CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII.
PREFACE.
ELEVEN years have elapsed since the materials collected by Sir H. M. Elliot for this work were first placed in my hands for revision and publication. In bulk the papers seemed sufficient and more than sufficient for the projected work, and it was thought that an Editor would have little to do beyond selecting extracts for publication and revising the press. With this belief I undertook the work, and it was announced as preparing for publication under my care. When the papers came into my possession, and the work of selection was entered upon, I soon found that the MSS., so far from being superabundant, were very deficient, and that for some of the most important reigns, as those of Akbar and Aurangzeb, no provision had been made. The work had been long advertised, and had received the support of the Secretary of State for India, not as a series of Selections from the Papers of Sir H. M. Elliot, but as a continuous “History of India as told by its own Historians.” I had thus unwittingly undertaken the editing of a complete History out of very incomplete and disjointed materials. So I had to determine whether to make the best of the matter provided, or to fill up the blanks and finish the work by my own unassisted labour. Had this prospect been presented to me at the first, I should probably have shrunk from undertaking the task; for I should not only have distrusted my ability, but have felt that the time and labour required were greater than I could bestow. But I had put my hand to the plough, and had promised the publication of a complete history; so I resolved that it should be as perfect as my labour and ability could make it. Happily I have had the leisure and have been blessed with health to finish my undertaking; but although I rejoice over the conclusion, I part with regret from a work which has occupied my constant thought and care for so many years.
I am conscious that there must be many imperfections and errors in the eight volumes. The voluminous extent of the work would not allow of deliberate study, for the utmost span of life I could hope for would not have sufficed for anything like full and careful study of every MS. I have had to examine. Living far away from great libraries, I have had access to few books beyond my own limited collection, and I have seldom enjoyed the advantage of taking counsel with others upon doubtful passages and obscure allusions. The completion of the work has been my grand aim; and to achieve this end, I have often pressed on when I would have preferred to wait and consider—to inquire for other copies of MSS., and to examine and compare the statements of other writers. Nearly, if not quite half of the matter contained in the whole eight volumes, has been supplied by my own pen, and a large portion of the other half has required extensive revision. Besides all this, and the superintendence of the press, there has been the long and wearisome labour of going through many tedious and lengthy Persian MSS., as well as crabbed translations, in search of passages for publication, and often with little result.
One portion of the work has been subjected to very sharp and hostile criticism. Since the publication of the second volume, in which some extracts from the Tabakát-i Násirí appeared, Major Raverty has undertaken a complete translation of that work, and has published a considerable portion. Many years ago the late Lord Strangford characterized Major Raverty as “a ready censurer of the errors and shortcomings of his precursors,”0-7 and time has by no means changed his disposition. His work abounds with sarcastic censures cast on other writers, but contains very little in acknowledgment of the assistance he has received from the labours of his predecessors. It is no difficult matter to criticise and point out errors in the best of translations, especially when the original texts vary and are unsettled. If such criticisms are couched in fair and courteous terms, they are acceptable to both authors and readers, but no benefit can accrue to any one from captious and sneering animadversions. Had Major Raverty's criticisms on this work affected only me personally, they should have passed without observation; but for the credit of this publication, I have gone through his observations seriatim, in a few pages supplementary to this Preface, and am greatly rejoiced that such an eager critic has found so little real cause for complaint. I have tried to treat his criticisms in a calm and judicial spirit, and I have given him full credit for such real improvements as his practical knowledge and additional MSS. have enabled him to make. For these corrections, but not for his manner of making them, I tender my thanks.
It is not for me to pass a judgment on the value of this publication. But whatever its imperfections, it has been the means of bringing to the knowledge of Europeans, the merits and demerits of many histories, some entirely unknown, or, if known at all, known only by name and repute. It may be that valuable writings still remain undiscovered; but until they are brought to light, this work will serve, not simply as a store of original information, but as a guide to the sources from which critical and diligent investigators may seek for help and enlightenment upon obscure and doubtful matters. It brings down the history of the Muhammadan Empire in India to the close, but it contains little relating to the independent dynasties of the Dakhin. Sir H. M. Elliot included the history of these dynasties in the ultimate scope of his work, and had obtained a few MSS. for the purpose, but no translations have been made. There are materials from which these histories might be compiled, and the publication of them would complete the Musulman history of Musulman India.
It only now remains to perform the grateful task of expressing my thanks for assistance received. To Mr. E. Thomas I have been indebted for many valuable hints and observations throughout the whole course of the work. To Dr. Rieu I have written without hesitation whenever I required information about MSS. in the British Museum, and have always received a prompt, courteous, and full reply. I am also greatly indebted to Mr. Blochmann, of the Calcutta Madrasa, who has taken a lively interest in the progress of this work, and has pointed out errors and suggested improvements in the spirit of a true scholar. Distance has prevented frequent communication with him, and I regret that I have been unable to profit more by his deep and extensive knowledge of Muhammadan historians. The care and intelligence with which the work has been printed by Messrs. Austin has saved me much trouble, and deserves my acknowledgment.
It has been my constant intention to give full credit to those translators whose MSS. have been printed in these volumes, to name the sources from which materials have been drawn, and to acknowledge every help that has been rendered. If I have ever failed in doing this, it has been through ignorance or accident, and in spite of my best intentions.
The articles in this volume are numerous, and it is not possible to give a complete list of the translators. The bibliographical notices, with the exception of a few compiled by the Editor, are no doubt the work of Sir H. M. Elliot, for although they have been copied out fair by his amanuensis, the original drafts of many of them still remain in Sir Henry's handwriting. Some of the Extracts were apparently translated by munshís. The following list gives the names of the translators as far as the Editor has been able to ascertain them:
| LXXXV. | Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh—Editor. |
| LXXXVII. | Tazkira-i Chaghatáí—Editor. |
| XCIII. | Jauhar-i Samsám—Major Fuller. |
| XCIV. | Tazkira-i Ánand Rám Mukhlis—Lieut. Perkins. |
| C. | Táríkh-i Ahmad Sháh—Sir Douglas Forsyth. |
| CI. | Bayán-i Wákí'—Lieut. Prichard. |
| CII. | Táríkh-i 'Álamgír Sání—Editor. |
| CIII. | Táríkh-i Manázilu-l Futúh—Major Fuller. |
| CXVI. | Táríkh-i Shahádat-i Farrukh Siyar—Editor. |
| CXIX. | 'Ibrat-náma—Editor. |
| CXXI. | Táríkh-i Ibráhím Khán—Major Fuller. |
| CXXVI. | Gul-i Rahmat—Editor. |
| CXXVIII. | Táríkh-i Muzaffarí—Editor. |
| CXLII. | 'Imádu-s Sa'ádat—Editor. |
| CXLIII. | Nigár-náma-i Hind—Major Fuller. |
Copious Indexes to the whole work, in three divisions, Bibliographical, Geographical, and General, are given at the end of this Volume. The want of partial Indexes has been felt as the Volumes have appeared; but the superior facilities afforded by the complete Indexes now supplied will more than compensate for the temporary inconvenience experienced during the progress of the work.
TABAKÁT-I NÁSIRÍ AS TRANSLATED IN VOL. II.
OF THIS WORK.
IN the Preface a reference has been made to Major Raverty's criticisms of a portion of this work. They are here noticed and examined seriatim.
Major Raverty begins the section relating to the Ghaznívides with a note condemning the text printed in the “Bibliotheca Indica” and the MSS. belonging to the India Office and the Royal Asiatic Society. These MSS., according to Major Raverty, “are the most defective and incorrect of any” he has “collated.” The Editor of this work used the MS. of the Asiatic Society and one belonging to Sir H. Elliot, but they were inferior to the printed edition, and so the latter was the text used. Major Raverty has collected thirteen MSS., and they may have all the excellences which he attributes to them, but the fullest MSS. are not always the best. The interpolations of ignorant or half-informed scribes are worse than omissions—for they lead astray and bewilder the reader. These MSS., however, have cleared away some errors in the texts that I used, and I have gladly adopted such new readings as seem to be improvements.
I.—Page 68. The opening of the history of Subuktigin gives Major Raverty occasion for a long and laboured note. The translation he gives of the passage is as follows: “He had heard that his (Subuktigin's) father used to be called by the name of Kará Bah-Kam; and that his (proper) name was Húk; and that Ghar-gháú in the Turkish language is called Bah-Kam; and that the meaning of Kará Bah-Kam would be the Black Tátar Bull.”
Here it is obvious that the sentence about ghar-gháú is altogether
superfluous, and it may be blotted out without making any difference
in the sense of the passage. This can hardly have been the intention
of the author. The original words as given in the printed text are—
Major Raverty gives the variants of eleven MSS. The differences
are only in the words here given as jauk and ghaughá. He
adopts the form Húk in preference to jauk. After running through
all the variants of the other word, he comes to the conclusion that
“the word must be ghajz-gháo,” although the form ghajz never
once occurs, and then, by arbitrarily changing the
The whole of Major Raverty's censure of the translation in Elliot evidently springs from his ignorance of the meaning of the word ghaughá, which among other meanings has that of “company, assembly, multitude of people.” If he had consulted his dictionary, instead of indulging in guesses and alterations of letters, he would have seen that the printed text has a clear and coherent meaning, and that the translation which he censures is exact and complete, no word is omitted. The unintelligible words of the MS. have certainly been discarded, but in favour of the siyáh ghaughá of the print.
II.—In page 76 Major Raverty begins a long note about Waihind.
In this he censures my rendering a passage of Rashídu-d din at p. 47,
Vol. I., by “uniting near the fort of Dirúna, (the waters) fall into the
Nurokirát.” Reinaud's rendering of the original passage in Bírúní
is, “Near the fort of Dirúna it is joined by the waters of Núr and
Kirát.” This was unknown to me at the time. I had the Persian
version, which might be rendered as “the river Núrokirat,” or “the
river of Núr and Kirát.” Curiously enough, Major Raverty cites the
Arabic version which decided my reading. The words are
III.—Page 80. Major Raverty says: “In Vol. II. page 269 of
Elliot a passage is thus translated: ‘On the same night that he
(Mahmúd) was born, an idol temple in India, in the vicinity of Par-sháwar,
on the banks of the Sind, fell down!!’ There is nothing like
giving a bold translation.” The words of the text are—
It would be difficult to make a more precise translation of this than
the one above given. Major Raverty's translation is, “The idol temple
of Wahand or Bihand (it may also be read Wahind or Bahind), which
was situated on the confines of Barshábur, on the bank of the Sind,
split asunder.” This shows that the fault is in the text, not in the
translator. If any MS. gives
IV.—Page 90. Major Raverty objects to the rendering of ghárat-kardand by “destroyed” in the passage (Elliot, page 271), “Mas'úd ordered him to be made prisoner and his whole force to be destroyed.” Ghárat means “plunder,” “hostile incursion,” and the word “destroy” is too strong, though it is not to be supposed that the plundering could be effected without killing. Having expressed this censure, Major Raverty should have been careful to be accurate himself, and should not have made one word into two by translating ghárat as “plundered and despoiled.” In the same page he also objects to “killed” as the translation of sáhib-i wáki'ah, and says the phrase does not mean killed. Wáki'ah means both “misfortune” and “death,” so that the words do mean “killed,” and the translation was allowable; but as the man in question is mentioned afterwards, the translation should have been, “When Mas'úd fell into misfortune at Maríkala.”
V.—Page 91. The meaning which Major Raverty assigns to the word bel is probable, and although I can find no other authority for it, I have inserted it among the corrections.
VI.—Page 98. Major Raverty translates the words
VII.—Page 101. “Every copy of the work collated has (with two
exceptions, which have
VIII.—Page 102. “The original text is
IX.—Page 103. “Mr. Dowson translates (page 277): ‘He bestowed
no favours upon any one, and hence apprehensions about his
rule took possession of the hearts of the people.’” Major Raverty's
rendering is, “Awe of his authority was implanted in the hearts of all
people.” The difference is not very great; but I prefer my own
rendering, and hold to it. Major Raverty quotes the text—
X.—Page 104. Major Raverty translates the passage which stands
in the print—
XI.—In the same page 104, Major Raverty translates the words—
XII.—Page 106. Here Major Raverty has hit a real, but not an important blot. The sentence (Vol. II. p. 278), “He restored to the nobles,” should read “he confirmed.”
XIII.—Page 107. Major Raverty translates the opening sentence
of the reign of Malik Arslán as follows: “Malik Arsalán-i 'Abdu-l
Mulúk, son of Sultán Mas'úd, ascended the throne in the year 509 A.H.
at Garmsír itself, and assumed the sovereignty of the empire of
Ghaznín.” He adds the following note: “The original is
XIV.—In page 318 Major Raverty translates the passage rendered
in Elliot (Vol. II. p. 284) “the inaccessibility of the mountains of Rásíát,
which are in Ghor,” by “the natural impregnability of the strong
mountains which are in Ghor,” and he has a note: “The word rásíát
is not a proper name, but the plural of rásiah, which means ‘strong
mountains.’” The words of the printed text are
XV.—In page 319 Major Raverty's MSS. enabled him to correct the words Faj Hanisár, which were given from the printed text in Elliot (page 285), into “Faj (defile, pass) of Khaesár.” He adds, “Khaesár is a well-known place, and is mentioned in a number of places throughout the work.” The correction is acceptable, but faults of the text afford no ground for repeated sneers at the translators.
XVI.—Page 351. I willingly accept the rendering “fastened up the skirts of their coats of mail,” or rather “threw back (báz zadand) the skirts of their coats of mail,” instead of the words, “throwing off their coats of mail,” which appear in Elliot, page 287. That the heroes should throw off their armour when about to creep under and rip up two elephants is, however, not so improbable as Major Raverty deems it. The Waterloo Life-Guardsman is said to have told the Prince Regent that he “would have liked fighting in his shirt sleeves better than in a cuirass.”
XVII.—Page 441. In page 291 of Elliot there is a note as follows: “Sang-i Surkh, a strong fort in Ghor, probably near the Hari river.” Major Raverty deems this “impossible.” He says, “It is the name of a pass near the Halmand river about N.N.W. of Ghaznín on the route from that city and also from Kábul into Ghúr.” This is a matter of opinion, and may be left to the reader's judgment; but Major Raverty's local knowledge must be taken into account.
XVIII.—Page 532. In page 302 of Elliot there is the following passage: “He took the city of Multán, and Hindústán, Dewal, etc., and all as far as the sea.” Major Raverty has: “He possessed himself of the city of Multán, and Sindústán and Diwal as far as the sea-coast.” A note to Sindústán adds, “That is, Siwastán, also called Shiw-astán, by some Hindu writers… Siwastán is turned into Hindústán in Elliot's India.” The printed text has “Hindústán,” and again the translator is blamed for being true to his text. I have met with Siwistán in various forms, but I have not seen either “Sindústán” or “Shiw-astán.”
XIX.—Page 534. Here a real error is noted. The words in Elliot (Vol. II. 303): “After the victory of Nandua-tarí, the Mughal prince,” should read, “After the victory of Nandana, Tari (or Tolí), the Mughal prince.” This fault in the punctuation was overlooked by the Editor.
XX.—Page 539. The words
XXI.—Page 541. In page 304 of Elliot there is the following:
“The Fírozí college at Uch was consigned to the care of the author.
On the provocation of the army of Bahrám Sháh in … 624, Sultán
Sa'íd Shamsu-d dín encamped in sight of Uch.” Major Raverty
translates, “The Fírúzí college of Uchchah was committed to the
charge of the author, together with the office of Kází of the forces of
'Aláu-d dín Bahrám Sháh.” This is an undoubted improvement, but
the words in the printed text (
XXII.—Page 556. Here there is a note about the difference between “consenting” and “making peace,” and another concerning the “leg below the knee” (page 308), in preference to the short word “shins” used in Elliot. These are unworthy of further notice.
XXIII.—Page 559. The correction about the khutba in page 309 of Elliot had been made, upon the suggestion of Mr. Thomas, before Major Raverty's book appeared.—Chronicles of the Pathán Kings, p. 111.
XXIV.—Page 565. Major Raverty here shows that in the last line of page 310 the words “(the author)” should be inserted after “he” to prevent the ambiguity which has arisen from closely following the text.
XXV.—Page 566. In page 153 of the printed text there is the
following curious passage—
XXVI.—Page 572. Here Major Raverty gives a local name as Náran-goe (or Náran-koe), and adds this note: “In Elliot, Vol. II. page 314, it is turned into ‘Kúní’ in one place, and sixteen lines under into ‘Nárkotí.’” This should have been stated thus: “The translation in Elliot scrupulously follows the text in reading ‘Kúní,’ and lower down ‘Nárkoti.’” Against the correctness of Náran-goe it would be presumptuous to say anything without seeing the MSS., but Major Raverty from his own showing is not very certain.
XXVII.—Page 574. Major Raverty's rendering is more accurate, and has been placed among the Corrections.
XXVIII.—Page 581. In Elliot (p. 317) there is the following passage: “He had with him some travellers' bread, which he took from a bag on the back of the mule.” Major Raverty gives a paraphrase, not a translation, of the passage, and says: “He had along with him on the ass, a few cakes of bread, with some (little) dainty, by way of provision for the journey, after the manner of travellers.” To the word “dainty” he adds a note: “Meat, fish, vegetables or the like, eaten with bread to give it a savour: in Elliot it is styled ‘travellers' bread,’ and the ass is turned into a mule!” The rendering in Elliot is literal. The words for the food are Nán-i khurish-i safriyána, literally “bread for travelling food.” In the next line it is called sufrah, which the dictionaries explain as “travelling provisions.” What ground is there here for animadversion, and why are these few simple words amplified into “a few cakes of bread with some (little) dainty by way of provision for the journey after the manner of travellers”? The word for Major Raverty's “ass” and Elliot's “mule” is daráz-gosh, “long-ear:” an epithet, not a name. I find that the munshí who made the translation first wrote “ass,” and afterwards changed it to “mule.” He may be credited with a reason for doing so.
XXIX.—Page 583. Upon the last line but one in page 317 of Elliot, Major Raverty quotes and says, “‘built a fort for his residence!’ The printed text has ‘fortress of Baskot.’” True, but it would have been candid to say that a note gives ba-sukúnat, which means “for the residence.” Major Raverty adopts “Baskot” or “Basankot,” and his MSS. may justify the reading, but he does not venture upon any explanation of its position.
XXX.—Page 583. In Elliot (p. 318) there are the words “he came with a body of men from his native country.” Major Raverty quotes the text; allows that the word ijmá' means “collection,” and that itbá' means “followers,” “dependents,” and yet expresses his astonishment (!!) at the rendering “body of men.” He finds reason apparently in his MSS. for altering the word itbá' into intijá', and translating “to better his means.” This may be right, but it is not so decidedly preferable as to merit adoption. When Major Raverty says in support of his view that the individual in question “was merely a priest, and did not travel attended by ‘a body of men,’” he forgets that priests and holy men often have many followers and disciples. “A number of followers” is a preferable rendering.
XXXI.—Page 583. I cannot admit Major Raverty's improved
rendering of the words
XXXII.—Page 587. Here Major Raverty says there is nothing to warrant the translation of Atráf i mamálik i Lakhnautí (the words of the printed text) by “the territories of Lakhnautí.” How came he then, in page 354, to translate atráf i bilád Lakhnautí (text, p. 138) by “the different parts of the territories of Lakhnautí”?
XXXIII.—Page 600. This, the last criticism upon Elliot (p. 320) which I have to review, is a gem of its kind. “The word bázargán does not mean ‘horse-dealer’ any more than ass-dealer, for it signifies a merchant or trader.” True, beyond question. But this particular merchant was at the head of a drove (galah) of horses. If, as it appears, he was one of a party of merchants who sold horses, what was he, if not a horse-dealer?
[Attention is called also to a short list in each Volume.]
VOLUME I.
Page 67. Baladi is probably “the quality of ginger so called (‘country ginger’), which is often mentioned in the mercantile handbook of Balducci Pegolotti (circa 1340) as well as by Nicolo Conti, and at a later date Barbosa.”— Yule, in Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iv. new series.
Page 67. Bádru.—“A conjectural reading. In a previous passage (p. 66) the word appears in the form of Báwarúí. Bábákúrí is a Turkish word for a chalcedony or agate, and may possibly be identical with Báwarúí, which in that case would represent the chalcedonies and agates which have so long been a product of Cambay.”—Yule.
Page 69. Jamálu-d dín.—“The two Jamálu-d díns mentioned are to be distinguished. The one here called Shaikh Jamálu-d dín is called by Wassáf Jamálu-d din 'Abdu-r Rahman Ut Thaibi, ‘the Great Farmer General and Lord of the Marches of India,’ and we see here that he became more or less of a ruling Prince in the Peninsula a good many years before the time when standard histories recognize any Muhammadan rule in those parts. He is, perhaps, the Tchamalating whom Pauthier's Chinese extracts show to have gone on a mission from Ma'bar to the court of Kublai Khán in or previous to 1281; and the Silamuting, whom they show as ruler of Ma'bar in 1314, was, perhaps, his grandson Nizámu-d dín, of whom Wassáf speaks (see Pauthier, pp. 601, 604, and Hammer's History of the Ilkhans, ii. 206). The other, Jamálu-d dín Ibráhím, bore the title of Maliku-l Islám, and was Farmer General of Fárs in the time of Arghún Khán and his successors, with great authority in the Persian Gulf. His contract with Takíu-d dín, the brother of the Indian Jamálu-d dín, is also mentioned by Wassáf, who was himself secretary to the Persian official, and conducted his correspondence with India.”—Yule.
Page 69. Sundar Bandi.—Marco Polo's statements are in striking conformity. “When that traveller was in Ma'bar, he found it under the rule of five brothers, of whom one, called Sender-Bendi Devar, ruled that province which was near Ceylon, which held supremacy over the pearl fishery, which was the best and noblest province of Southern India, and which was called Soli [Chola or Sola], indications which point to Tanjore and Ramnad; whilst another brother, called Asciar (Ishwar?) ruled at Kaïl. In Ramusio's version of Polo the conformity is even closer, for that version, like Rashídu-d dín's account, makes the brother princes not five, but four in number. Polo, too, speaks of the horse trade in almost the same terms as the text, though he puts the prices that horses then reached still higher, viz. ‘500 saggi of gold, worth more than 100 marks of silver.’” —Yule.
Page 72. Ghuris.—“Read Ighúrs. In another place Rashíd says the members of the Kaan's cabinet were Tájiks, Cathayans, Ighúrs, and Arkaún (Nestorian Christians).”—Yule.
Page 72. Zardandán.—“The old friends described precisely under that name by Polo; their head-quarters were at Yunchang, on the Chinese frontier of Burma.”—Yule.
Page 79. “Shak, the Kaan's officer. Read Sing or Shing, as the Sank of the note suggests. Shing, i.e. a great city, in which the high and mighty council holds its meetings. ‘As the Kaan generally resides at the capital, he has erected a palace for the sittings of the Great Council called Sing. … Sing do not exist in all the cities, but only in the capitals of great provinces, which, in fact, form kingdoms, ranking with Baghdad, Shiraz, Iconium and Rúm. In the whole empire of the Kaan there are twelve of these Sing’ (Rashidu-d dín, an extract by Klaproth, Journ. As. ser. ii. tome xi.).”—Yule.
VOLUME II.
Page 26, line 2. For “setting” read “shooting” stars.
Page 197, line 8. For “twenty-two” read “two hundred.”
Page 249. To “Kandahat,” add note: See Vol. I. p. 249.
Page 266. See Note No. 1, page xi, supra.
Page 269. To the word India, add a note: Some MSS. read “Wahind” instead of “ba-Hind,” and “Waihind” no doubt is correct. See supra page xiii, Note III.
Page 271, line 5. For “Mas'úd ordered him,” etc., read “Mas'úd gave orders so that they took him prisoner and plundered his army.”
Page 271, line 7. For “When Mas'úd was killed,” read “When Mas'úd was unfortunate, (i.e. when he was defeated).” See supra page xiv, Note IV.
Page 271. Paragraph 2, line 8. For “even an elephant could not stand before him,” read “his arrow stuck in any iron target.” The doubtful words in the text were bel-i áhani, literally “an iron shovel,” and the dictionaries afford no further information. So bel was taken as a misprint for píl, and supposed to mean “an iron-like elephant.” Major Raverty says that bel signifies “a plate of iron placed on a post used for tilting at, and as a butt for arrows.” This gives an intelligible sense to the passage.
Page 274. No. VII. line 3. To the words “and used to listen,” add a note: This would perhaps be more correctly rendered by, “He knew many famous stories which he used to tell.” See supra page xiv, Note VI.
Page 276. Note 2, for “words mean,” read “word means.”
Page 278. No. XI. line 10, for “He restored to the princes,” read “He confirmed, etc.”—Raverty.
Page 284. To “Rásiát mountains” add the note: See Vol. VIII. page xvi, Note XIV.
Page 285, line 2. For “Faj Hanísar,” read “Faj Khaesár,” and add a note: Major Raverty's MSS. give the correct form “Khaesár.” The word faj means “a broadway especially between two mountains.” See supra page xvii, Note XV.
Page 287, line 19. For “throwing off their coats of mail,” read “throwing back the skirts of their coats of mail” (so as to have their legs free). See supra page xvii, Note XVI.
Page 291. To the note on Sang-i Surkh, add: Major Raverty says: “A pass on the Halmand river about N.N.W. of Ghazní on the route from that city, and also from Kábul into Ghor.”
Page 302, line 4 from bottom. To the word “Hindústán,” add a note: Major Raverty states that his MSS. read “Sindústán,” which he considers to be a form of the name “Siwistán.” See supra page xvii, Note XVIII.
Page 303, paragraph 2, line 4. For “Nandua-tarí,” read “Nandana, Tarí.” See supra, page xviii, Note XIX.
Page 303, near the end of paragraph 2. To the word Khwárizm, add a note: See Vol. VIII. page xviii, Note XX.
Page 304, line 2. For “consigned to the care of the author. On the provocation of the army,” read “consigned to the care of the author, together with the office of kází of the army,” and put a full stop after Bahram Sháh. A new reading of the text requires this alteration. See supra page xviii, Note XXI.
Page 309, paragraph 2. For “caused his name,” etc., read “caused the khutba and the coins to be established in all the territories.”—Thomas, Chronicles of the Pathán Kings, p. 111.
Page 310. In the last line after the word “he,” insert “(the author).”
Page 311, line 15. For “consisted only of raw silk,” substitute “consisted entirely of pieces (of bamboo) strongly bound and sewn together with raw silk.” See supra page xviii, Note XXV.
Page 314. To the names “Kúní” and “Nárkoti” and note: See Vol. VIII. page xix, Note XXVI.
Page 314, No. 6, line 7. For “came dutifully to Deokot,” read “came to Deokot and discharged the duties of mourning.” See supra page xx, Note XXVII.
Page 317, last line but one. “A fort for his residence,” add note: Major Raverty's MSS. give “the fort of Basankot” instead of the words “ba-sukúnat” of the printed text. See supŕa page xx, Note XXIX.
Page 318, line 11. See Note XXX. supra page xx.
Page 318, middle of page. To “his name was mentioned in the Court,” add note: The author's meaning may perhaps be better rendered by “He came to Court and delivered a eulogistic speech (tazkíre).” See supra page xxi, Note XXXI.
Page 344. “Infidels of Changíz Khán.” Adopt the variant reading in the text, “Infidels of Jájnagar.”
Page 358, end of paragraph 3. For “Sálín-nawín” read “Salín Núyín (Mughal).”
Page 362. To Note 1 add: See Thornton, vol. iii. “Mewassee,” Journ. As. Soc. Beng. 1874, page 240, and infrà, Vol. III. p. 138.
Page 375, last line. For “Tilibhat (Pilibhít),” read “Talpat.”
Page 393, to Note 2, add, “Properly Chol or Chol-jarad. See infrà, Vol. III. p. 409, Vol. IV. p. 94.”
Page 398, line 7. Put the semicolon after Darbela, and the comma after Jaisi.
Page 465. For “Kanzu-l Mahpúr,” read “Kanzu-l Mahfúz.”
Page 509, in Note 1. For “Zanzan” read “Zauzan.”
Page 530. Strike out the note. Ajúdhan in the Panjáb must be intended.
VOLUME III.
Page 104, last line, read, “In this campaign Yak-lakhí, the private servant of the Sultán, was slain by the Míwáttís.” Yak-lakhí was a name like Hazárdínárí. See J.A.S.B. 1874, vol. i. p. 287. The passage of Firishta referred to in the note is in Vol. I. p. 256.
Page 258, 261. “Hasan Kángu.” The name is so written here and in other places, but the better known form is “Gángu.”
Page 260, 8 lines from bottom. To the name “Karra,” add note: “Karí or Kaira.”
Page 265. For “1350 A.D.” read “1351.”
Page 287. To Twelfth Mukaddama add note: “Ascended the throne Safar, 745 A.H. (June, 1344 A.D.).”—Táríkh-i Mubárak-Sháhí.
Page 369. “Ashráfu-l Mamalik,” read “Ishráfu-l Mamálik.”
Page 400. For “1408” read “1398 A.D.”
Page 401. To the note add: “See p. 481 infrà.”
Page 414. To the word “Siyáwals,” add as a note “Yasáwals.”
Page 421, 8 lines from bottom. For “Passing by Rudanah,” read “not passing over the river,” and add note: See infrà, page 488.
Page 477. For “Salandoz,” read “Síldoz.”
Page 481. To the note add reference: “See p. 401.”
Page 545, line 8. To the word “silent,” add note: See p. 224, suprà.
Page 624, note. “Shutur-garbah.”—Some light may perhaps be thrown on this passage by referring to the story in which, in consequence of a vow, a camel was offered for sale at two rupees, but not without the cat on its neck at the price of 250. This is referred to in the Bágh o Bahár, in the Story of the First Darwesh, “The two are to be sold together, not the garden alone, like the cat on the camel's neck.” As in corrupt boroughs in England a worthless article often brought a high price when a vote went with it, or as, in the high political excitement of former days, straws were offered for sale in the streets and seditious broadsides were given away with them.
VOLUME IV.
Page 9. “Sar-burdah-dár,” read “Sar-pardah dár.”
Page 22, line 2. “Main,” read “Maín,” and for the note “Mína?” substitute “Maín or Munj is a name of a subdivision of Ranghar Rájpúts inhabiting Sirhind and the Bahat Doáb.”—Blochmann's Áín-i Akbarí, p. 526.
Page 54, 11 lines from bottom. For “Main,” read “Maín.”
Page 63, end of paragraph 2. Insert “the” before “Mawás.”
Page 144. Add to Note 1: “Briggs' Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 81.”
Page 233. Add to Note 1: “The correct name is Siyurghtamish.”—Blochmann.
Page 261. To “Maidání Ráo” add a note: Properly “Medini Ráo.”
Page 289. Add to the Memoir of Shaikh Zain the note given as an Addendum in Vol. V.; also the reference: See Proceedings of As. Soc. of Bengal, 1873, p. 156.
Page 307. To Fath Khán Hirawí, add a note: “See Proceedings of As. Soc. Bengal for December, 1873.”
Page 321, middle. For “Kutb Sháh, King of Bengal,” read “Kutb Sháh (or Khán), officer of the King of Bengal,” and add note: See infrà, p. 333.
Page 365, line 3. For “Muyid Beg,” read “Muayyad Beg.”
Page 385, last line, “Mauláná Muhammad Binor.” Add note: “Probably Banúrí, from the town of Banúr (vide suprà, p. 249), north of Ambála, a place famous for its saints and learned men.”
Page 507, paragraph 2. “Patna,” add note: More probably Panna.
Page 540, paragraph 2. For “Saklain,” read “Siklain,” and for “Husn,” read “Hisn.”
Page 551. “Lafgandárs,” add note: This probably means tufangdárs, even if it is not a mistranscription of that word.
VOLUME V.
Page 41, paragraph 2. For “Kanwárs,” read “Gawárs” or “Gowars,” and add note: See infrà, p. 193, and Journ. As. Soc. Beng. for 1874, Index.
Page 35, in note 5. For “audhalí,” read andhalí.
Page 45, four lines from end. “Kanjúrs.” This should no doubt be read “Gan-júrs,” i.e. treasurers.
Page 152, middle. “Ammi Kulsúm,” read “Umm Kulsúm.”
Page 167, last line. For “Sháh” read “Sáh.”
Page 173, line 7 from bottom. For “the mine,” read “the other mine.”
Page 189, line 2, paragraph 3. For “Bahakrá,” read “Báikrá.”
Page 199, line 6. “Chinese house.” Add note: “One built of enamelled tiles.”
Page 246. To note at foot of table add: “The 14th year began on the 24th Ramazán. The 15th on the 3rd Shawwál. For date of Akbar's death, see Bloch-mann's Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. p. 212.”
Page 246. Note 1. For Khalífa Iláhí, read “Khalífatu-llah.”
Page 259, end of paragraph 2. “Ghazals in mystic language,” read “Ghazals of Háfiz, who is called Lisánu-l ghaib. See Vol. IV. p. 510.”
Page 265, note 2. For “reputed,” read “adopted.”
Page 273, note 3. For “Sanjarí,” read “Sijizí.” Sístán, or Sijistán, makes its adjective Sijizí, and although the text has Sanjari, there is no doubt Sijizí is the right word.
Page 278, paragraph 2. For “Khari, Janúba, Bhukiyál, and Ját,” read “Khattri (or Khattar), Janúha, Bhúgiyál, and Chibh.” See Blochmann's Áín, pp. 456, 487.
Page 280, line 2 from end. For “Kulchín,” read “Kúchín.”
Page 300, paragraph 2. For “Fath Khán Tibati,” read “Fath Khán Battani.”
Page 323, paragraph 3, line 8. For “'Alí Kulí,” read “Muhammad Kulí.”
Page 330, paragraph 1. “Kháng-sawár,” properly “Khing-suwár.”
Page 384, paragraph 1. For “Kísú,” read “Gesú.”
Page 395, middle. To “Safar” make a note: “The Akbar-náma says Rajab, which must be right.”
Page 407. For “Tánsaní,” read “Tausaní,” and erase the note.
Page 427, paragraph 3, line 1. “Jalesar,” read “Jalair.”
Page 430. In note. “Tannú.” According to Mr. Blochmann he was called “Nathu,” which means “dwarf.”—Áín-i Akbarí, vol. i. p. 38.
Page 463, line 1. “Husain,” read “Hasan.”
Page 478. Add note: “For date of Badáúní's death (1004), see Journ. As. Soc. Beng. for 1869, p. 143.”
Page 571, line 4. For “Shabrí,” read “Sherí.”
VOLUME VI.
Page 150. Add note: “Asad Beg died in the third year of the reign of Jahángír and left 15 lacs of rupees behind him.”—Kámgár Khán.
Page 368, line 2 of note. “Srihote,” read “Srikote.”
Page 423, lines 5 and 7. “Mubárak Khán,” read “Mukarrab Khán.”
Page 433, end of second paragraph. “Tirbang,” read “Trimbak.”
Page 509, paragraph 3, line 1: “deserted,” read “defeated.”
VOLUME VII.
Page 71. In note. For “478,” read “578.”
Page 263, paragraph 2. For “Kunwar Ráí,” read “Kunwar Rám.”
Page 305, 306. For “Khán Zamán,” read “Khán Zamán Khán.”
Page 392, line 6. After “Mu'izzu-d din,” insert “(Jahándár Sháh).”
Page 463-4. “Muhakkim Singh,” read “Muhkam Singh.”
VOLUME VIII.
Page 170, line 4 from bottom. For “Bháo Wiswás Ráí, with,” read “Bháo with Wiswás Ráí.”
Page 115, last paragraph. To the word Nawáb add note, “The eunuch Jáwed Khán, see post, pp. 120, 133.”
LXXXIV.
MUKHTASIRU-T TAWÁRÍKH.
THE author has nowhere given a distinct title to his work, though he says it is a mukhtasir, or abridgment, of the accounts of ancient Sultáns.
Neither the name of the author nor the date of the composition is given; but as, amongst the general authorities which he mentions in his Preface, the latest is the Ikbál-náma Jahángírí of Mu'tamad Khán, we may fairly assume that the work was written early during the reign of Sháh Jahán.
The author tells us that next to the knowledge of God and His Will the most important information to acquire is that derived from history; and that acquaintance with the circumstances of former kings, and their nobles and counsellors, is equal to the cup of Jamshíd and the mirror of Alexander; that it also leads to reflections upon the instability of kings and kingdoms, which are always treading the road of annihilation: for when exalted autocrats, with their powerful families, their experienced ministers, their countless armies, and exhaustless treasuries, with all their pomp, splendour and dominion, are swept from off the earth, and no vestige of them remains, what doom can inferior creatures expect?
After these moral reflections, he proceeds to inform us, that though he was endowed with a very small capacity, yet as he associated much with the great, and with the chief officers of the government, and had heard many historical anecdotes during his intercourse with them, he thought it expedient to combine this information with that which he had derived from authentic histories, and compose a work calculated to yield gratification to those who should peruse it. The histories he quotes are the Táríkh-i Mahmúd Ghaznaví, Táríkh-i Sultán Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, Táríkh-i Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí, Táríkh-i Sultán Muhammad Sháh, Táríkh-i Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Sháh, Táríkh-i Sultán Fíroz Sháh, Táríkh-i Afághana, Zafar-náma Tímúrí, Akbar-náma of Abú-l Fazl, Tabakát-i Akbarí, Ikbálnáma Jahángírí, and Rájávalí.
He devotes his work chiefly to the Sovereigns of Dehlí, but he also adds a short account of the Kings of Gujarát, Málwá, the Dakhin, Bengal, Jaunpúr, Kashmír, Sind, and Multán, all which provinces, after undergoing various vicissitudes, came to be included within the Empire of Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar.
The copy which I have examined is unfortunately imperfect. It contains none of these minor histories, and does not carry down the Dehlí history later than 962 A.H., just before the accession of Akbar; but this is of very little consequence, for the Mukhtasiru-t Tawáríkh has been followed verbatim by the better-known Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, which exhibits one of the most impudent plagiarisms that even India can produce; for the Khulásat mentions every conceivable authority in existence, but carefully excludes this one, from which, up to a certain period, it not only derived its chief information, but its very language, even in many instances to the transcription of the poetical quotations.
CONTENTS.
Preface, pp. 1 to 10—Praise of India, its fruits, animals, flowers, cities, etc., pp. 11 to 30—Indrapat, Tughlikábád, and ancient Dehlí, pp. 30 to 35—Description of Sháh-Jahánábád, pp. 36 to 38—History of the Hindú Kings of Ujjain, Dehlí, etc., pp. 38 to 84—The Ghaznivide Dynasty, pp. 84 to 110—The Ghorians, Khiljís, Saiyids, and Afgháns, pp. 111 to 238—Bábar, pp. 238 to 253—Humáyún, pp. 253 to 290.
SIZE—8VO. The imperfect volume consists of 352 pages of 15 lines to each page.
The following extract is among the passages copied by the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, and shows a ridiculous tendency to exaggeration. [The translation was made by a munshí, and was revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
The only copy I have seen of the Mukhtasiru-t Tawáríkh is in one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow.
A Description of Hindústán.
India is a very large country, and it is so extensive that other countries are not equal to a hundredth part of it. Notwithstanding its extensive area, it is populated in all places. It abounds in all quarters and every district with cities, towns, villages, caravanserais, forts, citadels, mosques, temples, monasteries, cells, magnificent buildings, delightful gardens, fine trees, pleasant green fields, running streams, and impetuous rivers. On all the public roads and streets strong bridges are made over every river and rill, and embankments also are raised. Lofty minarets are made at the distance of each kos to indicate the road, and at every two parasangs inns are built of strong masonry for travellers to dwell in and take rest. At each inn can be obtained every kind of food and drink, all sorts of medicine, and all kinds of necessary instruments and utensils. On all roads shadowy and fruitful trees are planted on both sides. Wells and tanks are dug which contain fresh and sweet water in abundance. The passengers go along the roads under the shadow of the trees, amusing themselves, eating the fruits and drinking cold water, as if they were taking a walk among the beds of a garden. The merchants, tradesmen and all travellers, without any fear of thieves and robbers, take their goods and loads safe to their distant destinations. The whole of this country is very fertile, and the productions of Írán, Túrán, and other climates are not equal to those of even one province of Hindústán. In this country there are also mines of diamonds, ruby, gold, silver, copper, lead, and iron. The soil is generally good, and so productive that in a year it yields two crops, and in some places more. All kinds of grain, the sustenance of human life, are brought forth in such quantities that it is beyond the power of pen to enumerate. Of these productions the sukhdás rice is the best. Its qualities and flavour are beyond all praise. It is equally palatable to kings and the common people. It is incomparable in tenderness and sweetness, and has a very agreeable smell and taste. The rich and great men, and those who are fond of good living, think that no other food is so excellent. Men of refined and delicate taste find great relish in eating the fruits of Hindústán. A separate book would have to be written if a full detail were given of all the different kinds of fruits which are produced in spring and autumn, describing all their sweetness, fragrance, and flavour.
KHULÁSATU-T TAWÁRÍKH
OF
SUBHÁN RÁÍ.
THIS is a well-known general history of India. It was composed by Munshí Subhán Ráí Khattrí, an inhabitant of Pattiála. Many copies fail to give the name of the author,5 and the Ma-ásiru-l Umará quotes the work merely as being written by a Hindú, without giving his name, in a passage which has been wrongly translated, as being “written in Hindúí language.”5a
It was written in 1107 A.H. (1695-6 A.D.), and occupied, we are told by the author, two years in its composition. This, however, may be doubted, for the work is chiefly a copy from the Mukhtasiru-t Tawáríkh, noticed above; although there is no acknowledgment of the extent to which the author is indebted to that anonymous work. Notwithstanding which, he has the impudence to tell us in his Preface, that he has stolen nothing from any one, but composed the work himself—a declaration which, as he was under no necessity to make it, of itself excites suspicions of his honesty.
The author indulges in the same moral reflections, and assigns the same reasons for writing this history, as had already been given by the author of the Mukhtasiru-t Tawáríkh, and have been quoted in that article.
The opening chapters, which are the best portion of the work, give a good account of the products of Hindústán, and its Geography, as known in the time of Aurangzeb. He confines the history of the Ghaznivides to the transactions in India alone, and in consequence absurdly reduces the number of their reigns to seven. In the reigns of the early Kings of Dehlí he does not enter into much more detail; yet, notwithstanding the briefness of the narrative, he occasionally indulges in poetical quotations and needless digressions; as where he describes the seasons of spring, summer, autumn, and winter in the Ghaznivide history; and gives us an account of the various games in the reign of Kai-Kubád; of fireworks, and of a famine, in the reign of Jalálu-d dín; and of wine and its effects, in the reigns of Shahábu-d dín and 'Aláu-d dín.
His accounts of the reigns of the first four Mughal Emperors are copious, considering the nature of the work; but he has said very little of Sháh Jahán, excusing himself on the ground of Wáris Khán's having already written a copious history of that Emperor's reign. His account of the contests between Aurangzeb and his brothers is very full, and he closes with the period when that Empéror has succeeded in getting rid of his rivals, and has no longer a competitor for the throne. Beyond this period he enters into no particulars, though he wrote in the fortieth year of the reign.
He gives no separate history of the independent monarchies of India, such as of the Dakhin, Bengal, Gujarát, etc., but merely gives a brief account of each king's reign, when he comes to mention the final absorption of each province in the Mughal Empire. Thus, the Kings of Multán are treated of in the reign of Bábar, the Kings of Málwá, Gujarát, Bengal, Kashmír, Sind, and the Dakhin in the reign of Akbar. The accounts of the Kings of Multán and Kashmír are given at greater length than the others.
The work is better known to the public by the Urdú translation, called the Áráish-i Mahfil, of Mír Sher 'Alí Ja'farí, with the poetical designation of Afsos, son of Saiyid 'Alí Muzaffar Khán, and one of Dr. Gilchrist's chief coadjutors in the editing and correcting of his useful Hindústání publications, such as the Bágh-i Urdú, a translation of the Gulistán, Kuliyát-i Saudá, and Nasr-i Be-nazír. The beginning of this translation was printed in Calcutta in a folio volume in 1808. Sher 'Alí Afsos represents that he has not made a literal translation, but added or rejected as he thought proper. He has made the greatest alterations in the accounts of the súbas and sarkárs, and the least in the accounts of forts, and none at all in the revenues of the provinces, as he has no means of bringing down the information to his own time. [He has kept, he says, many passages relating to the miracles and marvels of Súfís merely for conformity with the original work; and for the same reason he has retained many marvellous statements about Hindú devotees and temples, although they are contrary to reason, and he is not the man to believe them.] The beginning of this translation had already been made, when, at the instigation of Mr. Harington, he was induced to continue the work from the time of the Muhammadan Emperors. The latter portion has never been printed, but is stated by M. Garcin de Tassy to exist in manuscript in the Library of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta.7
There is little to indicate that this work was written by a Hindú, except that the date of composition is recorded, not only in the Hijra and Julús years, but in the era of the Kali-yug, Bikramájít, and Sáliváhana.7a
The Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh professes to be founded on the best authorities, no less than twenty-seven being quoted by name, of which those which are the rarest are the History of Mahmúd Subuktigín by Mauláná 'Unsurí, History of Sultán Shahábu-d dín Ghorí, History of Sultán 'Aláu-d dín Khiljí, Táríkh-i Fíroz-sháhí by 'Izzu-d dín Khálidkhání,8 the History of the Afgháns by Husain Khán, the History of Akbar by 'Atá Beg Kazwíní, and the Táríkh-i Bahádur-sháhí, containing the history of Gujarát. Whether these works were really read and examined may be questioned, for there is nothing in this history which would seem to be derived from these unusual sources of information.
Many verses, some said to be original, and some extracted from various authors, are inserted in different passages of the narrative, to which they were considered appropriate.
[Colonel Lees, in his article upon Indian Historians in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (N.S. vol. iii.), has bestowed very great praise upon the author of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh. He says, “It is one of the most carefully compiled general histories of India I know of. The author commences with the Pándus, and brings his narrative down to the end of the year 1107 A.H. It was continued for some years later by another hand; and here I may mention, as an instance of how desirable it is to print the texts of all the valuable histories of India compiled in former times we can, that the author of the well-known Siyaru-l Muta-akhkhirín, who wrote his history when Lord Hastings was Governor-General, has transferred almost the whole of this work to his pages verbatim, without ever once mentioning the author's name. A more glaring instance of plagiarism it would be impossible to conceive; yet the author of the Siyar has a great reputation, especially among European writers, and the name of the modest Subhán Ráí, the real historian, is probably wholly unknown. To make matters worse, this dishonest copyist says, in the preface of his book, that he found a few pages of an old book, prepared by some munshí for one of the Muhammadan Emperors, which he made use of, but it was full of mistakes, which he corrected. This is nothing else but a barefaced falsehood; for if there are mistakes in Subhán Ráí's history, he has copied them all, and made very many of his own besides. Another dishonest writer translated the same history into Hindústání, and giving it a new name, the Áráish-i Mahfil, passed it off as an original composition. He was, however, more honest than the other, as, though he denies that his book is a translation, he acknowledges some obligation.”
Col. Lees and Sir H. M. Elliot are thus in direct antagonism; but if Sir Henry's judgment was correct, Subhán Ráí was the great plagiarist, and he must be deprived of the praise which Col. Lees has bestowed upon him. The discovery of the Mukhtasiru-t Tawáríkh makes it possible also that the author of the Siyar was veracious, when he said that he used the book of an old munshí. Still, his statement was disingenuous, for the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh could hardly have been unknown to him, and it would have been more honest to have made some direct reference to that well-known work. The censure cast by Col. Lees on the author of the Áráish-i Mahfil is still less deserved, for Sher 'Alí, in his title-page, states that his book was “derived from the contents of the Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh.” Like many other authors and translators, he has magnified his own labours, but the book is not a mere translation. To say nothing of the elegance of the composition, there is a good deal of additional matter in it, and it contains accounts of things which happened long after the date of the Khulásat, such as the establishment of the British Government, and the building of Calcutta.]9
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1—Hindústán, its products and men, p. 12— Descriptive Geography of the súbas, p. 28—Hindú Rájas, p. 94—The Ghaznivides, p. 172—Muhammadan Kings of Dehlí, p. 196—Reign of Bábar, p. 294—Reign of Humáyún, p. 310— Reign of Akbar, p. 347—Reign of Jahángír, p. 441—Reign of Sháh Jahán, p. 479—Reign of Aurangzeb, p. 487.
SIZE—Quarto; containing 534 pages of 19 lines each.
The Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh is one of the commonest works in India, and is not rare in Europe. There are several copies in the British Museum. The Asiatic Society of Bengal has a very good copy, with a few leaves deficient at the end, and there are two copies in the Royal Asiatic Society's Library.
Several copies, even from such widely distant places as London, Calcutta, Dehlí, Patna, and Saháranpúr, all conclude with stating the date of Aurangzeb's death; which, as the work was composed in the fortieth year of his reign, must have been added by some transcriber in a very early copy; for though it is not improbable that any transcriber should add the date of the Emperor's death, yet, unless the original entry had been very early, so many copies could not have concurred in giving it in the same form and words.
[The Editor has translated the account of Dehlí; but has not thought it necessary to give extracts from the historical part of the work.]
The Metropolitan Province of Sháh-Jahán-ábád.
[In Hindú and Persian histories I have read that in ancient times the city of Hastinápúr was the capital of the rulers of Hindústán. This city stood upon the bank of the Ganges, and a great deal has been written about the (great) extent and size of this city in that age. It is very populous at the present time, but nothing like what it was in those old days. When dissensions broke out between the two royal races the Kauravas and Pán-davas, the latter removed from Hastinápúr to the city of Indar-prast on the Jumna, and made it their capital. A long while afterwards, in the year 440 of Bikramájít, Rája Anang Pál Tonaur11 built the city of Dehlí near to Indarprast. Afterwards Ráí Pithaurá, in the year twelve hundred and something of Bikramájít, built a fort and city to which he gave his own name.
Sultán Kutbu-d dín Aibak and Sultán Shamsu-d dín Altamsh occupied the fort of Ráí Pithaurá. In the year 666 Hijra (1267-8 A.D.) Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Balban built another fortress, which he called Shahr-zaghan.11a In the year 686 Hijra (1287 A.D.) Sultán Mu'izzu-d dín Kai-Kubád built another city of handsome edifices on the Jumna, to which he gave the name of Kílú-garí. Amír Khusrú extols this city in his Kiránu-s Sa'adain. Sultán Jalálu-d dín Khiljí founded the city Kúshk-l'al (red palace), and Sultán 'Aláu-d dín the city of Kúshk-Sirí and made them their respective capitals. Sultán Ghiyásu-d dín Tughlik Sháh, in the year 725 Hijra (1325 A.D.), raised the city of Tughlik-ábád. His son, Sultán Muhammad Fakhru-d dín Jauná, founded another city, and erected in it a palace of 1000 pillars. He also built some other fine mansions of red stone (rukhám). In the year 755 Hijra (1354 A.D.) Sultán Fíroz Sháh built the large city of Fíroz-ábád, and having cut the river Jumna, he conducted the water to his city. Three kos distant from the city he raised another palace, containing in it a lofty pillar, which still remains standing on a little hill, and is commonly called the láth of Fíroz Sháh. Sultán Mubárak Sháh founded the city of Mubárak-ábád. In the year 943 Hijra (1536 A.D.) Nasíru-d dín Muhammad Hum-áyún Bádsháh, having restored and repaired the fort of Indarprast, gave it the name of Dín-panáh, and made it his royal residence. Sher Sháh Afghán, having pulled down the city known as Kúshk-Sirí, built another one. Salím Sháh, his son, in the year 953 Hijra (1546 A.D.) built the fort of Salím-garh, which still stands in the river Jumna, opposite the citadel of Sháh-Jahán-ábád. Although each of the rulers of Hindústán founded a city, and made it the seat of his government, still in all parts of the dominions Dehlí is famous as the capital of all the rulers of Hindústán. In the year 1048 A.H. (1638 A.D.), and in the twelfth year of his reign, Shahábu-d dín Muhammad Sháh Jahán Bád-sháh-i Ghází Sáhib-Kirán-i sání built a city near Dehlí, which he named Sháh-Jahán-ábád. Through the building of this great city, all the cities which have been mentioned as having been built by former kings have been eclipsed, and are included under the general name of Sháh-Jahán-ábád, just as the many rivers which fall into the Ganges are known only by the name of Ganges.]
HAFT GULSHAN-I MUHAMMAD-SHÁHÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD HÁDÍ KÁMWAR KHÁN.
MUHAMMAD HÁDÍ KÁMWAR KHÁN is the author of this general history, which was written in A.H. 1132 (A.D. 1719-20), in the second year of Muhammad Sháh's reign, after whom he names the work, though he dedicates no portion of it to an account of that Emperor.
In a very wordy Preface, the author informs us, that, from an early period of his life, he took a delight in reading the history of kings and saints, and that, in consequence of his entering the service of the Emperor Aurangzeb, “the destroyer of all signs of superstition and idolatry,” and being employed in the Dakhin, he was for a long time precluded from pursuing his favourite occupation. He subsequently appears to have been reduced to great distress, “from the occurrence of certain miserable accidents, and he conceived a disgust for all the world and everything in it, insomuch that no taste for any kind of occupation remained in his mind.”
In these afflicting circumstances 'Ináyatu-llah Khán, “the best of ministers,” came forward to assist him, and he accompanied that officer on his return to the capital. While residing there, he seems to have been contented with his lot, for he tells us, with some exultation, that he considered the corner of a house, and an old mat to sit on, better than the lofty palaces of the lords of splendour and magnificence, and that he pursued his old studies with avidity. He preferred wandering among the pleasant leaves of a book to a walk among the parterres of a flower-garden; he altogether abandoned the fruitless attendance upon the gates of the proud and arrogant, and shook sorrow and discontent from the skirts of his heart.
While he was so happily occupied in the revival of his former pursuits, he met with a severe affliction in the loss of his dearest friend, who is spoken of in such terms that we are led to conclude his bereavement to have been that of his wife, whose name the usual Oriental delicacy respecting females prevented his revealing for the information of his readers. “The fire of grief burnt up the harvest of his hopes, destroying the stock of his patience, and nothing remained to him but sighs and tears.”
From this stupor of grief he was aroused by no human aid. On this occasion an invisible angel and a divine inspiration told him not to sorrow as one without hope, but to occupy his mind by composing some work, which might serve to hand down his name to posterity. In compliance with this philosophical advice, so secretly conveyed to him, he addressed himself to his task, and the result is before us, which he trusts will render the perusal of any other history devoted to the same period unnecessary.
The Haft Gulshan-i Muhammad-sháhí is scarcely worthy of the important preliminaries which heralded its birth. But the author did not confine himself to this general history; he wrote four years afterwards a much more important work, called the Tazkira-i Chaghatáí, which is the subject of the next article, and he is the same Muhammad Hádí who wrote the Introduction and Conclusion of the Autobiographical Memoirs of Jahángír (No. LVI.).
The present work may be considered an abridgment of Firishta. It comprises a general history of India, including all the minor dynasties; but the Kings of Dehlí are not carried down later than Bábar; and at the conclusion of the account of that conqueror, we are promised a completion of the history of the Tímúrian family in a second volume, which promise has been fulfilled in the Tazkira-i Chaghatáí.
This history is divided into Books and Chapters, principally styled Rose-gardens (Gulshan) and Rose-bushes (Gulban); and as it contains seven Books, it is entitled Haft Gulshan.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1—Book I., in three Chapters: Chapter I., The Kings of Dehlí, p. 10; II., The Kings of Jaunpúr, p. 183; III., The Kings of Málwá, p. 193—Book II., in two Chapters: Chapter I., The Kings of Gujarát, p. 225; II., The Kings of Khándesh, p. 262—Book III., in one Chapter, The Kings of Bengal, p. 276—Book IV., in five Chapters: Chapter I., The Báhmaní Sultáns, p. 283; II., The Kings of Bíjápúr, p. 330; III., The Kings of Ahmadnagar, p. 382; IV., The Kings of Haidarábád, p. 417; V., The Baríd-sháhí Dynasty, p. 432— Book V., in two Chapters: Chapter I., The Jáms of Sindh, p. 436; II., The Kings of Multán, p. 440—Book VI., in one Chapter, The Kings of Kashmír, p. 449—Book VII., in one Chapter, The Saints and other Holy Personages of Hindústán, p. 469.
A short extract is given as a specimen.
SIZE—8VO., comprising 495 pages of 11 lines each.
This history is not common in India. I only know two copies, of which the best is in the possession of the Rája of Tirna, in Central Doáb.
The Báhmaní Sultáns.
The narrators of ancient history, after much investigation, have related with great exactness and precision that there was a person by name Hasan, who lived in a state of extreme indigence, and was a servant of one Gángú, a Brahmin, who held some rank and honour in the Court of Sultán Muhammad Tughlik, King of Dehlí. This astrologer possessed a small piece of land, which the King had granted to him for his maintenance, and he employed Hasan to till it. One day, as Hasan was driving the plough, he saw a hole in the ground, and on examining it, he discovered there a jar full of gold mohurs. He covered it with earth in the same manner as he found it, and informed Gángú of it. Gángú took Hasan to the King, and represented the matter to him. The Sultán praised Hasan for his honesty, admitted him among the commanders of a hundred,16 and took him into his favour. Gradually his rank increased to such a degree, that he was appointed, above all the Mughal mercenaries, Governor of Kulbarga16a and its vicinity. Gángú the astrologer, his old master, on examining his horoscope, found signs of his becoming a King, and received a promise from him that, in the days of his sovereignty, he would assume the name of Gángú as part of his royal title.
Sultán Muhammad Tughlik, being a very cruel prince, put the amírs of Sind, Dakhin, and Gujarát to death. But the Almighty God saved Hasan from destruction. The Sultán having invested him with the title of Zafar Khán, and conferred on him Bhakkar, which was one of the dependencies of Bhakhrí, in jágír, went to Gujarát, and thence turned his course towards Thatta, where the army of death attacked him, and sent him to the world of nonentity.
TAZKIRA-I CHAGHATÁÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD HÁDÍ KÁMWAR KHÁN.
[THIS work is sometimes called Táríkh-i Chaghatáí, but it must not be confounded with the history bearing that title by Muhammad Shafí' Wárid (No. LXXXVIII.). The author of the Tazkira was Muhammad Hádí Kámwar Khán, who has been already noticed as the author of the Tatimma-i Wáki'át-i Jahángírí (No. LVI.),17 and the Haft Gulshan (No. LXXXVI.). The Tazkira-i Chaghatáí is a general history of the Chaghatáí sovereigns in two parts. The first commences with an account of the origin of the Mongols, and of Changíz Khán, and goes down to the death of Jahángír. The second part, which is the more important and useful, begins with the death of Jahángír, and ends with the seventh year of Muhammad Sháh, A.H. 1137 (1724 A.D.).
In writing about this author, Colonel Lees says, “I do not know the exact limits of the period within which this author flourished; but it is evident that he was contemporary with Aurangzeb for a considerable portion of his reign, and, for some portion of the time, at least, had good opportunities of obtaining accurate information. I find that in the forty-fifth year of his reign, he went, in company with the Paymaster General Kifáyat Khán bin Arshad Khán, Kháfí, to Ahmadábád; and as he has brought down his history only to the sixth year of Muhammad Sháh's reign, or A.H. 1136,18 and Kháfí Khán has continued his to the fourteenth year of the same reign, or 1144 A.H., we may conclude that Kámwar Khán was not the later of the two. He opens his history modestly stating that he commenced it after he had completed the compilation of the Haft Gulshan (No. LXXXVI.). He continues, ‘I humbly crave the students of history, regardless of the impropriety of the words I have used, or the want of elegance in my style, to take into their consideration, and do me the justice to remember, that without any royal order, and without the aid or assistance of any of the nobles of the times, which in an undertaking of this important nature is very necessary, how many nights I have turned into days and vice versâ, and what anxiety of mind I have suffered, in communicating the information contained in this history in a new form.’ The author was appointed Controller of the Household of Prince Muhammad Ibráhím, and received an increase of pay and the title of Kámwar Khán, in the second year of the reign of Bahádur Sháh Sháh 'Álam, and he received a khil'at from the Emperor in the following year. He was in a position then to know what was going on; and the apparently straightforward manner in which he has written his history inspires the confidence of the reader.”
From incidental observations in the pages of the book, it appears that the author was díwán, bakhshí and khánsámán, in the time of Bahádur Sháh, and that he afterwards held the office of dárogha of the treasury of the ahadís. In the later years of the work it is little more than a record of appointments and promotions, with the concomitant presents and offerings.18a]
Accession of Sháh Jahán.
[Yamínu-d daula Ásaf Khán, 'Azam Khán and other nobles defeated the army of Shahriyár in the vicinity of Láhore. They entered the city, made Shahriyár prisoner, and blinded him. Bulákí and the other sons of Dániyál and Khusrú were put in chains, and imprisoned in the fort of Láhore.]
Death of Bahádur Sháh.
[Bahádur Sháh died on the night of the 20th Muharram, 1024 A.H. (9th Feb. 1615). Great confusion immediately followed in the royal camp, and loud cries were heard on every side. The amírs and officials left the royal tents in the darkness of the night, and went off to join the young princes. Many persons of no party, and followers of the camp, unmindful of what fate had in store for them, were greatly alarmed, and went off to the city with their families. Ruffians and vagabonds began to lay their hands upon the goods of many. The streets were so crowded that it was difficult to pass along them, and houses could not be found to accommodate the people. Several persons were to be seen seeking refuge in one little shop. Friends and relations were unable to answer the calls made upon them. Great disturbances arose in the armies of the Princes, and none of the great men had any hope of saving their lives. The soldiers loudly demanded their pay and allowances, and joining the unceremonious servants, they made use of foul and abusive language, and laid their hands on everything they found. Fathers could do nothing to help their sons, nor sons for their fathers. Every man had enough to do in taking care of himself, and the scene was like the day of judgment. Informers brought in news that Prince Muhammad Karím, son of Prince 'Azímu-sh Shán, had left his own camp and gone off towards that of Mahábat Khán and Khán-zamán, sons of the late Khán-khánán, and no one knew what his intentions were. Every one, small and great, looked upon 'Azímu-sh Shán as the successor; for he had soldiers, artillery, elephants, treasure, and implements of war two-fold more than all his three brothers. Except Amíru-l umará Bakhshíu-l Mulk (Zú-l fikár Khán), all the royal nobles were in his favour. It was probable that he would draw up his forces at once, and not give his adversaries time to assemble theirs.]
TÁRÍKH-I CHAGHATÁÍ
OF
MUHAMMAD SHAFÍ', TEHARÁNÍ.
[THIS work is also found bearing the names Mir-átu-l Wárídát and Táríkh-i Muhammad-Sháhí. The author was Muhammad Shafí'-i Teharání, whose poetical soubriquet was Wárid. He tells his readers that he was born in Hindústán, but that his father, Muhammad Sharíf, and his ancestors, were natives of Teharán. Up to the age of forty-one he had done nothing to hand his name down to posterity, and while he was regretting his wasted life, and considering what work he should undertake, he was visited by his friend, Mirza 'Ináyatu-llah 'Atúfat Khán, at whose instance he composed this history. He goes on to say, “From the year 1100 A.H., the greater portion of what I have recorded I have myself seen, and that which I heard from trustworthy persons I took the utmost pains in sifting and inquiring into, and whatever statements I had the slightest doubt about I discarded. But from the commencement of the war of the late Sultán Muhammad A'zam up to the present time, or for twenty-two years, I have seen everything with my own eyes.” The work is written in an elegant, but somewhat difficult style. It begins with the history of Bábar, and includes part of the reign of Muhammad Sháh down to the withdrawal of Nádir Sháh in 1739. He closes his work with the following statement:
“After the departure of Nádir Sháh, a Royal Order was issued to the following effect: ‘All public officers should occupy themselves in the discharge of their ordinary duties, except the historians. These should refrain from recording the events of my reign, for at present the record cannot be a pleasant one. The reins of Imperial or Supreme Government have fallen from my hands. I am now the viceroy of Nádir Sháh.’ Notwithstanding that the nobles and great officers of the Court, hearing these melancholy reflections of the Emperor, in many complimentary and flattering speeches recommended him to withdraw this order, His Majesty would not be satisfied. Consequently, being helpless, all the historians obeyed the royal mandate, and laid down their pens.”
The work is not a very long one. The copy used by Colonel Lees was a royal octavo of 668 pages, 15 lines to the page. There is a copy and several extracts of the work in the library of Sir H. M. Elliot.22]
EXTRACT.
(Nádir Sháh), calling Burhánu-l Mulk before him, sent him to the presence of Muhammad Sháh, having determined upon this treaty, that the Emperor of Hindústán should come to have an interview with him, and that he should not be sparing of his money and goods. He on his part would hold fast to the treaty, and the sovereignty and the whole kingdom, as formerly, should remain in the possession of his brother monarch.
Burhánu-l Mulk was admitted to the presence for the purpose of delivering this message. Next morning Nizámu-l Mulk went before the Sháh to arrange matters, and the Sháh came as far as the door of the tent to meet him.
The following day Muhammad Sháh proceeded there, riding in a light litter. As he entered the tent, Nádir Sháh came respectfully forward, and they, taking one another's hands, sat down together upon the same masnad. The coffee-bearer first presented coffee to Nádir Sháh, and he with his own hands courteously presented it to Muhammad Sháh, and said, “Since you have done me the honour to come here, you are my brother, and may you remain happy in the empire of Hindústán.”
After two hours, Muhammad Sháh returned to his own camp, and diffused comfort among the dejected chiefs of Hindústán. It had been determined that both Kings should march together towards Sháh-Jahánábád. So on Friday, the 8th of Zí-l hijja, in the year 1151 A.H. (8th March, 1739), the two Emperors reached Dehlí. Nawáb Burhánu-l Mulk was present there at the time, but on the following morning he died. On the night of the third day from that Friday, this extraordinary circumstance occurred, that some people of Hindústán raised a report that Muhammad Sháh had made away with Nádir Sháh. When this rumour spread through the city, every man cut down with his sword each vanquished one without compassion. The Persians, hearing of the murder of their master, lost all self-control, and three thousand or more of them were put to death.
About midnight, the officers of Nádir Sháh, frightened and trembling, represented the state of affairs to the Sháh. The Sháh, angry at being aroused, said, “The men of my army are maliciously accusing the people of Hindústán, so that I should kill a number of them, and give the signal for plunder.” But when this information was repeated over and over again to the Sháh, he seized his sword, and in the Mosque of Rasadu-d daula (which is situated near the court of the superintendent of the police), he himself made that sword a standard, and issued the order for slaughter.
From that night till five hours of the following day, man, woman, animal, and every living thing which came under the eyes of the Persians, was put to the sword, and from every house ran a stream23 of blood. At last Muhammad Sháh mounted, and went to the Sháh to make intercession for God's people. Nádir Sháh, out of consideration for him, willingly acceded to his wishes, gave orders that the Persians should immediately cease from further slaughter, and desist from this unseemly work. In short, a proclamation of quarter was made, and the cry of this glad tidings resounded on all sides.
After this, Nádir Sháh remained for some days, and collecting a great deal of treasure and wealth, he set out towards the capital of Írán. On the way to Lattí, the ruler of Sind, who had come out with hostile designs, was defeated by Nádir Sháh with very little trouble, and obliged to submit. On the day Nádir Sháh set out for the capital of Írán, a notice was sent to Fúlád Khán, the superintendent of the police of Hindústán, intimating that not one of the Persians remained in Hindústán.
BURHÁNU-L FUTÚH
OF
MUHAMMAD 'ALÍ.
THIS rare work, immediately after the usual praises of the Creator and the Prophet, commences with an eulogium on History. It informs us that stories of ancient heroes operate as a warning to posterity, and those relating to the manners and customs of great men and powerful monarchs form a rule for the existing sovereigns of the world. For proud men and warriors, History is the surest means of knowing what acts every one has performed according to his power and understanding; what balls were struck by what bats, and how the games were won; how the swords of revenge were drawn against enemies, and how they were destroyed; how some by their arts, machinations and prudence, saved themselves from the hands of their adversaries, and how others, by the force of their arms and courage, conquered the countries of the world; what heroism warriors have displayed, and how with their swords, battle-axes, arrows, lances and daggers, they have cut off or broken the heads of foes, and darkened, as with night, the fields of battle with the dust of their feet. From History also may be known what learned man flourished at what time; when a certain poet composed his poems; at what time a certain prose work was compiled; what miracle was performed by such a saint at such a time; what physician flourished at such a period; what caligrapher acquired fame in his profession, and at what time.
“As the advantages,” he continues, “of this branch of learning are clearly obvious, and the motives to study it have been fully shown, this mean and sinful person, this criminal, shameful, forlorn, and abashed, embarrassed and distressed; this drowned in the ocean of fault and sin; this bad character and blackfaced one; this hoper of forgiveness from God, the Protector of great and small, viz. Muhammad 'Alí, son of Muhammad Sádik-al Hasní-al Naishápúrí-al Hanafí, compiled this history, which is extracted from many other similar works, in an exceedingly condensed form, and to the extent of his power took great care in adjusting the dates. Thus the periods of the births and deaths of the different kings, and the actions of different governors, may be found in the course of these narratives. He has produced a polished mirror, in which are reflected all the prophets, saints, learned men, poets, sovereigns, princes, philosophers, ministers, saiyids, and physicians. Having for many years dived into the depths of books, he brought out these pearls from those oceans.”
The works which he quotes as his authorities are the Rauzatu-s Safá, Habíbu-s Siyar, Firishta, Rauzatu-l Ahbáb, 'Álam-árá, Jahán-kushá, Tazkiratu-l Fukahá, Tazkiratu Shu'ará, Zafar-náma, Tabakát-i Akbarí, Futúh-i 'Ásam Kúfí, Guzídah of Hamdu-llah Mustaufí, Mas'údí, Afzalu-t Tawáríkh, Jahán-árá, Nizámiya, Wassáf, Mu'ajjam, Majálisu-l Múminín, Lubbu-t Tawáríkh, and 'Álamgírí.
The author dedicates his work to Nawáb Burhánu-l Múlk Saiyid Sa'ádat Khán, upon whom he bestows a long and laboured eulogy. In other parts of the work he takes every opportunity of lauding his patron, and at page 329 says that he alone is capable of competing with the Mahrattas, at the dread of whom all the other nobles of the Empire had at that time lost heart, and become alarmed. It is in compliment to his patron's title of Burhánu-l Múlk that his work takes its name of Burhánu-l Futúh—“the demonstration of victories.”
The work was composed in A.H. 1148 (A.D. 1735-6),—and, several years afterwards, we find the author dedicating it to another patron, and giving to it the better-known name of Mir-átu-s Safá, in which he most amusingly changes, omits, or adds sectarian passages to render his book acceptable to a Sunní, instead of a Shí'a.
The Burhánu-l Futúh has certainly great merit in its close attention to dates, which make it a very useful book of reference, though in other respects it is too short to be of any particular value. The matter is a little expanded towards the close of the Dehlí history, which is brought down to the very year in which it was written. It is divided into an Introduction, eighteen Books, and a Conclusion. The Books are divided into several Chapters, and they again are subdivided into Sections. The following Table will show the miscellaneous nature of their contents.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1.
Introduction. The advantages and objects of the study of history, p. 13.
BOOK I.—An Account of the Creation of the world, the birth of Adam and the histories of the Prophets, Kings and learned men who flourished before the advent of Muhammad, p. 19.— Chap. i. The Creation of the world, p. 19; ii. The Prophets, p. 21; iii. The learned men, p. 52; iv. The Emperors of Persia to whom all the Kings of the world paid tribute, p. 55: Sec. 1. The Peshdádians, p. 55; 2. The Kaiánians, p. 60; 3. The Askánians, p. 70; 4. The Sássánians, or Akásiras, p. 71.
BOOK II.—History of Muhammad and the Imáms, in seventeen Chapters, p. 81.—Chap. i. The history of the Prophet, p. 81: Sec. 1. His genealogy, p. 81; 2. His birth, p. 81; 3. From his birth to his mission, p. 82; 4. From his mission to his flight, p. 83; 5. From his flight to his death, p. 84; 6. His lineal descendants, p. 97; 7. His wives, p. 97; 8. His uncles and aunts, p. 98; 9. His friends, p. 99; 10. His estate, p. 100.— Chap. ii. Fátima, p. 100; iii. Hazrat 'Alí, p. 101: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 101; 2. His children, p. 102.—Chap. iv. Imám Hasan, p. 103: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p 103; 2. His children, p. 103.—Chap. v. Imám Husain, p. 103: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 104; 2. His children, p. 105.—Chap. vi. Imám Zainu-l 'Ábidín, p. 106: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 106; 2. His children, p. 106.—Chap. vii. Imám Muhammad Bákir, p. 106: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 106; 2. His children, p. 107.—Chap. viii. Imám Ja'far Sádik, p. 107: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 107; 2. His children, p. 107.—Chap. ix. Imám Músa Kázim, p. 107: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 107; 2. His children, p. 107.—Chap. x. Imám 'Alí, son of Músa Razá, p. 108; xi. Imám Muhammad Takí, p. 108: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 108; 2. His children, p. 108.— Chap. xii. Imám 'Alí Nakí, p. 108: Sec. 1. His birth and death, p. 108; 2. His children, p. 108.—Chap. xiii. Imám Hasan Askarí, p. 108; xiv. Muhammad Mahdí, p. 109; xv. The relatives of Muhammad, p. 110; xvi. The companions of Muhammad, p. 112: Sec. 1. The companions of his flight, p. 112; 2. The Ansárs, p. 116; 3. The pretended converts, p. 119; 4. His dependents who had no less rank than the companions, p. 121.—Chap. xvii. Some of the Saiyids, p. 122.
BOOK III.—The Khalífas, p. 126.—Chap. i. The first four Khalífas, p. 126; ii. The 'Ummayide Khalífas, p. 139; iii. The 'Abbáside Khalífas, p. 144; iv. The Isma'ílian Khalífas who ruled in Egypt, Hijjáz and the western countries, p. 148.
BOOK IV.—Some of the Saiyids who governed in Andalusia, p. 150.
BOOK V.—History of the Persian Kings, in nineteen Chapters, p. 152.—Chap. i. Táhirian Kings of Khurásán, p. 152; ii. Saffárians of Sístán and Khurásán, p. 153; iii. Sámá-niáns, p. 153; iv. Ghaznivides, p. 156; v. Buwaihides, or Dailamas, p. 159; vi. Saljúkians, p. 163: Sec. 1. Those who reigned in Írán, p. 163; 2. Those who governed in Kirmán, p. 168; 3. Those who ruled in Rúm, p. 168.—Chap. vii. Khwá-rizm-sháhís, p. 169; viii. Isma'ílians, etc., p. 171; ix. Atábaks of Músal, p. 173; x. Atábaks of Ázarbáíján, p. 174; xi. Atábaks of Fárs and Shíráz, p. 174; xii. Atábaks of Lúristán, p. 175; xiii. Ghorians of Khurásán, p. 175; xiv. Kirits of Hirát, p. 176; xv. Kings of Mázandarán, p. 177: Sec. 1. Ancient Kings of Mázandarán, p. 177; 2. Modern Kings of Mázandarán, p. 179.—Chap. xvi. Kings of Rustamdár, p. 182; xvii. Kings of Sístán, p. 184; xviii. Sultáns of Lár, p. 185; xix. Shirwán-sháhís, p. 187.
BOOK VI.—Chiefs of Arabia, p. 188.—Chap. i. Sultáns of Júiza, p. 188; ii. Sultáns of Yemen, p. 189; iii. Sultáns of Misr and Shám, p. 192; iv. Hamadánites, p. 195; v. 'Akílites, 196; vi. Asadides, p. 197.
BOOK VII.—House of Changíz Khán and its branches, p. 197.—Chap. i. The house of Changíz Khán, p. 197; ii. Ilkánians, p. 213; iii. Chaupánians, p. 214; iv. Kará-khitáians, p. 215; v. Muzaffarians, p. 216; vi. Sarbadária Kings of Sabzawár, p. 220; vii. Sultáns of the Kará-Kúínlú, p. 221; viii. Sultáns of the Ak-Kúínlú, p. 222.
BOOK VIII.—Tímúr and his descendants who ruled over Írán and Túrán, p. 224.
BOOK IX.—Saffaví Kings, p. 240.
BOOK X.—Osmánlís of Rúm, p. 276.
BOOK XI.—Shaibání descendants of Changíz Khán, p. 290.
BOOK XII.—Kings of Dehlí.—Chap. i. Kings who ruled before Tímúr, p. 295; ii. Descendants of Tímúr who reigned in Hindústán, p. 299.
BOOK XIII.—Minor Dynasties of Hindústán, p. 340.—Chap. i. Báhmaní Kings of the Dakhin, p. 340; ii. Nizám-sháhís, p. 343; iii. 'Ádil-sháhí Kings of Bíjápúr, p. 345; iv. Kutb-sháhí Kings of Haidarábád, p. 347; v. 'Imád-sháhí Kings of Birár, p. 350; vi. Barídia Kings of Bidar, p. 350; vii. Kings of Gujarát, p. 351; viii. Sultáns of Málwá, p. 353; ix. Sultáns of Khándesh and Burhánpúr, p. 354; x. Sultáns of Bengal, p. 355; xi. Sultáns of Jaunpúr, p. 359; xii. Sultáns of Sind, p. 359; xiii. Sultáns of Multán, p. 360; xiv. Kings of Kashmír, p. 361; xv. Sultáns of Little Tibet, p. 363.
BOOK XIV.—Muhammadan religious and learned men, p. 364.—Chap. i. Learned Shí'as, p. 364; ii. Learned Sunnís, p. 370.
BOOK XV.—Súfís and great Saints, p. 383.
BOOK XVI. — Celebrated Poets.—Chap. i. Arabic Poets, p. 392; Persian Poets, p. 393.
BOOK XVII.—Miscellaneous occurrences since the establishment of the Hijra era, p. 407.
BOOK XVIII.—Tribes of Arabia and Persia, p. 409.—Chap. i. Those of Arabia, p. 409; ii. Those of Persia, p. 412.
Conclusion—Chronological Tables of Dynasties, p. 415.
SIZE—Small folio, containing 426 pages, with 18 lines to a page.
The Burhánu-l Futúh is quite unknown. I am fortunate enough to possess the autograph of the author, written in the year of composition, and no doubt the identical one presented to Nawáb Sa'ádat Khán, and stolen from the Royal Library. I procured it in a bázár at Lucknow.
[The Extracts were translated by a munshí, and corrected by Sir H. M. Elliot. They differ in some respects from a new copy of the Mir-átu-s Safá belonging to Sir Henry.]
EXTRACTS.
In this year (1121 A.H., 1709 A.D.), in consequence of the rebellion and disturbances which were raised by Tárá Báí, wife of Sambhá, son of Sivá, Mír Ahmad Khán, Governor of Burhánpúr, was killed in the month of Safar, and great tumult arose in that city, equal to what may be expected in the day of resurrection. In the city, besides Saiyid Zainu-d dín Khán Kotwál, who was left for its protection, there was also the father of the compiler of these leaves, who was appointed master of the royal ordnance. Mír Ahmad Khán had sent them with orders to defend the ramparts of the city wall, and fortify the bastions. They used all their efforts to save the city and repel the enemy. The insurgents laid siege to the fort for eighteen days, and made great endeavours to take the city. They succeeded in burning many villages, and most of the mansabdárs who had accompanied Mír Ahmad Khán were taken prisoners by the enemy, who extorted something or other from all of them. From Fidwíyat Khán Bakhshí 25,000 rupees were taken, and in the same manner some gave one thousand, and others less. Sharafu-d dín Khán, accountant of the household expenses, being well versed in the art of music, declared that he was a singer of Mír Ahmad Khán, and thus easily obtained his release. The other nobles said that they were barbers, and, after shaving, obtained their freedom from the place of destruction without paying any money. With Mír Ahmad Khán, nineteen relatives of his were slain. Zafar Khán, who was one of the respectable inhabitants of the city, and had no one equal to him in bravery, though severely wounded, escaped into the city with the greatest difficulty. Sharza Khán Dakhiní, surnamed Saiyid Rustam Khán, one of the chief nobles who resided at Bálápur, in Birár, came with the utmost speed to relieve Burhánpúr, and as he had a large force, the enemy raised the siege and took to flight. His Majesty granted the governorship of Burhánpúr to Saiyid Rustam Khán.
Various events which have occurred during the Hijra era.
A.H. 14.—Discovery of the composition of gunpowder.
A.H. 64.—'Abdu-llah, son of Zahír, built the temple of Mecca.
A.H. 75.—Money first coined by the Muhammadans. The dínár was a coin of Rúm, and the dirham of Persia.
A.H. 180.—Fall of the tower in Alexandria in an earthquake.
A.H. 237.—A great fiery meteor appeared in 'Askalan, which was for a long time suspended between heaven and earth.
A.H. 242.—A dreadful earthquake occurred and inflicted great damage throughout the world.
A.H. 244.—A terrible noise was heard in Akhlát about the time of midnight, and numerous men were alarmed to death. In 'Irák hailstones fell which were one yard in diameter.
A.H. 252.—A great famine raged in Baghdád, and the inhabitants of the city, to the number of about one-fourth, were starved to death.
A.H. 269.—Túlún built a large tower over the tomb of Mu'ávia, and it is one of the curiosities of the world.
A.H. 278.—Rise of the Karmathians in Kúfa.
A.H. 279.—Books on Natural Philosophy were written, and the practice of selling and buying books was first introduced.
A.H. 284.—In Egypt such darkness prevailed, that lamps were kept lighted for three days, and in Basrá red and yellow storms blew.
A.H. 286.—In Bahrain Abú Sa'íd Habání became chief of the Karmathians.
A.H. 288.—In the West Abú 'Abdu-llah introduced the doctrines of the Shí'as.
A.H. 328.—Stars fell from the sky, which appeared like birds of fire, and which greatly terrified the people.
A.H. 330.—The Euphrates overflowed with such violence, that half of the city of Baghdád was inundated.
A.H. 337.—The Euphrates again overflowed, and three-fourths of the city was covered with water.
A.H. 346.—The reflux of the Persian Gulf took place to such a degree, that new islands appeared. Re and Tálikán were destroyed by the violence of an earthquake.
A.H. 349.—A great quarrel broke out between the Shí'a and Sunní sects, and the latter prevailed on account of the abundance of the descendants of Háshim and the assistance of Mu'izzu-d daula.
A.H. 351.—The Shí'as predominated, and reproachful sentences against the first Khalífs were engraved on doors and mosques in Baghdád.
A.H. 352.—By the orders of Mu'izzu-d daula Dailamí, mournings for the death of Imám Husain (peace be on him!) were openly observed.
A.H. 358.—The words “Rise for a virtuous purpose” were introduced in the ázán by orders of the descendants of Fátima.
A.H. 363.—The khutba of the descendants of 'Abbás was abolished in Mecca, by order of Mu'izzu-d dín Allah 'Alawí, and the words above mentioned were then also introduced into the ázán.
A.H. 368.—'Azdu-d daula sent money to construct the fort of Medína.
A.H. 382.—A shaikh came into the Court of the Khalífa of Baghdád from Yájúj and Májúj.
A.H. 389.—Flags were first carried in commemoration of the death of Imám Husain (peace be on him!), and the Marsias or elegies, in commemoration of the event, were first read with loud cries and lamentations.
A.H. 398.—The Sunnís obtained superiority over the Shí'as, and a great earthquake occurred in Dayúz.
A.H. 400.—The Jáma' Masjid was built in Egypt in the time of Hákim-i Billah 'Alawí Isma'ílí.
A.H. 407.—The Shí'as of Wásit were put to flight by the Sunnís, and the temple Baitu-l Mukaddas was demolished.
A.H. 413.—Occurrence of intense cold in the country of 'Irák, which froze the water of the watercourses and wells.
A.H. 428.—A great famine raged in all the countries of the world, and about one-tenth of the people were starved to death.
A.H. 432.—A dreadful earthquake occurred in Tabríz.
A.H. 434.—Another earthquake occurred which destroyed Tabríz.
A.H. 440.—The wall round the city of Shíráz was completed by Abú-l Mukárim, a Dailamí chief.
A.H. 442.—A comet appeared.
A.H. 443.—A fight took place between the Sunnís and the Shí'as in Baghdád, and the former were victorious.
A.H. 444.—The quarter of Baghdád in which the Shí'as resided was destroyed.
A.H. 450.—The Shí'as obtained power over the Sunnís in Baghdád by the assistance of Basásarí (may peace be to him!).
A.H. 451.—The Sunnís overcame the Shí'as, and Basásarí was slain.
A.H. 452.—A great famine occurred in Egypt, and the people were reduced to a deplorable condition.
A.H. 454.—The Tigris overflowed, and Baghdád was inundated.
A.H. 456.—A great conflagration took place in Damascus, and the sepulchre of Baní 'Ummaiya was burnt.
A.H. 462.—Famine raged in the country, and a pestilential disease broke out in Egypt; the khutba of Fátima was abolished in the country of Hijjáz.
A.H. 466.—The Tigris was again swollen, and Baghdád inundated.
A.H. 503.—The Firingís took the fort of Tripoli after a siege of seven years, and they also obtained possession of the forts of Bánias, Tarsúl, and Akrád.
A.H. 504.—The Firingís took the forts of Beyrout, Ayásif, and the stronghold of Saídú.
A.H. 505.—The foundation of the fort of Mashhed Mukaddas was laid by the exertions of Amír 'Alí.
A.H. 514.—Tombs of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were discovered in the well-known ravine.
A.H. 515.—Baghdád was burnt, and some of the pillars of Yamáni fell down.
A.H. 517.34 —A total eclipse of the sun took place, so that the stars appeared during the day.
A.H. 516.34a —The Shí'a creed was promulgated in the country of Ázarbáiján.
A.H. 518.—Saifu-l Islám issued, after many years, a prohibition to the learned men in Mecca and Medína, that the words “Rise for a virtuous purpose” should not be cried out in the ázán.
A.H. 600.—White dust fell from the sky.
A.H. 654.—A red flame was seen in the vicinity of Medína, and Baghdád was inundated by the river.
A.H. 669.—Damascus was inundated by the overflowing of the streams.
A.H. 682.—A large flood came and inundated Damascus a second time.
A.H. 692.—The flame again appeared in the vicinity of Medína.
A.H. 694.—The water of the Nile fell, and a great famine occurred in Egypt.
A.H. 695.—A terrible famine raged in the cities of Egypt and Syria, and men ate dogs, cats, and even their own children.
A.H. 700.—The Ílkhání almanacs were invented.
A.H. 701.—A pestilential disease broke out among men and all classes of animals.
A.H. 718.—The astrologers were probibited from pronouncing their predictions in Damascus, and a great famine took place in the continent and the islands.
A.H. 728.—The court-yard of the temple of Mecca was newly laid down.
A.H. 731.—The canal was brought into the city of Aleppo.
A.H. 739.—A great earthquake occurred in Western Tripoli.
A.H. 740.—Fire descended from the heavens on the coasts of Syria and burnt many houses.
A.H. 746.—The palace of Kisra was demolished on the 4th of Safar.
A.H. 749.—A dreadful plague ravaged the cities of Egypt and Syria.
A.H. 802.—Fire caught the temple of Mecca and injured it.
A.H. 819.—A great pestilence broke out in most of the cities of the world.
A.H. 836.—A comet appeared.
A.H. 842.—The foundation of a Jáma' Masjid was laid in Adarna.
A.H. 844.—The Jáma' Masjid was completed.
A.H. 862.—Discovery of the New World by Columbus.
A.H. 877.—A total eclipse of the sun took place on the 27th of Rabí'u-l awwal, and the stars appeared during the darkness.
A.H. 883.—A great plague occurred in Mecca.
A.H. 884.—Damascus was burnt.
A.H. 901-904.—The rivers were greatly swollen, and pestilential diseases broke out in all the cities of Rúm.
A.H. 903.—A Jáma' Masjid was founded in Constantinople.
A.H. 912.—The Portuguese took possession of some of the coasts of India.
A.H. 1012.—The medicinal properties of tobacco were discovered, and it was used in smoking, as it is now.
A.H. 1030.—The water of the Bay of Constantinople was frozen by excess of cold.
A.H. 1099.—A pestilential disorder broke out in Burhánpúr and the Dakhin, which continued till A.H. 1104, and destroyed half the people.
A.H. 1116-1119.—A great famine occurred in Burhánpúr and the Dakhin, and many men died of hunger.
A.H. 1140.—The rain fell very copiously in Burhánpúr, and the river Táptí rose so high that it inundated one-tenth of the city, and destroyed one-fourth of the houses.
A.H. 1148.—Towards the end of the year such a violent earthquake occurred in Kashmír, that it destroyed about two thousand houses.
KANZU-L MAHFU'Z.
“THE GUARDED TREASURY” is so peculiar a name, that it probably represents the date when the work was first commenced, 1142 A.H. The narrative, however, is brought down to the year 1150 A.H., or eight years subsequent.
The second volume only of this work has come into my possession, and in that nothing is stated with respect to the name and position of the author. The first volume seems to have been devoted to miscellaneous subjects. We are told incidentally, in a passage at the beginning of the second volume, that, amongst other things, it contained a Treatise on Knowledge. There could have been nothing on history, for that subject is exhausted in the second volume. The names of authorities are not given in any general form, but the Tabakát-i Násirí and Tabakát-i Akbarí are quoted. The only portion that can be considered original is the first portion on the duties and observances of kings and ministers, which is profusely illustrated by quotations from the Kurán.
This work is very rare. I have seen but one copy, which is in the possession of Sa'ídu-d dín Ahmad Khán, of Murádábád. As before mentioned, it is deficient in the first volume. It was transcribed in 1188 A.H., in the Nast'alík character.
CONTENTS.
On the Duties and Observances of Kings and Ministers, pp. 1 to 50—The 'Ummayide and 'Abbáside Khalífs, pp. 57 to 62— Ghaznivides, pp. 63 to 78—Kings of Dehlí before Bábar, pp. 73 to 141—Tímúrian Dynasty, down to Muhammad Sháh, pp. 141 to 283—Kings of the Dakhin, pp. 283 to 300—Sultáns of Gujarát, pp. 301 to 315—Sultáns of Málwá, pp. 316 to 330— Sultáns of Bengal, pp. 331 to 335—Sultáns of Jaunpúr, pp. 336 to 339—Rulers of Sind, pp. 339 to 342—Rulers of Multán, pp. 343 to 346—Sultáns of Kashmír, pp. 346 to 357—Brief Description of Hindústán, pp. 357 to 358.
SIZE—Large 8vo., 358 pages, each comprising 22 lines.
EXTRACT.
In the city of Ágra there was a large temple, in which there were numerous idols, all adorned and embellished with precious jewels and valuable pearls. It was the custom for the infidels to resort to this temple from far and near several times in each year to worship the idols, and a certain fee to the Government was fixed upon each man, for which he obtained admittance. As there was a large congress of pilgrims, a very considerable amount was realized from them, and paid into the royal treasury. This practice had been observed to the end of the reign of the Emperor Sháh Jahán, and in the commencement of Aurangzeb's government; but when the latter was informed of it, he was exceedingly angry, and abolished the custom. The greatest nobles of his Court represented to him that a large sum was realized and paid into the public treasury, and that if it were abolished, a great reduction in the income of the State would take place. The Emperor observed, “What you say is right, but I have considered well on the subject, and have reflected on it deeply; but if you wish to augment the revenue, there is a better plan of attaining that object by exacting the jizya. By this means idolatry will be suppressed, the Muhammadan religion and the true faith will be honoured, our proper duty will be performed, the finances of the State will be increased, and the infidels will be disgraced.” On hearing this, all the nobles and ministers of the throne admired and praised the wisdom of the Emperor, who added, that “by this plan the money would be saved, because the infidels came several times in a year and paid only a little into the treasury; but they will pay the jizya only once a year, and the Government income will be increased, which is the grand object.” This was highly approved of by all the nobles; and the Emperor ordered all the golden and silver idols to be broken, and the temple destroyed. The revenue of the Government was much increased; it not only exceeded lacs, but came up to several krors. The jizya was collected from all, great and small, Hindús as well as rebel infidels, in all parts of the Empire, which extended on three sides to the sea. The Government officers also made great exertions in levying it, and in no case acted with indulgence and partiality. Consequently Islám acquired great predominance, and the Muhammadans were so dreaded that, for instance, if a Hindú went riding on his horse, and a peon of the office which collected the tax caught him, the colour of his face instantly changed, and he began to coax the peon; but until he had shown the receipt for the jizya of the year, he could not stir a step from the place without being taken to the office. But at present the rule for the jizya is totally abolished.
TÁRÍKH-I HINDÍ
OF
RUSTAM 'ALÍ.
THE author of this work is Rustam 'Alí, son of Muhammad Khalíl Sháhábádí. He gives as the immediate reason of writing the Táríkh-i Hindí, that contemporaries, from excessive attachment to this world, neglected entirely to ponder on their existence, either as regards its origin or end; and from their firm belief, under the delusions of their evil passions, in the long duration of their lives in this world of mutations, pursued a presumptuous and vain line of conduct. So he entertained a desire to commit to writing a brief account of just kings, and how they controlled oppressors and tyrants, in the hope that, while it might prove a lesson to the wise, it would not fail to draw the attention of intelligent readers to the instability of all earthly pleasures, and the short duration of human life, and so induce them to withdraw their affections from this world.
The execution of his intention was, however, suspended for a time by necessities, which compelled him to travel from city to city in search of employment and subsistence, until at last he was fortunate enough to take up his abode in Bhopál. Here, for a period of three years, he subsisted on the munificence of certain great men and many sincere friends, more especially on the liberal support of Nawáb Yár Muhammad Khán, “a just nobleman, under whose administration the inhabitants of the dependencies of Bhopál enjoy the blessings of peace.” As the wants of the author were thus supplied, he attained peace of mind, and was enabled to compose the work which was the object of his heart's desire.
The Táríkh-i Hindí was composed in the year 1154 A.H. (1741-2 A.D.) as we learn, not only from an ambiguous passage in the Preface, but from an express declaration to that effect at the beginning of the tenth chapter. The history also closes at that period, though towards the end of the work the twenty-fourth year of Muhammad Sháh is mentioned, which would make it a year later. Only six pages, however, preceding this passage, the author reiterates the statement that the work was composed in the twenty-third year of Muhammad Sháh's reign. It may be considered altogether a useful compilation, as it is not copied verbatim from known authors, and in the latter part of it the author writes of many matters which came under his own observation or those of his friends. Amongst the works which he most frequently quotes are two, of which no traces can be obtained,—the Siyar-i Hindí and the Faiúzát-i Akbarí. The former is frequently mentioned, from the time of the Slave Dynasty to the reign of Farrukh Siyar, and must, therefore, be a general History of India. The quotations from the Faiúzát-i Akbarí are rarer, but extend from the time of Mahmúd Ghaznaví to the time of Muhammad Sháh. It appears to be partly a religious work, containing some historical anecdotes, for in the conclusion, in the chapter upon holy men, he says that it was composed by Sháh Ghulám Muhíu-d dín, and dedicated to his spiritual teacher, Saiyid Sháh 'Alí Akbar, after whom it was called Faiúzát-i Akbarí. Other works incidentally quoted are the Táríkh-i Badáúní, Habíbu-s Siyar, Khulásatu-t Tawáríkh, Táríkh-i Akbar-sháhí, Táríkh-i Farrukh Siyar, Táríkh-i Jahángíri, Mir-át-i Mas'údí, Táríkh-i Shahábí, and the Táríkh-i Mahmúdí. It is probable that the last two are familiar works disguised under uncommon appellations.
The author is fond of indulging in poetical quotations, sentences from the Kurán, and moral reflections. But the quotations have been excluded from the following Extracts.
This History is divided into an Introduction, ten Chapters (tabaka), and a Conclusion.
CONTENTS.
Preface, p. 1—Introduction, on the Creation, the instability of the world, and an account of Hindústán, p. 8—Chap. i. On the Hindú Rájas preceding Islám, p. 56—ii. The Ghaznivides and Ghorians, p. 124—iii. The Khiljí Sultáns, p. 176—iv. The Tughlik-sháhí Sultáns, p. 193—v. The Khizr-khánians, p. 216— vi. The Lodí Afghán Sultáns, p. 225—vii. The early Tímúrian Kings, p. 257—viii. The Súr Afghán Dynasty, p. 279—ix. The minor independent Dynasties, p. 326—x. The later Tímúrian Kings, p. 348. Conclusion—On the holy, learned, and excellent men and poets, whom the author has conversed with, or heard of, p. 595.
SIZE—8vo., containing 651 pages, each of 11 lines.
The only copy which I know of the Táríkh-i Hindí was obtained for me by the kindness of Miyán Faujdár Muhammad Khán, from the library of Nawáb Sikandra Begam of Bhopál, and being in the possession of the descendants of Yár Muhammad Khán, the patron of the author, it is perhaps unique. But though there may be more copies in Bhopál, it is probable there are very few beyond the precincts of that city.
[The Extracts which follow were translated by a munshí, and revised by Sir H. M. Elliot.]
Reign of Abú-l Fath Násiru-d dín Muhammad Sháh.
This Prince was a lover of pleasure and indolence, negligent of political duties, and addicted to loose habits, but of somewhat a generous disposition. He was entirely careless regarding his subjects. As is well known, this Emperor, so long as Amíru-l umará Husain 'Alí Khán lived, strictly observed, by virtue of the efficient management of that great Saiyid, all the ancient laws and established rules of his ancestors. The achievement of all undertakings, the arrangement of all political affairs, and the execution of all wars were carried on in an excellent manner by the wisdom of that high nobleman. The Emperor decided all disputes without partiality, according to the Muhammadan law; but when some of the nobles, natives of this country and of Túrán, overcome by their evil passions, and merely through envy and malice, put that well-wisher of the creatures of God to death, to the great mortification of poor people and all good subjects, the Emperor became master of his own will, and, actuated by his youthful passions and folly and pride, resigned himself to frivolous pursuits and the company of wicked and mean characters. This created a spirit of opposition and enmity towards him in those very nobles who, from their malicious disposition, had been the instruments of the death of Husain 'Alí Khán. The Emperor, on account of the rebellion of the nobles, the fear of his own life, and the temptations of his evil passions, shut up the gate of justice and gave no ear to complaints. As the splendour and delight of the garden of this world, and the verdure and fruitfulness of the fields of this earth, depend upon the flow of the stream of the equity and justice of Kings, so the withering of the trees of this world is caused by the hot winds of the negligence and carelessness of rulers and dissensions among well-disposed nobles.
In a short time, many of the officers of this kingdom put out their feet from the path of obedience to the sovereign, and many of the infidels, rebels, tyrants and enemies stretched out the hands of rapacity and extortion upon the weaker tributaries and the poor subjects. Great disorders arose in the country, which shall be briefly related, according to each year of the reign, if God please.
FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
At the end of this year, Sharfu-d daula Irádatmand Khán, with a body of nobles, was sent against Rája Ajít Singh, who, having broken out into open mutiny, and taken possession of Ajmír and Sámbhar, had reached as far as Nárnaul. He was accompanied by Rája Jai Singh Sawáí, Muhammad Khán Ban-gash, and Gopál Singh, Rája of Bhadáwar, at the head of an army of about one hundred thousand horse and more than two hundred elephants. Rája Ajít Singh, on hearing the news, lost all courage, fled from Nárnaul, and took refuge in the fort of Garh-pattí. Here he held out for some time, and at last, mounting a camel, went off to Jodhpúr. He then sued for peace, and made over his son, Dhankal Singh, to the nobles to carry to Court. In the mean time, Ajít Singh was slain by his younger son, Bakht Singh, and Dhankal Singh, upon reaching the Court, obtained the investiture of the chiefship. He returned to his country, and became its ruler. His brother, Bakht Singh, besieged the fort of Nágor, and having driven out the Rája of that place, became himself master of it. In the same year Rája Jai Singh founded a magnificent new city between the towns of Amber and Sangánír, and called it Jaipúr, after the name of Sawáí Jai Singh.
SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Nizámu-l Mulk, being disgusted with the Emperor, went towards Murádábád and Sambhal, under the pretence of hunting. When he had gone as far as the Ganges, near the town of Garh Muktesar, he at once turned aside from his course, and proceeding viâ Kol and Jalesar, crossed the Chambal and went towards the Dakhin. The Emperor, on hearing of this, sent orders to Mubáriz Khán, appointing him governor of that province, and instigating him to destroy Nizámu-l Mulk. Mubárizu-l Mulk, in consideration of the obligations he owed, went from Haidarábád towards Aurangábád. Nizámu-l Mulk sued for peace, but Mubáriz Khán was destined for the honour of martyrdom, so he did not listen to his advances, and rashly engaged in fight. The brave warriors, having boldly fought, put many insurgents to the sword. By chance, Mubárizu-l Mulk was slain, and Nizámu-l Mulk, in perfect security, obtained the governorship of the Dakhin. Muhammad Sháh, on being informed of this, was obliged to confer the post of minister, which was vacated by Nizámu-l Mulk, on I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán, and sent a farmán to Nizámu-l Mulk, appointing him governor of the Dakhin, and bestowing on him the rank of vicegerency and the title of Ásaf Jáh.
SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
In this year a person, having assumed the name of Sábir Sháh, went to Kumáon, and represented to the Rája of that place, whose name was Debí Singh, that he was one of the princes of the house of Tímúr, and thus obtained repeated orders on the functionaries below the hills at Kásípúr and Rudarpúr, to the effect that they should give him a red tent, such as is usual for the royal family, as well as some troops to accompany him. Having carried these orders into effect, they collected no less than forty thousand Rohillas. Shaikh 'Azamatu-llah Khán, who in those days was the governor of Murádábád and Sambhal, was sent to quell the insurrection, with a body of fifteen thousand horse and twelve elephants. In a single attack he overthrew the Rohilla army. The Afgháns were dispersed, and many were put to the sword. Sábir Sháh fled towards the east, and went to Burhánu-l Mulk, who, having captured him, sent him to the Emperor, under the custody of Muríd Khán, a noble of high rank, and he was ordered to be imprisoned.
NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
A dispute arose in the Emperor's audience chamber between Muzaffar Khán and Burhánu-l Mulk, because the latter officer, in the province of Oudh, had taken possession of the jágírs of mansabdárs. It continued many days, and at last Mír Jumla Yár Khán was appointed by the Emperor of the World to decide it. He was of opinion that Burhánu-l Mulk should resign the governorship of Oudh, and Muzaffar Khán the office of superintendent of the ordnance. The former situation, in consequence of the removal of Burhánu-l Mulk, was given to Muzaffar Khán, and Burhánu-l Mulk was to be appointed governor of Málwá. This decision was approved and confirmed, and the office of the superintendent of ordnance, which was vacated by Muzaffar Khán, was entrusted to Sá'du-d dín Khán, in whose place, Sher Afghán Khán was appointed steward of the household. Muzaffar Khán, with the intention of going to the province of Oudh, pitched his tents near Patparganj, and Burhánu-l Mulk marched towards Málwá; but when the latter reached Ágra, he at once crossed the river Jumna, and went towards Oudh. Muzaffar Jang was consequently obliged to proceed to Ajmír, as the government of that province included Nárnaul and Sámbhar.
TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Muhammad Khán Bangash Ghazanfar Jang, with an army of eighty thousand horse and more than a hundred elephants, proceeded to the province of Alláhábád, to fight against Rája Chatrsál. After great exertions and many actions, the fort of Jítgarh, where he resided, was taken. Chatrsál fled for refuge to the Zamíndárs of Jharna and Purna, and the whole territory came into the possession of the Khán.
Burhánu-l Mulk led an army against the fort of Cháchandí, near Sháhábád Kanauj, the chief of which was Hindú Singh, a Chandela Rájpút. He was, however, not to be subdued; but Rája Gopál Singh Bhadauria, who accompanied Burhánu-l Mulk, under the pretence of making peace, went to Hindú Singh and told him that it was not expedient to quarrel with the Emperor's nobles, that he should leave the fort for three days, and he called God to witness that, after three days, when peace would be concluded, the possession of the fort should be restored to him. Hindú Singh was deceived, and left the fort, and with his family and property pitched his tents at some distance. The third day, by the order of Burhánu-l Mulk, Rája Gopál Singh, breaking his word, took the fort and zamíndárí into his own possession. Consequently Hindú Singh, having no remedy, prepared to fight with the army of Burhánu-l Mulk, which amounted to about sixty thousand horse, but, baffled in his attempt, retreated towards the territory of Chatrsál. As a punishment for violating his promise, Rája Gopál Singh soon hastened towards his own destruction. After his death, his son, Antrat Singh, was confirmed in possession of that district.
ELEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
The brother-in-law of Tahawwur Khán, named Muhammad Afzal, according to the Emperor's orders, succeeded Tahawwur Khán as his heir in the zamíndárí of Sháh Jahánpúr, and took possession of it. 'Abdu-llah Khán and Zuhúru-llah Khán, brothers of Táju-d dín Khán, who had fled away towards Shamsábád-maú, in conjunction with Mír Khurram 'Alí, a relative of the author, collected eight thousand horse of the Rohilla tribe, and advanced towards that city. Muhammad Afzal came out against him with a large body of Afgháns. A most fierce battle was fought near the city on the banks of the Garra. Muhammad Afzal was slain, and 'Abdu-llah Khán became master of the zamíndárí.
Mír Mushrif, who was one of the principal officers of the great Emperor, departed from this perishable world to the everlasting regions, and was buried in a garden which he had himself made.
TWELFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Saiyid Míran, who was truly a man of great virtue and devotion, went on a Friday to the Jáma' Masjid of Dehlí, and, in order to attract attention to the wrongs of the oppressed people, prohibited the reading of the khutba, upon which, the Hazárís of the artillery, under the Emperor's orders, put him to death. From that day disturbances arose throughout the kingdom, and enemies and rebels gained more and more power every day. The Emperor greatly regretted this event, but to no purpose.
It was reported to the Emperor that the base enemy (the Mahrattas),48 having crossed the Nerbadda, had attacked Giridhar Bahádur, the Governor of Málwá, and plundered his camp.
The Emperor also received intelligence in this year that Bájí Ráo Mahratta, having collected an army of 100,000 horse, had come to assist Rája Chatrsál, and had besieged Muhammad Khán Bangash in Jítgarh. The time of the decadence of the Empire had arrived, and in retaliation for shedding the innocent blood of Saiyid Míran, no plan of repelling the enemy proved effectual. From that time to this the power and dominion of that tribe has daily increased. The siege of Jítgarh lasted for six months, and within the fort one sír of flour was sold for eighty rupees. At last, Chatrsál obliged Muhammad Khán to evacuate the fort, and having given him back some of the horses which he had plundered from him, allowed him to depart. In the way, the Khán met with his son, Kaira Khán, at the head of twelve thousand horse, and both father and son returned to their native city, Farrukh-ábád, which had been founded in the name of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar. From that time the population increased every day, and gradually it became a very large city.
In this year, in the month of Sha'bán, a great tumult arose in the Jáma' Masjid, to avenge the death of a Musulmán who was slain by a Hindú of the name of Subh Karan. The Hindús were assisted by the Royal mutasaddis (or writers). On Friday, at about 3 o'clock, a great fight took place. Seventeen men were killed within the Masjid, and Sher Afghán Khán, the Emperor's steward, having received a wound, escaped by the assistance of Roshanu-d daula.
THIRTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Muhammad Khán Bangash Ghazanfar Jang was appointed Governor of the province of Málwá, on condition of his chastising the enemy. When he went there, he sometimes fought with them, sometimes connived at their proceedings, and in this manner managed to prolong the period of his government.
FOURTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Information was received that Muhammad Khán Ghazanfar Jang had crossed the Nerbadda, and joined Nizámu-l Mulk. He was removed from the government of Málwá, and Rája Jai Singh Sawáí was appointed in his stead.
In this year Mír Jumla Tarkhán, one of the greatest nobles, and a man of learning and a friend of the learned, who was chiefly engaged in the study of the natural sciences, according to the will of God, departed this transitory world. This Mír Jumla was called Mír 'Ibádu-llah. He came to Hindústán from Samarkand in search of his father, Mír Abú-l Wafá, who had become kází of Benares. By degrees he himself was appointed kází of the province of Bengal, and when Prince Muhammad Farrukh Siyar became governor of that province, he made him his tutor. During the time of this Prince's reign he was reckoned one of the greatest nobles of the State, and had the conduct of all political affairs in his hands. At last, through the hostility of the Saiyids, he was deprived, after the murder of Farrukh Siyar, of all the insignia of nobility; but, by the favour of Husain 'Alí Khán, he was again raised to his former rank and jágír, as well as to the office of Sadru-s sudúr. He was a person of exceeding generosity, and gave away lacs of rupees. He was often heard to say, that as regards the works of this world, he had only one desire unfulfilled, which was that he had never been able to give any person a present of one kror of rupees. He loved knowledge and learned men, because by means of his learning he had reached the Emperor's Court, and obtained his rank.
In the same year, at the instigation of Rája Jai Singh, the vile enemy took possession of Málwá, and the Rája himself added to his own territory many parganas which belonged to the Emperor in the vicinity of Amber. Dhankal Singh, Rája of Márwár, sacked the district of Rewárí, which is thirty kos from Dehlí, and took thirteen lacs of rupees from the authorities of that place. The enemies in all parts of the country stretched out their hands to ravage and plunder.
FIFTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Wazíru-l Mulk I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán, with 70,000 horse, marched from Dehlí against Udárú, the Zamíndár of Kora Jahánábád, who had killed Ján Nisár Khán. Udárú, on receiving the intelligence, retired from the district, and Kamru-d dín Khán returned to the seat of Empire through Kanauj and Farrukhábád.
SIXTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Muzaffar Khán, brother of Khán-daurán Khán, accompanied by Jai Singh and other Rájas, was despatched with a large army against the enemy, but being informed at Sironj that they had crossed the Nerbadda, and gone to the Dakhin, he returned to the capital.
SEVENTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
According to the Emperor's orders, I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán Nusrat Jang, with a large army, many elephants, and heavy ordnance, moved towards the enemy through Ágra, and Amíru-l umará Bahádur Samsámu-d daula Mansúr Jang, with many nobles and Rájas, and at the head of an army said to amount to 90,000 horse, and a large park of artillery, marched through the territory of Mewát. But through the misrepresentations of Rája Jai Singh, he was induced to give orders not to commence an action. One day, however, as 'Alí Hámid Khán, one of the chief nobles, had left camp, he encountered by chance a body of the enemy. Although he had no force with him at the time, yet with his few attendants he repulsed the assailants, and returned to the camp in safety. As the Amíru-l umará would not engage with the enemy, one of the nobles named Tírandáz Khán deserted him, and departed with three hundred horse with the intention of going to Dehlí; upon which a party of the enemy, acting, it is said, under the instructions of Rája Jai Singh, hastened in pursuit, and having overtaken him, surrounded him on all sides like a swarm of ants and locusts. Tír-andáz Khán showed great courage, and after fighting nobly, met with the honour of martyrdom. Of his followers some were killed, and others fell prisoners into the hands of the enemy.
In the mean time, one of the enemy, by name Malhárjí, with a body of 45,000 horse, overran some of the parganas of Rája Jai Singh, and laid siege to the fort of Sámbhar. After three days the city was taken and plundered. It is said that nine hundred inhabitants of the city were killed and wounded. He took a contribution of one hundred and fifty thousand rupees, besides two elephants and some horses from Fakhru-d dín Husain Khán, son of Udú Afghán Khán, the then governor of the place, and returned to oppose the army of the Amíru-l umará.
The Amíru-l umará, deceived by Rája Jai Singh, returning to the capital without coming once to action, arrived on the 17th of Zí-l hijja. I'timádu-d daula, who had gone to oppose the enemy viâ Ágra, fought with Pílújí Mahratta, near Narwar.
At last, he also, leaving the result of the war, returned to Dehlí on the 29th of Zí-l hijja in the same year.
EIGHTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
The enemy went to the territory of Mewár, which is ruled by the Ráná, reached the city of Údípúr, and having taken a contribution from the Ráná, turned towards Márwár, plundered the city of Mírtá, took some tribute from Bakht Singh, Rája of Nágor, and then arrived at Ajmír. The Mahratta chiefs alighted from their horses, and with the utmost respect visited the tomb of the great and venerable Khwája, and thence advanced to the fort of Rúpnagar. Rája Sáwant Singh had busied himself in strengthening the fort with heavy guns. The army of the enemy, seeing no way of success, retreated, after suffering much loss, towards Jaipúr. In the mean time, Yádgár Khán Ráo, Saiyid Kirpárán, and Najábat 'Alí Khán, the nephew of Husain 'Alí Khán, went to Jai Singh, to request his interposition in coming to some accommodation with the enemy. All these officers, with the concurrence of Rája Jai Singh, gave the enemy in the district of Kishangarh a sum of twenty lacs of rupees on the part of the Emperor, to induce them to return to the Dakhin, when they themselves returned to Dehlí.
During this year Burhánu-l Mulk Sa'ádat Khán went towards Kora Jahánábád. The chief of that tract, named Bhagwant, son of Udárú, who before this, having killed Ján Nisár Khán, governor of that place, had greatly injured and oppressed the peasantry, on receiving the news of the Burhánu-l Mulk's advance, marched forward with a body of vagabonds amounting to twenty-five thousand horse and foot. The army of Burhánu-l Mulk, excepting himself and two thousand horse, had not yet crossed the Ganges, when suddenly the army of that ringleader of the infidels appeared. After both parties had met, much fighting ensued. Bhagwant Singh himself shot an arrow which wounded Burhánu-l Mulk in the arm. But that lion of the field of courage immediately drew it out, and in turn shot that vile infidel in the forehead, and sent him to the next world. Many of his followers were slain, and the rest fled away. Burhánu-l Mulk victoriously returned to camp, and ordered him to be flayed, and his skin to be filled with straw. His head and that of his son were placed on the points of spears and sent to the capital.
In the beginning of Sha'bán of this year the compiler of this work saw with his own eyes the skins and heads of both those unfortunate wretches hanging in the bázár of Dehlí near the Police Office.
NINETEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
The Mahratta armies entered the territory of Bhadáwar, the chief of which, Amrat Singh, collected an army, advanced from the town of Ater with the utmost intrepidity, and gave battle at the distance of a kos from that town. It is commonly reported that the army of the Rája consisted of seven thousand horse, twenty thousand foot, and forty-five elephants; while that of the invaders amounted to near one hundred thousand horse. The war continued for one month; and although the territory of Bhadá-war lay close to the capital, yet that Emperor, the asylum of negligence, took no measures for the expulsion of the foe. It is said that one of the brothers of the Rája, who had long cherished hatred against him in his own bosom, joined with the enemy, who, at his instigation, left half of his army to confront the Rája, and sent the other half through the towns of Gohad and Barhad to the town of Ater, which they began to plunder. The Rája was obliged to retreat, fighting all the way with the enemy, and got safe into the fort. Although the enemy had plundered much treasure and property, yet he took besides a contribution of twenty lacs of rupees in cash and ten elephants.
After this, in the beginning of Zí-l hijja of the same year, the enemy's army having crossed the river Jumna, near the village of Ráprí, besieged the fort of Shukohábád. Láljí Khatrí, the governor of that place, presented him one hundred and fifty thousand rupees and an elephant, and thus saved the town. Marching thence, the invaders burnt down Fírozábád and I'timádpúr, which is five kos from the capital, Ágra, and plundered them, and then proceeded towards Jálesar. All of a sudden, about dawn, Burhánu-l Mulk drew near, having marched from Etáwa in pursuit of the enemy. At first, his nephew Abú-l Mansúr Khán Safdar Jang, with twelve thousand horse, came in sight, when the Mahrattas, with their usual confidence, considering his force to be small, surrounded him on all sides. Abú-l Mansúr Khán slowly retreated, fighting all the way, till he reached the spot occupied by Burhánu-l Mulk, at the head of fifty thousand horse. When the Mahrattas approached near, he suddenly charged the army of those rebels with his cavalry, like a wolf falling upon sheep, or a tiger upon a deer. Thus those vagabonds, seized by the hand of death, were obliged to run away in alarm towards the forest.
The Muhammadan army pursued them, made heaps of the slain, and kept the battle raging for the distance of thirty-five kos. A body of the invaders were overtaken near the tank of I'timádpúr, and three chiefs with about a thousand men were taken prisoners. Those who escaped the sword crossed the river Jumna. Many of them missed the ford, and were drowned in the river of eternity, but most of them escaped and joined their countrymen. When the prisoners were brought before Burhánu-l Mulk, he gave each man a rupee for his expenses, and set them all at liberty; but he kept the three chiefs loaded with chains. After this, he returned towards Sháh-Jahánábád, from which place Amíru-l umará Khán-daurán was advancing with a body of twenty-five thousand horse, some guns, and many elephants, accompanied by Muhammad Khán Bangash Ghazanfar Jang, at the head of twelve thousand horse. The army, which in the beginning of Zí-l ka'da had been ordered by His Majesty to proceed against the enemy, met Burhánu-l Mulk near the city of Mathura, in the beginning of the month of Zí-l hijja.
One day, the Amíru-l umará invited Burhánu-l Mulk to his tents, and prepared a feast for his reception. In the midst of the banquet it was suddenly reported that the enemy's army, having marched through the town of Fathpúr, and leaving Díg, the native land of Badná Ját, on the right, had arrived at Dehlí. Burhánu-l Mulk, on hearing this, bit the finger of sorrow with the teeth of distraction, and, mounting an elephant, hastened towards that city. It is commonly said that I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán, who, with the intention of expelling the enemy, was then encamped near Kámán Pahárí, also returned to Dehlí. In the mean time, Rája Jai Singh, having marched from Jaipúr with an army of fifty thousand Rájpút horse and above seventy elephants, advanced as far as the town of Nimránú; but when he heard the news of Burhánu-l Mulk's march towards the capital, he returned to Jaipúr. The enemy's army, having sacked the village of Nakal, near Dehlí, went to the shrine of the great Khwája Kutbu-d dín; but as they could not obtain admittance, they plundered the inhabitants of the place, and the next day appeared before the Bárahpola. Early in the morning, according to the Emperor's orders, Mír Hasan Khán, the commandant of the Emperor's body-guard, came out to oppose him with a body of one thousand mansabdárí horse. Immediately behind him, Amír Khán, and other nobles, with a large army and artillery, came out of the city, and stood before the enemy; but as they had not been ordered to fight, they did not commence the battle. Mír Hasan Khán and Rája Sheo Singh, however, advanced and fought valiantly.* * During the fight the enemy retreated, and pitched their tents near Tál Katorá. The next morning, on hearing the news of Burhánu-l Mulk's arrival, Bájí Ráo, the chief of the Mahrattas, rode like a jackal running away at the roar of a tiger, and fled from the place. Kamru-d dín Khán, who had advanced with three hundred men, engaged in a severe skirmish, and retired after killing some of his opponents.
As Burhánu-l Mulk had advanced without orders and engaged with the enemy, he fell under His Majesty's displeasure, and being distressed at this, he crossed the Jumna without an interview with the Emperor, and returned to his own residence. When the Amíru-l umará and Muhammad Khán were returning to Dehlí, the Játs of the village of Mitrol, between Kodal and Palwal, fell on their baggage and plundered it. Consequently the army surrounded the village, and having sacked it, set it on fire. The Amíru-l umará entered the seat of the Empire, and, according to the royal orders, Muhammad Khán returned to Ágra for its protection. Towards the end of the same year Nizámu-l Mulk arrived from the Dakhin, and on Monday, the 16th of Rabí'u-l awwal, had an interview with His Majesty in the capital.
TWENTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
In the commencement of this year 8000 horse of the Ráthor Rájpúts, among whom were eighteen chiefs, the relatives of Rája Dhankal Singh, assembled on some pretence in the city of Sámbhar. Bhárat Singh, their leader, by whose hands Shaikh Illahyár Khán of Bilgrám had been slain in the battle which was fought between Sarbuland Khán and Dhankal Singh, openly drank wine on a Friday in the Masjid of Sámbhar, and prohibited the muazzin from calling to prayer. It happened that Hayátu-llah Khán, son of Jamálu-llah Khán, the governor of the place, with a few men, went to them in the evening. After some verbal altercation, the matter ended in a regular fight. That lion of the field of battle thrust Bhárat Singh into the well of destruction with a stroke of his lance. The market of the angel of death was thronged through the use of rockets, arrows, and lances. Eighteen chiefs of the opponents were slain, and the rest fled away. Three followers of the Khán, who were Saiyids of Nárnaul, obtained the degree of martyrdom, and were interred near the tomb of Saiyid Husain Khán.
During this year I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán, with 50,000 horse and many elephants and guns, moved towards Bárha, the native place of the Saiyids, and sent 'Azímu-llah Khán Zahíru-d daula with a large army to precede him. 'Azímu-llah Khán, for fear of his life, placed several guns around him in the shape of a triangle. Saifu-d dín 'Alí Khán, brother of Kutbu-l Mulk and Husain 'Alí Khán, who was the chief of Bárha, with three hundred horse, boldly attacked that miserable body. When the Mughals fired their guns, a great number of the Saiyids were killed; but Saifu-d dín 'Alí Khán, with a few other Saiyids, to avenge their death, drew out their swords, and repulsed the Mughals to the distance of three miles. Suddenly the wanderer of the forest of wretchedness and misfortune, by name 'Alí Muhammad, a Rohilla, at the direction of I'timádu-d daula, and with the hope of preferment, came from the rear with 20,000 Rohillas, and fell upon the Saiyids. Thus he sacrificed the good of the next world to the desires of this earth, and became the cause of victory to the Turánís. 'Azímu-llah Khán, having buried the Saiyids, returned to Dehlí laden with immense plunder, and accompanied by I'timádu-d daula. It was just punishment of this crime of persecuting the Saiyids, that soon after they suffered the calamities occasioned by Nádir Sháh.
In this year Nizámu-l Mulk, on the condition of subduing the enemy, was appointed governor of Ágra and Málwá. Proceeding through Bundelkhand, he reached the latter province, and a battle was fought with the enemy near the town of Bhopál, founded by Dost Muhammad Khán, whose eldest son, Yár Muhammad Khán, is still ruling over it with wisdom and equity.
As the crooked mind of Nizámu-l Mulk was bent towards such things as were contrary to what his name imports, viz. administration, he allowed disturbances to break out in the country, and with his eyes open suffered for one or two days grain to be sold in his camp one sír for a rupee. On account of the tumults and quarrels raised by him, many people were hastened to their graves with the stroke of starvation, and many Musulmáns, by the tricks of that unprincipled man, fell into the hands of the enemy, and met with their destruction. At last, on being informed of this, Muhammad Sháh sent orders appointing Bájí Ráo to the governorship of Málwá. Nizámu-l Mulk, reproached by the people, and deceived by the enemy, returned to the capital. The Mahrattas laid siege to the fort of Kota; and the Maháráo Rája fled away in alarm, and took refuge in Gágrún, which is one of the strongest forts in that part of the country. The inhabitants of Kota, to preserve their honour, opposed the ravagers and saved the city. At last peace was declared, and the invader, having taken a contribution of several lacs of rupees, went towards Ahírwárá, the country of the tribe of Ahírs. He overran this district, and besieged the fort of Korwáí, near the town of Sironj, which was the residence of 'Izzat Khán, son of Diler Khán Afghán. 'Izzat Khán fought very bravely for two months, when peace was made. During the siege of Korwáí, the compiler of this work went to the enemy's camp. On seeing the fort encircled like the stone of a ring by the army which resembled swarms of ants and locusts, the safety of those who were in it appeared impossible; but the result deceived expectation.
When Nizámu-l Mulk, with all the pomp and circumstance attaching to his high station, accompanied the Mahrattas against the fort of Bhopál, Yár Muhammad Khán, ruler of the place, who was celebrated for his courage, by dint of great bravery and determination, expelled Nizámu-l Mulk out of his possessions without sustaining any injury from the insurgents. Many nobles and other respectable people, on account of the ravage and desolation committed in the Emperor's dominions by the enemy, found protection in this territory, and lived in peace and tranquillity under the Khán's just rule.
The compiler of this book, on hearing the praises of the Khán, left the enemy's camp at Sironj, and came to the city of Bhopál, which is full of nobles and excellent people from all parts of the country. In fact, from the day he had left Sháh-Jahánábád, and travelled through the country of idolatry, it was here only that he found Islám to be predominant.
It is said that Bhopál was founded in the time of Rája Bhoj. Afterwards by some accident it was ruined and reduced to only a small village on the borders of the lake, which in length and depth is the greatest of all the lakes in this country. When, by a lucky accident, Dost Muhammad Khán, son of Núr Muhammad Khán Afghán, of the tribe of Warakzaí Mírzái Khaíl,59 came from Roh to the country of Hindústán, he met at Jalálábád his relatives, who were the descendants of the same ancestors. When Almighty God wishes to raise one of his creatures to some great rank in this world or the next, He first throws him into difficulties and troubles, and after that exalts his dignity in order that he may estimate its true merits. And so it happened that a misunderstanding arose between the brothers, and that Khán of noble disposition, alone, and without any means of subsistence, left Jalálábád, and went to the province of Málwá. By his judicious plans and great exertions, he took possession of several parts of this province, and at a most auspicious moment, in the fifth year of Muhammad Sháh's reign, corresponding to A.H. 1135 (1723 A.D.), laid the foundation of the city of Bhopál. Under his just rule the lion and goat drank water at the same pool. He was so generous that even Hátim would envy him. A great number of saints always dined with him.
When the fame of his virtues reached the ear of the ministers of the Emperor's court, he was favoured by His Majesty, through Saiyid Husain 'Alí Khán, with a mansab, túmán, togh, kettledrums, naubat, as well as a title. But he died.
After this event the eldest son of the noble Khán, who was with Nizámu-l Mulk in the province of the Dakhin, arrived in this territory, and at a most auspicious time sat upon the masnad, administered justice, subjugated a great number of the refractory chiefs, and by his wise measures the country from the banks of the Nerbadda to the vicinity of the town of Sironj, was brought under his power. Notwithstanding that the enemy, having gained great dominion, infested the country from Sattárá-garh to the suburbs of Dehlí, yet under the good management of this equitable chief the people of his territory were perfectly secure from the ravages of the tyrants. For his surpassing courage and wise administration of the country he received great favours from the throne, and was honoured with the rank of 5000 personal and 5000 horse, together with the insignia of Máhí and Marátib.
TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN.
As above stated, contention, disaffection, and discord broke out among the nobles, and the report of the enemy's success was noised abroad. The cursed infidels, encouraged by the misrule and carelessness of the sovereign, particularly by the hostility and revolt of the very ministers of the throne, had become predominant throughout all the country. Thus incited, the Emperor of Írán, by name Nádir Sháh, who, having acquired entire power over that country, had reached up to Balkh and Kandahár, now marched in this direction, with the design of conquering Hindústán, and, as some say, at the suggestion of Nizámu-l Mulk and Sa'ádat Khán. It was suddenly reported to the Emperor that Nádir Sháh, having invaded Kábul, and obliged Násir Khán, the governor of the province, to join him, had crossed the Attock and reached Láhore. The Governor of this city also, after a slight show of resistance, had gone over to him. Notwithstanding all this, the careless Emperor and the ungrateful nobles, having covered their faces with the veil of gross negligence, were awaiting the approaching misfortune. After the invader had marched past Láhore, the Emperor of Hindústán was compelled to fit out an army. All this delay, which occasioned the subsequent disasters, arose from the Emperor's not confiding in the counsel of any of his ministers. Whatever plan was suggested by the Khán-daurán was opposed by Nizámu-l Mulk, and vice versâ.
According to the statement of Mír Fakhru-d dín, the Emperor of this country, having prepared for war with two hundred thousand horse, foot soldiers without number, fifteen hundred elephants, and many field-pieces and other guns, left Dehlí with the intention of expelling the Emperor of Írán. The army of Hindústán, owing to its immense numbers, which amounted to ten hundred thousand, both horse and foot, could scarcely find space to encamp on. Towards the end of the month of Zí-l ka'da, the army encamped near the town of Karnál, and, as some say, according to the advice of Nizámu-l Mulk, was placed all round in the shape of a ring. Notwithstanding this, the soldiers of Írán made attacks from all sides upon the Indians, and carried off corn, grass, and wood, which are essentially necessary for the maintenance of man. Hence the price of grain was enormously high in the camp. Burhánu-l Mulk, one morning, at the beginning of Zí-l hijja, entered the camp to pay his respects to the Emperor. He had scarcely arrived, when it was reported that twenty thousand horse of Nádir Sháh's army had plundered all his camp, equipage, and baggage. Burhánu-l Mulk instantly took his leave, beat the drums of battle, and went after the plunderers. It is said that the whole army of Nádir Sháh amounted to fifty-five thousand fighting horsemen, skilful in the art of war and murder, while others make it amount to three hundred thousand horse.
No sooner had Amíru-l umará Khán-daurán heard that Burhánu-l Mulk had gone, than he also, without making any due preparation, went to the field with a force which amounted, according to some, to seven thousand, and according to others, to twenty thousand horse. Burhánu-l Mulk, a short time after the armies had engaged, was taken prisoner and carried before Nádir Sháh. That nobleman, renouncing his dependence upon the will of God, and acting according to the dictates of his own choice, precipitated matters; but Providence discomfited all his plans. After the capture of Burhánu-l Mulk, the army of Nádir Sháh surrounded Amíru-l umará on all sides, and began to shoot their arrows and fire their guns, and the battle raged till the close of the day. The Indian warriors, saiyids, shaikhs, Afgháns, and Rájpúts, so fought with their cruel swords that, had Rustam and Afrásiyáb lived to this time, their livers would have become water at the sight of this dreadful battle. The Íránís, dreading the swords of these brave men, left the field, and, firing their guns from a distance and from different quarters, made heaps of the corpses of Indians, who preferred death to flight.
At last the great luminary of the world set in the west, and with the approach of night darkness spread over the earth; yet up to this time no army came to reinforce Amíru-l umará, all through the connivance of Nizámu-l Mulk, who, with the utmost animosity towards the followers of Islám, always held out encouragement to infidels and tyrants. It is said that five thousand men on the side of Amíru-l umará met with the honour of martyrdom, among whom were Muzaffar Khán, his brother, Mír Kallú, 'Alí Hámid Khán, Yádgár Khán, Lodí Khán, and other nobles. In the evening Amíru-l umará, with a few of his men, returned from the field to his tent, wounded and sorrowful. The next day he set in array a new army, with the intention of hazarding another battle, and defeating Nádir Sháh, who had trembled at the courage displayed. But the Amír fell, and drank the cup of martyrdom.
It is said that when Burhánu-l Mulk fell into the hands of Nádir Sháh, the Sháh inquired from him all the particulars of this Government. He was informed in reply that Khán-daurán, who had fought with him that day, was only one of the servants of the Emperor of Hindústán, and that, like him, there were many other nobles and Rájas, possessed of great power and much courage, in his camp as well as in all parts of the kingdom, and that any one of them was well able to cope with him. He recommended him, therefore, to receive something on account of his travelling expenses, and return to his own country. Nádir Sháh was confounded to hear this, and peace was determined on.
Muhammad Sháh, by the advice of Nizámu-l Mulk, rode to the tent of Nádir Sháh, whose son came to receive him. The Prince, according to his father's orders, sat below the throne, like an attendant. After the interview, Muhammad Sháh dined and returned to his tent.
On the same day Nizámu-l Mulk, with his usual impudence, put on the official dress of the Amíru-l umará, which had been promised to Burhánu-l Mulk, who, on being informed of this, under the impulse of ambition, represented to Nádir Sháh, that Amíru-l umará Khán-daurán deceased was the only person of importance in the government, and that now there was no man in the kingdom equal to him in power or dignity; that Nádir Sháh should contrive to take Muhammad Sháh prisoner, and make himself master of the country. Having no regard for gratitude, deluded by the base avarice of this world, and having no shame even for contradicting his own words, he occasioned the general slaughter and great contentions and disasters which ensued. Nádir Sháh, having called Nizámu-l Mulk, placed him in custody, and constrained him to send for the Emperor. That wanderer in the forest of envy and malice, without considering what might be the result, wrote a letter under his own hand to the effect that he had settled the terms of peace, and the confirmation of it depended upon his coming. The heedless Emperor, being deceived by that artful person, rode to the tent of Nádir Sháh, who ordered the few persons who had gone with the Emperor to be turned out, and the Emperor, with Nizámu-l Mulk, Amír Khán, Is'hák Khán, Jáwed Khán, Bihroz Khán, and Jawáhir Khán, to be placed in confinement. Some of his myrmidons were sent to I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán, and forcibly brought him out of his tent into Nádir Sháh's camp. At the same time, officers of the Sháh were placed as guards on all the offices and establishments of Muhammad Sháh. It is said that Fath 'Alí Khán, son of Sábit Khán, and 'Alí Amjid Khán, escaped, and went in safety to their houses. Khán-i zamán Khán, also, escaped after changing his clothes.
The next day, according to Nádir Sháh's orders, Burhánu-l Mulk63 and 'Azímu-llah Khán went to Sháh-Jahánábád, for the purpose of establishing his rule. Though all these ungrateful persons, through their ambition, had adhered much to the interests of Nádir Sháh, yet, as Providence had destined that the sovereignty of the House of Tímúr should be preserved, and Muhammad Sháh's reign prolonged, they in the end gained nothing but shame and disgrace.
Afterwards, Nádir Sháh himself, with the Emperor of Hindústán, entered the fort of Dehlí. It is said that he appointed a place on one side in the fort for the residence of Muhammad Sháh and his dependents, and on the other side he chose the Díwan-i Khás, or, as some say, the Garden of Hayát Bakhsh, for his own accommodation. He sent to the Emperor of Hindústán, as to a prisoner, some food and wine from his own table. One Friday his own name was read in the khutba, but on the next he ordered Muhammad Sháh's name to be read. It is related that one day a rumour spread in the city that Nádir Sháh had been slain in the fort. This produced a general confusion, and the people of the city destroyed five thousand64 men of his camp. On hearing of this, Nádir Sháh came of the fort, sat in the golden masjid which was built by Roshanu-d daula, and gave orders for a general massacre. For nine hours an indiscriminate slaughter of all and of every degree was committed. It is said that the number of those who were slain amounted to one hundred thousand.64a The losses and calamities of the people of Dehlí were exceedingly great.* *
After this violence and cruelty, Nádir Sháh collected immense riches,64b which he began to send to his country laden on elephants and camels. Muhammad Sháh witnessed with the utmost emotion and indignation these outrages of Nádir Sháh, which were occasioned by the rivalry of the disaffected nobles. It is narrated, that one day Nádir Sháh, in his public court, spoke some harsh and abusive words to Nizámu-l Mulk and Burhánu-l Mulk, and threatened them with punishment. When they left the court, Nizámu-l Mulk, with all the lying and fraud to which he was naturally habituated, spoke to Burhánu-l Mulk some very soft and heart-rending words, and told him that it would now be difficult to escape the hands of that tyrant; he advised that they both should at the same moment go home, and, taking a cup of deadly poison, pursue the path to death, and sacrifice their lives to their honour. After this, that chief of deceivers went to his house, and, having expressed his will to his relations, and drunk a cup of water mixed with sugar, covered himself with a sheet and went to sleep. Burhánu-l Mulk, who was a true soldier, and was not aware of his perfidy, as soon as he heard this, drank a cup of poison, and went to the next world.
The Sháh of Írán, after having brought so many disasters and calamities upon Hindústán, presented to the Emperor of that country seven horses of 'Irák, several trays of jewels and cloths, instilled into him some precepts useful to Emperors, granted khil'ats to the ministers of the throne, and, having left Dehlí on the 7th of Safar, returned to his own country. He proceeded through the territory of Sind, and having taken a large contribution from its chief, who was of the tribe of Bhattí, went to Kandahár. It is said that after the departure of Nádir Sháh, the chiefs and Rájas of all parts of Hindústán sent large sums of money to Muhammad Sháh, together with horses, elephants and other property of various kinds.
TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Two krors of rupees and three hundred elephants were sent to His Majesty by Shujá'u-d daula, governor of the province of Bengal. After Nádir Sháh had gone away, Amír Khán was raised to the rank of 7000 and the office of third bakhshí, and Is'hák Khán to the diwání of the khálisa. They were also received into the favour of the Emperor, on which account Nizámu-l Mulk, again having recourse to his fox-like habits, and being displeased, left Dehlí. He spent some days at the village of Tilpat, and at last, with the advice of Mihr-parwar, the grandmother of the Emperor, and on condition that Amír Khán should come out to meet him, returned to the city.
Amír Khán son of Amír Khán senior, one of the chief nobles, was appointed Governor of the province of Alláhábád, where he applied himself to the work of administration.
A body of Játs from Mahában, having raised their heads in rebellion, put Hakím Kázim, the Faujdár of the pargana of Fírozábád, to death, and carried off all his property and treasure. The chief of these insurgents proclaimed that he had assumed the name of Wántar Sháh, and more than 5000 men having flocked round him, he raised great tumult and alarm. Zahíru-d daula 'Azímu-llah Khán went against him with a body of 6000 horse, and having made an end of him, determined to cross the Chambal, proceed to the territory of Bhadáwar, and place Ráj Singh, son of Amrat Singh, on the masnad of that principality. But on account of the river being too full, he could not cross it, and returned to Dehlí.
An army of more than 100,000 Mahratta horse attacked Násir Jang, son of Nizámu-l Mulk. He, unlike his father, who always assisted the enemy, was the most virtuous man of his time, and possessed great courage and humanity. They burnt villages in the environs of the city of Aurangábád. Upon which Násir Jang equipped an army, which some say did not exceed 8000 horse, and sallied out from the city. Násir Jang fought very bravely, and despatched a great number of the enemy to hell, so that, not being able to stand their ground, they took to flight. Násir Jang pursued them, and at the distance of a few kos, the enemy again made a stand, when the Musulmáns put a great number of them to the sword. By the favour of Almighty God the enemy again fled, and Bájí Ráo, chief of the miscreants, was greatly surprised at the courage of that lion of the field of heroism. With great ignominy and shame, he stopped on the banks of the Nerbadda, and as the Mahrattas had suffered great loss in the battle with Násir Jang, they turned towards Hindústán, in the hope of ravaging that country; because they had been informed that, although they themselves had before now reached to the very suburbs of Dehlí, and so many ravages had been committed by Nádir Sháh, yet the Emperor was still equally as negligent and indifferent as ever. With this idea they gladly crossed the Nerbadda. Malhárjí, Pílújí, and other chiefs of the enemy's army, which, according to some, was no less than 50,000 horse, came through Bundelkhand as far as the banks of the Jumna; but suddenly, on hearing that Bájí Ráo, having fallen into the claws of death, had gone to the deserts of hell, they returned, without accomplishing anything, towards Sattárá-garh to meet Rája Sáhú.
Raghú, nephew of Rája Sáhú, at the head of 80,000 horse, fought with Násir Jang, to avenge the defeat of Bájí Ráo. Násir Jang in this battle also gave a complete repulse to the infidel enemy.
One of the nobles, by name Shujá'u-d daula, who was a very good man, and governed the province of Bengal with the utmost justice, died a natural death. As he was a great protector of his subjects, and exceedingly just, the country, by virtue of these qualities, flourished greatly, and the revenue had so much increased that every year he sent two krors of rupees to the Emperor; besides which, thirty thousand horse and an immense body of infantry received their pay from him. He also sent thousands of presents to the saints in all parts of the country and cities. The Emperor Muhammad Sháh, and the ministers of the throne, having shut up the path of justice, and stretching out the hand of rapacity upon the subjects, devoted themselves to amassing wealth, which at last all fell to the lot of the enemy, and there was even a deficiency in the fixed revenue of the khálisa.
TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Zahíru-d daula 'Azímu-llah Khán, being appointed to the governorship of Málwá, went to the territory of Bhadáwar, and having taken five lacs of rupees as a contribution from Ráj Singh, son of Rája Antrat Singh, raised him to the masnad of that principality. He then proceeded to Datiá, where he came to an understanding with its chief, and took seven lacs of rupees from him in return for the renewal of his jágírs. From that he went to Úrchha, and spent some days in fighting and squabbling with the Rája. As he acted contrary to the rule of the former governors, who, after securing the satisfaction and alliances of all the Rájas who were the servants of the Emperor, applied themselves to the government of the province, he could not even enter the territory to which he was appointed, through fear of the enemy. He passed some time in quarrelling with these Rájas, and then returned.
Mírza Mannu, son of I'timádu-d daula Kamru-d dín Khán, was appointed to the governorship of Ajmír, and he went to that place with two thousand horse. Although the Rájas had acquired great ascendency in that part of the country, so that in the city of Ajmír, where the sepulchre of the Great Khwája stands, the slaughtering of cows and other practices of Islám were prohibited, yet he stayed there only for one day, and, according to the orders of his father, who had instructed him to act in subordination to Rája Jai Singh, he leased the governorship of the province to him, and returned to Dehlí.
When Nizámu-l Mulk Ásaf Jáh was informed that his son Násir Jang had by his firmness obtained great advantages and victories over the enemy, who fled from before his name like a crow before a bow; that Islám had obtained a new lustre; that the allowances of the many officers and soldiers under him were fixed according to each man's worth; and that he had introduced peace and tranquillity among his subjects,—the fire of ambition and of a desire to assist the wretched enemy, which he had always felt, was rekindled in him. Having obtained leave from the Emperor, he marched with great haste towards the Dakhin, and arrived in a very short space of time at the banks of the Nerbadda. As he had but a very little force with him, he received a reinforcement of one thousand horse from Yár Muhammad Khán, who ruled over the greater part of the province of Málwá. Having crossed the river, he stopped for some time in the city of Burhánpúr, where a dispute arose between the father and son. At last, the latter, who, independent of being sensible and learned, was very dutiful, and a much better man than his father and ancestors, notwithstanding that he had possessed so much influence and power, voluntarily, out of respect to the rights of his father, resigned all concern in the affairs of government, and sat at the gate of the sacred shrine of saint Zainu-l Mulk, where also the remains of Sháh 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb) are interred. As he was a very wise man, had been disgusted with worldly pursuits, and had much regard for works of religion, he withdrew his hand from the pollutions of this world, and attended to the excellences of the next.
Nizámu-l Mulk, who had become old, was so much entangled in the allurements of this unprofitable world, that, although from the time of 'Álamgír to the present he had seen how faithless it had proved to a great number of its followers, yet, through his avarice and ambition, he discouraged his excellent son, and still seeks to injure him, notwithstanding that he must well know the world to be nothing and its votaries nothing.
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