All the four Princes, Khán-khánán and his sons, and the other amírs, came to congratulate the victor. The jewels and ashrafís which were in the howda of A'zam Sháh were plundered; all else, tents, elephants, guns and equipments were secured. Sháh 'Álam caused a small tent to be pitched, in which he offered up his thanks for the victory. He then had the sons of A'zam Sháh brought to his presence, the eldest son and the Princes Bedár-dil and Sa'íd-bakht. He received them most kindly, embraced them, and stroked their heads with paternal gentleness. He promised them safety and every attention and care, and he did his best to console and comfort the ladies. He embraced Khán-khánán, and avowed that all the success was owing to his exertions and devotion. Lastly, he ordered the corpses of A'zam Sháh, Bedár Bakht, and his brother, to be properly tended, and to be carried for interment near the tomb of the Emperor Humáyún.
Next day Sháh 'Álam went to visit Khán-khánán, and raised him to the highest rank, with the title of Khán-khánán Bahádur Zafar Jang and Yár-i wafádár (faithful friend). He presented him with a kror of rupees in cash and goods, a larger bounty than had ever been bestowed on any individual since the rise of the House of Tímúr. His mansab was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse, five thousand being do-aspas and sih-aspas. He also received two krors of dáms as in'ám, and he was confirmed in the office of wazír. Of the ten lacs of rupees which he offered as peshkash, one was accepted. Na'ím Khán, his eldest son, received the title of Khán-zamán Bahádur, with an increase to 5000 and 5000 horse, and a robe of the third rank. The younger son was entitled Khána-zád Khán Bahádur, and his mansab was increased to 4000 and 3000 horse. Each of the four royal Princes had his mansab increased to 30,000 and 20,000 horse. [Many other honours and rewards.]
When the news of the victory and of the death of A'zam Sháh reached Gwálior, weeping and wailing arose from every tent. Amíru-l umará Asad Khán went to wait upon Zebu-n Nissa Begam, eldest sister of A'zam Sháh, to offer his condolences to her and the other ladies. In concert with 'Ináyatu-llah Khán díwán, he placed seals upon the jewels, the treasure and other effects, and then prepared to set off to the presence of Bahádur Sháh. A gracious farmán promising favour and safety arrived, summoning to the presence Amíru-l umará Asad Khán, Zú-l fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and Hámidu-d dín Khán, who had repaired to Gwálior (before the battle), and they were to bring with them the ladies of the late Prince with their establishments. Amíru-l umará accompanied the retinue of Nawáb Kudsiya Zebu-n Nissa, who was clothed in mourning garments. When they arrived, the Begam did not go through the form of offering congratulations, in consequence of her being in mourning, and this vexed the King. But he treated her with great kindness and indulgence, doubled her annual allowance, and gave her the title of Pádsháh Begam. All the other ladies of A'zam Sháh were treated with great sympathy and liberality, and were ordered to accompany Pádsháh Begam to the capital.
[Text, vol. ii. p. 599.] To Asad Khán was given the title Nizámu-l Mulk Ásafu-d daula. He was also made vakíl-i mutlak, as the office was called in former reigns, and the appointment and removal of wazírs and other officials used to be in this grandee's hands. He was also presented with four stallions, five horses with accoutrements, etc., etc., and was allowed the privilege of having his drums beaten in the royal presence. Some envious spirits privately observed that the Amíru-l umará had been the close friend and trusted adviser of A'zam Sháh; but the Emperor answered that if his own sons had been in the Dakhin, the exigencies of the position would have compelled them to join their uncle. Zú-l fikár Khán's mansab was increased to 7000 and 7000 horse. He received the title of Samsámu-d daula Amíru-l Bahádur Nusrat Jang, and was reinstated in his office of Mír-bakhshí. [Other promotions and rewards.] In short, all the adherents, great and small, of the King and Princes, received lacs of rupees in in'ám, fourfold and sixfold augmentations of their mansabs, and presents of jewels and elephants.
Although the office of wazír had been given to Khán-khánán, it was deemed expedient, in order to conciliate Asad Khán Amíru-l umará and Zú-l fikár Khán, to elevate Asad Khán to the position of wazír. To outward appearance he was raised to this dignity; but whenever any ministerial business of importance arose, Khán-khánán did not communicate it to Ásafu-d daula. On the day that Ásafu-d daula acted as díwán, it became incumbent upon Khán-khánán to wait upon him as other ministers did, and to obtain his signature to documents; but this was disagreeable to him. Ásafu-d daula was desirous of rest, for his continual activity during the reign of Aurangzeb had allowed him little enjoyment of life. So it was arranged that Samsámu-d daula should act as deputy for his father in the office of minister, and that his father should take charge of Nawáb Pádsháh Begam, and repair to the capital to pass his old age in comfort. With the exception that the seal of Ásafu-d daula was placed upon revenue and civil parwánas and sanads, he had no part in the administration of the government.
An order was issued that the late Emperor Aurangzeb should be styled Khuld-makán.
Khán-khánán discharged his duties as wazír with repute, integrity and impartiality, and he exerted himself so earnestly in the performance of his work, that when he took his seat, he appointed officers to see that no petitions or letters of the day before remained unnoticed. One of the most acceptable and beneficial of the measures of Khán-khánán was the relief he afforded in that oppressive grievance, the feed of the cattle of the mansabdárs. To explain this matter briefly, it may be said that in the late reign the ákhta-begís and other rapacious officials had so contrived that the responsibility of providing food for the cattle had been fixed on the mansabdárs. Notwithstanding the mansabdárs, through the smallness of their surplus rents, had been for a long time in want of a loaf for supper,* (the officials), after great perseverance and pressure, got something out of the small total of (each) jágír. Although a jágír might be lying waste, and its total income would not suffice for a half or a third of the expense of the animals, and leave a little to supply the necessaries of life to the holder's wife and family, the officials imprisoned his vakíls, and with violence and insult demanded contributions for the food of the cattle. The vakíls complained of this tyranny to the Emperor, but the dárogha of the elephant stables and the ákhta-begí made protestations which satisfied His Majesty, so that the complaints met with no redress. This oppression reached such a height that the vakíls resigned their offices. In the present reign Khán-khánán made an arrangement by which tankhwáh (cash) was to be given to the mansabdárs of jágírs. Money sufficient for the keep of the animals being deducted from the total rent (of the jágírs), the balance remaining was to be paid in cash. By these means the grievance of the animal's keep was entirely removed from the mansabdárs and the vakíls. Indeed it may be said that an order was given remitting the contributions for the food of the animals.*
Khán-khánán had a strong partiality for Súfí-ism, and had a knowledge of science. He wrote a book called Al Hámiya, upon the spiritual life and Súfí mysticism, which in the opinion of controversialists passes beyond the bounds of the Law upon some points.
Orders were given that in the coinage of rupees and ashrafís no verse should be used, but that the name “Sháh 'Álam Bahádur Sháh” and the name of the (mint) city should be impressed in prose. It was also ordered that in the khutba the name “Sháh 'Álam” should be embellished by the title “Saiyid.” It appears from history that from the rise of the House of Tímúr—nay, even from the foundation of the Ghorí dynasty—no one of the monarchs had ever used the title of Saiyid in the khutba, or in his pedigree, with the exception of Khizr Khán. He (Khizr Khán) was by origin and by the names of his ancestors an Afghán, as is apparent by the title Malik; but after he came to the throne of Dehlí, the historians of his reign, upon very weak proofs, applied to him in a loose way the title of Saiyid.