We have left Governor Vansittart on his way to England. After his arrival in that country, his administration had become the object of a severe inquiry. Lord Clive had taken care to make it a general topic in the Council of that kingdom. But Vansittart, (who was a man of such an extent of genius, and so much firm­ness of mind, that his countrymen themselves acknowledge how difficult it would be to find such another man throughout all England), took care to give such rational answers to each charge, as overthrew the accusations prepared against him, and set in an advantageous light the valuable services he had rendered to the State. Amongst all the articles of chicane exhibited against him, a principal one was this, that they imputed to him the death of the English prisoners slaughtered by Mir-cassem’s order. But he soon confuted the imputation, by producing a paper written at Calcutta at the time of Mr. Amyatt’s death, where The Governor’s rational and vigorous defence. the Councillors openly disclosed their minds, and importuned their Governor for a declaration of war against that Prince. He proved his having represented, “That as there were so many English prisoners in that Prince’s power, it would be proper to make some accommodation with him at present, until the prisoners should be released; after which it might be time to go to war;” but the Councillors, blinded by their passion, and by the fury of their resentment, unanimously clamoured for war, and gave it under their hands, that whether the prisoners were to be slaughtered to a man, or not, they would go to war immediately. Vansittart, on this declaration, had consented to an immediate war; but he kept the paper carefully by him; and now he presented it open to the Council of England, and asked, whether they conceived now that the slaughter was imputable to him, or to the Members of the Council; adding, that if they had the least doubt about the matter, it would soon be cleared up by inspecting the paper. This paper in reality turned the tide in his favour; and the members of the English Council, on seeing the contents, applauded his penetration, and conceived as much esteem for his keenness of mind, as contempt for the precipitancy of his accusers. But there was another misdemeanour which those accusers wanted to fasten upon him; and it was this: That he had forborne trading in salt on the Com­pany’s account, although he knew that such an article of trade would produce immense benefits, when exported duty-free to distant places; instead of which, he he had left in entirely to he Indians. “To this new charge Shems-ed-döwlah answered, by acknowledging the immense benefits that might have accrued from trading in salt for the Company’s account; but he added, that he had been overawed, by a variety of consider­ations arising on that subject; and had been deterred from the attempt, on reflecting on the various branches of trade already enjoyed by the Company throughout the whole country. That should it be admitted, that the inhabitants of Bengal consisted of five kinds of men, to wit, servants to Govern­ment, handicraftmen, merchants, labourers, and necessitous people, that is, old and poor men; it would be found that the servants of Government alone amounted to several hundred thousands, who had no other way of subsisting than by dealing in salt, from which article, by-the-bye, they were wholly debarred in the Company’s own dominions. That to those myriads must be added another multitude that have subsisted entirely by trade, at a time when the Company was enjoying but a part of the trade of Bengal, whereas now it enjoys the whole; and another multitude of the better sort again, which being accustomed to subsist by serving in the cavalry, had found now that such a species of service was entirely disregarded, and had betaken themselves to merchandising. It is then for those multitudes”, added he, “that I have left alone that branch of trade which might afford them a livelihood; multitudes that amount to as much again as all the people in England and in the Company’s service put together; my views having always been, that there might remain some veil over our system, and that every man in Bengal should not become our personal enemy. In one word, I was fearful, lest the whole nation, already oppressed by our traders, and by the Company’s encroachments, might be driven to despair, on finding that our Sensible remark on the relation sub­sisting
between the Governors and the governed. knife has cut deep, and to the very bone. What if times are not all of one tenor? What if a change of events should take place? Would you choose then to have every one of those people turn out upon you, as your sworn enemies?” This speech of Vansittart’s was greatly applauded by the wise men of those parts, and they expressed their contempt of his accusers in strong terms. In fact these sentences were very pithy, and those admonitions proved full of penetration and of good sense. And what if his adversaries had been told, that ruling and government need the assent and satisfaction of the governed, and that it was far from finding its account in the injury and ruin of the subject?

“If thou hast comprehended this, let me kiss thy wisdom;

But if thou art insensible, what a pity, and what a pity!”

Mr. Vansittart having come off victorious from those accusations, become henceforward so conspicuous, that those who had the power of binding and loosing in that country, conceived that there was no man fitter for the purpose of introducing order and regularity in that distracted country, than himself. After his departure, they sent some further orders for his perusal. Misfortune would have it so, that the ship which carried him was swallowed up by the sea, in such a manner, that no intelligence Governor Vansittart sent back, with honour, to Bengal; but perishes at sea. and no vestige could ever be discovered of her in any part of the world. When this piece of news reached England, the wise men of that country, after a thorough examination of the case, resolved, that in such a conjuncture they had one person equal to Mr. Vansittart, and none fit to make amends for his loss, but Mr. Hushtin, who was the very man fit to be sent, and to be seated in his stead. The said Master was then Bará-saháb or Governor of Arcat in Decan*. They therefore made haste to send him an order to depart for Calcutta, where he was to take charge of the affairs of that county; to peruse the Company’s dispatches; and likewise to attend to the instructions destined for Mr. Vansittart, which he was to put in execution, in the manner which he might think convenable. At the same time they dispatched another packet to Calcutta, with injunctions to leave closed and sealed the instructions destined for Mr. Vansittart, until Mr. Hushtin himself should open and peruse them. These two orders having reached their two destinations, Mr. Hushtin went from Mendradj to Calcutta, where the packet, that is, the letter of the European Council, containing the instructions and orders, had been kept under Mr. Hushtin arrives as Governor at Calcutta, and spends ninety days and nights in perusing records. seal; and during the three months which Mr. Cartier remained in Calcutta, he contented himself with acting only as his second in the Government; but he availed himself of those three months to spend days and nights in perusing the papers relative to past transactions, and also in meditating upon the orders and instructions brought by the said packet. At the end of that time, which probably was the term fixed for Mr. Cartier’s admin­istration, he took his post in the Governor’s chair, and in a few days after, he dispatched orders for putting Mahmed-reza-qhan He sends an order for arresting Mahmed-reza-qhan
and Shytab-ráy. and Shytab-ráy under arrest, and for bringing them to Calcutta. The two orders were addressed to Mr. Gram, (John Graham), Chief of Moorshood-abad, with so much secrecy that Mr. Vansit­tart, Chief of Azim-abad, knew nothing of them. But it is reported that Mr. Gram, who was a great friend of Mahmed-reza-qhan’s, had said, that since his endeavours had failed in saving and sheltering that Minister, it was proper that Shytab-ráy, who was in a similar office, and upon ill terms with Mahmed-reza-qhan, (but for whose deposition and arrest there was no order from Europe) should partake of the other’s disgrace. Djon-gram, in consequence of such a management, wrote such letters to the Governor, that he obtained an order for recalling Shytab-ráy also, and for putting him in confinement, as well as Mahmed-reza-qhan. God preserve the innocent from such artifices, and such partialities!

Mr. Djon-gram was at supper in the house of one of his nation, when the Governor’s orders directed to him, were suddenly brought in. He quitted the company sooner than usual, and repaired to his house, from whence he wrote a note to a Captain of troops; and straight this piece of intelligence was carried, I know not how, in the very words to Mahmed-reza-qhan. But he was so full of the authority which he enjoyed, that he paid no regard to the intelligence, but recommenced another nap, with the utmost neglect and security. There remained no more than one hour of night, when the Captain with a battalion of Talingas arrived close to Nyshat-bagh, accompanied by Mr. Anderson, and he stopped at the gate. Mr. Anderson, with some servants, went into the Navvab’s apartment, and after intimating the Governor’s order, upon which he condoled with him, he added, that there was no intention to do him any harm, or to make him uneasy at all on any account; but that such an order had come, and must be obeyed. As Mahmed-reza-qhan had neither the heart or the power to make the least resistance, he inclined the head in token of submission, and consented to whatever was required of him. The Captain of troops, after dismissing Mahmed-reza-qhan’s Talingas, placed his own in every place and every spot, as a guard, with injunctions to offer no rudeness and no opposition to any of that Minister’s servants, or to any of his visitors; but only to send their Commander immediate notice, should any of these offer any resistance. They had orders also to behave respectfully to that Minister; but to hinder any thing from being carried out of the palace, and even to take care that himself should not walk in the precincts of the garden, unaccompanied. After such a regulation, a Lieutenant, (which is an officer next in rank to a Captain), was dispatched with a detachment to that Minister’s Palace in town, which Palace goes by the name of Nó8-saqht*, and contains the apartments of his ladies. Such Talingas of the Minister’s as he had found on duty, were left as they were; but he stationed an equal number of his own men at every door and every gate, without offering, however, any injury to any one, or even putting any question to a single man. This revolution affected differently the principal persons of Moorshood-abad; and it was expected that Menny-begum, who had her mind so obscured by the dust of boldness and discontent as to wish for Mahmed-reza-qhan’s disgrace, would now avail herself of so fair an opportunity to complete his ruin. But that Princess, on the contrary, had generosity enough to forbear her pursuit, and benevolence enough to seek that Minister’s release, by every means and every endeavour in her power; and she performed some manœuvres to that effect, which would have done much honor to an able man, versed in business. It is with that same steadiness, and uniformity of conduct, that she remained attached to Governor Hushtin in the sequel, when he came to be attacked by General Clavering, although it was a time of doubt and speculation. But she remained steady, without ever betraying the least weakness, or committing anything wrong. After Mahmed-reza-qhan’s disgrace, she was appointed tutrix to Mubarec-ed-döwlah, and invested with the inspection and absolute direcion of whatever concerned the Nizamet or Government of Bengal; (words, which now signify no more than the household of that young Prince). To execute the detail of that office, she appointed for her Nâib, or deputy, an eunuch, who was now her servant, but who had once been a slave to the forgiven Navvab Issac-qhan. Unfortunately Itbar-aaly-qhan (for such was the eunuch’s name) was a man of a slow comprehension, and a distorted disposition, narrow-minded, and of an unequal temper, who gave a deal of trouble and uneasiness to an infinity of people*; and this proved the only blemish in that Princess’s conduct. For although she is not of a virtuous family, nor of a noble birth, yet she is a woman of infinite merit; and her good sense, as well as her steadiness of temper, are never so remarkable, as when she has any scheme to carry forward. For whatever she has once undertaken, she never fails to perform; as she always finds some expedient to bring it to perfection. And had she brought herself to the practice of sitting behind a curtain, and of hearing herself from thence the representations of suitors, in order to determine them afterwards with her deputy, there is no doubt but the Government of Moorshood-abad, and the direction of the affairs of the Nizamet, (at least such as it is at the present day), would have never been taken out of her hands. Instead of that, she gave herself up to the eunuch entirely, a man opinionated, destitute of sense, and incapable of the art of ruling. By that man’s counsels she reduced both Mubarec-ed-döwlah, and his mother, Babboo-begum, to so low a condition, (although she herself had been bred a slave girl in the house of Babboo-begum’s father), that both the mother and son came at last to be bereft of all power, and to lose all credit and consideration. But it must be confessed that Mubarec-ed-döwlah deserved no better usage, as we shall shortly mention, after relating some other events of more importance.