrived at Mathura,* which was a very large city full of magnificent temples. It is the birth­place of Krishn (or) Básdeo, whom the Hindús venerate as an incarnation of God. When the Sultán reached the city no one came out to oppose him.* The Sultan's army plundered the whole city and set fire to the temples. They took immense booty, and by the Sultán's order they broke up a golden image which was ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskáls in weight; and there was also found a sapphire weighing four hundred and fifty miskáls.

“It is said that Chandar Ráí, who was one of the Rájas of Hin­dústán, possessed a very powerful and famous elephant. The Sultán desired to purchase it at a very large price, but could not get it.* When the Sultán was returning from Kanauj, this elephant one night broke away from the other elephants, and went without any driver to the Sultán's camp, who took it, and being much pleased, he called it Khudádád (the gift of God).

“When he returned to Ghaznín, he had the value of the spoil counted. It was found to consist of 20,000,000 dirhams, 53,000 captives, and 350 elephants.”—Tabakát-i Akbarí.

There are not fewer difficulties to contend with when we come to consider the names of the Hindú chiefs. 'Utbí calls the ruler of Kanauj Ráí Jaipál and Purú Jaipál, meaning the same Jaipál who has already been spoken of as the Rájá of Lahore. Mírkhond and Khondamír also call him Jaipál. He is the same as the Nardajan-pál of Al Bírúní, of which none of his commentators are able to restore the correct reading. Nizámu-d dín Ahmad and Firishta call him Kora, or, according to Briggs, Koowur-Ray. We are at a loss what grounds these later authors have for this statement. It may, perhaps, be equivalent to Purú, and be meant for Kunwar, “a rája's son,” a term of common use in the present day. Bird says he was called Kora from the appellation of his tribe; but there is no such tribe, unless Gaur be meant, which would be spelt in nearly a similar form. However this may be, we must, improbable as it may seem, follow the statement of 'Utbí, and conceive that the Rájá of Lahore was at this time in possession of Kanauj. There are certain details given which favour this notion. The son of this Purú Jaipál is, according to the Yamíní, Bhím-pál, who writes to Chand Rái, respecting the Musulmáns, as if he had long been in communication with them. This Bhím-pál speaks of his uncle having been forcibly converted, which uncle, as we have already seen, seems evidently to be the same as Nawása Sháh. We also find Purú Jaipál holding dominions on the other side of the Ganges during the next campaign on the Ráhib. We may suppose, therefore, that, without being de facto ruler throughout these broad domains, he may have held a sort of suzerainty or paramount rule, and was then in the eastern por­tion of his dominions, engaged in settling the nuptials of his son, Bhím-pál, or had altogether transferred his residence to these parts, to avoid the frequent incursions of his Muhammadan persecutors, who, in their late expedition to Thánesar, had shown that it was impossible for him to maintain independence in Lahore. Like as the reigning family was driven from Kábul to Bhera, and from Bhera to Lahore, so it seems now to have been driven from Lahore to Kanauj.