Muntaḫab al-tavārīḫ - The Muntakhabu-’rukh, Volume 1

IN presenting this translation of the first volume of Badāonī's Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh (Selections from Histories) I cannot but be conscious of its many defects.

No one who has not attempted to translate from Persian into English can form the slightest idea of the special difficulties of the task.

The inherent differences of idiom in the two languages, the rich expansiveness of the one, and the rigid inflexibility of the other, render the attempt to fitly represent the glowing colours of Persian in the dull monotone of modern English, all but hopeless. It has been said that the test of a translation is not its literalness but its truth: that is to say, not its fidelity to the author's expression, but its response to his inspiration. It must not merely reproduce the letter, it must embody the spirit of the original composition.

How great is the demand thus made upon the translator must be evident to anyone who is acquainted with both Persian and English: and the difficulties which appear so formidable in prose translation, become insurmountable in the case of poetry.

The various metres of Persian poetry are so entirely characteristic and essential in their nature, that it has appeared to me futile, if not impertinent, to attempt similar metrical renderings in English.

Even where it is possible to reproduce by conjunction of English words, the rhythm and accent of any Persian metre, such a composition no more recalls the original, than does the skeleton of the anatomical museum summon up the living and breathing animal.

For this reason, the poetical portions of Badāonī's work have, in the present translation, almost without exception been rendered, not in verse but in prose, thus preserving the substance while sacrificing the form, as the transparent cube of salt may be crushed so as to be unrecognisable by its crystalline form, but still retains its chemical composition. To render poetry satisfactorily a translator must be both linguist and poet; if he be only a linguist he should not tamper with the finished work of the poet; he can, at best, only hope to outline the subject, leaving the colour-scheme untouched.

I am aware that a high authority^0-2 has expressed himself in favour of the translation of Persian poetry into English verse, but the qualifications which shall render a translator competent to undertake such a task must fall to the lot of very few.

With this full knowledge of the difficulties to be encountered, the present translation was undertaken, and it is presented in the confidence that those who are the best judges of the nature of the task will be the first to make allowances for defects in its performance.

For a life of Badāonī reference should be made to page 117 of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. III, 1869, where an excellent biography will be found written by the late Professor Blochmann.

The sources from which this translation has been made are the following:—

1. The “Muntakhab Al-Tawārīkh,” edited by Maulavī Aḥmad Alī, printed at the College Press, Calcutta, 1868, and published in the Bibliotheca Indica of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, referred to in the translation as the Text.

2. Manuscript No. 1592 of the Muntakhabu-t-Tawārīkh of ‘Abdu-l-Qādir Mulūk Shāh Badāonī, in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Written by one Muḥammad Saiyyid (?), in the year 1255 H. (1839 A.D.). This is referred to in the translation as MS. (A).

3. Manuscript No. A. 44, also from the above library. This is referred to in the translation as MS. (B). The transcriber of this Manuscript is one Muḥammad Nāẓim. It bears no date.

The printed text has been carefully collated with these two manuscripts, and all variant readings noted.

IN THE NAME OF GOD THE COMPASSIONATE, THE MERCIFUL.

Oh thou^1a from whose name spring all other names,

Kings at thy door are suppliant as I at theirs—

When once the impulse of zeal for thee was felt,

No foot remained shod, no head remained crowned.

Emperor of the world! with this unprofitable soul of mine which has become the abode of demons and wild beasts,^1b in what way can I conceive thy praises, and with this worn and foolish tongue of mine, which has become as it were food for cats and dogs, how can I chant thy eulogy.

How can the miserable dust proclaim the Unity of God.

How in this state of defilement praise the Divine Being.

Moreover, the foot of search limps feebly in this unknown road, because of my constant anxiety and habitual fear, while in this limitless desert, my stammering tongue finds the sphere of speech always contracted.

That which my soul knows is but secondary,^1c what my tongue speaks are but particles—(and therefore unintelligible).
How can I know thee in my soul or express thee with my tongue.

This seems best, that I should restrain my pen from travelling ^2. in this valley, and having hidden the head of bewilderment in the cloke² of meditation on men and regions^2a should open the eye of my understanding to the knowledge of Thy all-perfect works and unfading kingdom, and proceeding, through the vicissitudes of affairs of created beings, to the Unity of thy exalted personality, should end with the world of proclaiming and confessing the Unity of God,^2b so that I may see with the eye of certainty—nay more that I may recognize that

In thy excellence there is no room for duality,^2c
Thou and thy majesty make up the universe.

and I have moistened my lips with the pure water of the praise of that chieftain whose name is “praised”^2d whose end is lauded; Lord of the promised fountain,³ and of the praise which is on every tongue^3a (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him and his family) because the mantle of the honour of eternal and everlasting empire lies gracefully upon his noble figure, and the proclamation^3b and stamp of undiminishing power and glorious sovereignty of right belongs to his exalted name.

The monarch of Arabia of whom the world is a manifestation,
The Lord of the earth, whose servant he is, swears by his name.
He was the near neighbour of the Truth for this reason had no shadow^3c
To the end that no one should place a foot on (the shadow of) his head—

Countless^3d praises and eulogies on the elect family and the truth-perceiving companions of the Prophet, especially upon the rightly-guided Khalífahs^3e (may the favour of God be on them all) who, for the elevation of the standard of religion and the promulgation of the word of evident truth^3f risked their lives and laid down their heads as a ransom, and thus cleared the thorns of infidelity and the undergrowth of heresy from the plain of the kingdom of the sacred law.⁴

After the praise of God and of the Lord the protector of the divine missive (may the blessing of God be upon him, his family and his companions, a blessing safe from all termination), we have to declare that the science of History is essentially a ³ lofty science and an elegant branch of learning, because it is the fountain-head of the learning of the experienced, and the source of the experience of the learned and discriminating, and the writers of stories and biographies from the time of Adam to this present time in which we live, have completed reliable compositions and comprehensive works, and have proved the excellence thereof by proofs and demonstrations, but it must not be supposed that the reading and study of this science—as certain lukewarm religionists, and the party of doubt and dissent, shortsighted as they are, are wont to affirm—has been or will be a cause of wandering from the straight path of the illustrious law of Muḥammad (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him and his family), or become the entry into and way of ascent to the fountainheads of scepticism, and drinking places of defilement of the licentious and heretical, and those who have gone astray; because for a body of men who in the very essence of their constitution are devoid of any share in religious principle, the reading of the eternal word which is the key of evident happiness and “a healing and a mercy for the worlds,”^4a becomes a cause of misery and everlasting loss “and if they are not guided by it they say— “this is an antiquated lie.”⁵

If this is the case with the Qurán^5a what chance has History?

“When any man has lost his hearing through melancholia,^5b
He cannot participate in the music of David and its harmony.”

But I address my words to those who are endowed with the qualities of sound intellect and brilliancy of genius, and natural equity—not to those who are not led by the sacred law and who deny all principle, fundamental or derivative,^5c because such men are not worthy of this discourse, nor are they within the pale of the wise, and discreet, and understanding, and how can one absolutely refuse to admit a science which is one-seventh of the ^4. seven sections⁶ upon which the foundation of the establishment of Faith and Certainty is laid.

“And all that we relate to thee of the tidings of the prophets with which we have established your hearts”^6a tells us of this, and a large body of the learned expositors of the traditions and commentators on the Qurán, as for example Imám Bukhárí^6b and Qáẓí Baiẓáwí^6c up to our own times have occupied themselves in writing about this heart-enthralling science, and their words and practice have become an authority for the nations both East and West, in spite of the diversity of their origins and the distinction of their various degrees. While on the other hand an insignificant band of innovators and inventors who with the disgraceful partisanship of greedy mindedness and importunate desires, and shortsightedness as regards both outward and inward qualities, have placed their feet in the valley of audacity, and have introduced interpolations and errors into true and memorable histories, and having abandoned recognised constructions⁷ and explanations, and interpretations of obvious nature, and estimating the conflicts and discussions of the noble companions and mighty followers (of the Prophet) by their own condition, attributed them to mutual contradiction and hatred, and to rivalry in the splendour and amount of their property and family, and having seduced simple minded people of elementary belief, have led them, by their own error and by attributing error to others, to Gehenna, the house of perdition.

“When the crow^7a becomes leader of a tribe, he will surely lead them along the path of destruction.”

And if the eye of a man be instilled with the collyrium of the Divine guidance, and illuminated by the light of truth, and guarded from every calamity which happens in the world of existence and evil, he passes to the Unity of the Creator, the Ancient of days, the Glorious, freed from the stain of innovation, and purified from the blemish of change and alteration. And when I look carefully, I see that the world is itself an ancient archetype which has neither head nor root, its pages are a confused record, and in each page there is a list of the affairs of a section of ^5. mankind who have had the reins of the management of affairs entrusted to their hands.

This ancient Sháhnáma relates the affairs of the kings of the world.
Do thou always look and read therein with circumspection.
The spell of this narrative brings sweet sleep to him
Who is in delirium, and has become distracted with madness of the brain.
But it also wakens him who on account of pride, has fallen into the slumber of carelessness and whom the devil has deceived.

And inasmuch as the invoker of blessing upon all mankind, ‘Abdul Qádir ibn Mulúk Sháh Badáoni (may God erase his name from the book of sins) in the beginning of the year 999⁸ in accordance with the fateful order of his excellency the Khalífah of the time, the shadow of the Deity, Akbar Sháhí^8a when he had finished his selection from the History of Kashmír^8b which, by the soul-inspiring order of that world-conquering Emperor whose throne is the heaven, one of the incomparable doctors of India had translated from the Hindí into Persian, yielded to a liking which he had for this science from youth to maturity, and as it was seldom that he had not been occupied in reading and writing it, either of his own free will and accord or in obedience to orders, it used often to occur to him to write as well an epitome of the affairs of the Emperors of the metropolis of Dehli, from the time of the commencement of Islám to the time of writing, in a concise manner,——

All the world is but a village that (city of Mecca) is the central point^8c (of Islám).

that it might be a memorandum comprising a portion of the events of each reign in brief form, and a memorial for my friends, and a conspectus for the intellectual, and although it might not be a book to be relied upon, or a notable composition, still in accordance with the saying ——

“These ancient pages of the sky whose beauty the stars are, ^6.
Are an ancient hiṣtory of many Emperors whose armies excel the stars in number,”

it may be that from the perusal of this book a messenger from the world of spirits and invisible mysteries may cast a ray of light upon the receptive mind, and thus being a cause of abstraction and seclusion, may wean the soul from the love of this transitory world, and may aid the compiler of these pages in the prosecution of his task, and his hopes may not be blighted; and inasmuch as each day some new grief used to appear, and some vexatious annoyance used to shew itself, helps being few and hindrances many; moreover by reason of fresh toils and temporal changes it was difficult to remain in one place.

“Each day would bring a different place, each night a different roof.”

And besides all this, my sustenance was by no means assured, hanging as it were between heaven and earth, and my heart utterly distracted by separation from kindred and friends; accordingly that commission was only accomplished by fits and starts,⁹ until a kind and complaisant man of wealth, orthodox and religiously disposed, and happily furnished with this world's goods, who was very devoted to me, and for whom I too entertained an indescribable ạffection, having completed the writing of the Táríkh i Niẓámí^9a which is a bulky volume, and which is here being completed by me—removed the furniture of life to the sublime abode of Paradise.

“He has departed—I too follow him.
Each one at last must go the self same way.”

At this juncture, when Time departing from its usual custom, has treated me in the matter of leisure with some sort of liberality, it has come about that I have been able to steal a morsel of ^7. the chequered¹⁰ hours of my life from his grasp, so that I renewed my intention and confirmed my purpose, and on this ground that there is no bygone event which has not left something for the present,

“If the peasant thoroughly clears under the sheaves of wheat
He leaves the sparrow's portion on the ground,”

I have selected and transcribed accurately a portion of the circumstances of some of the autocrat Emperors of Hindustan from the Táríkh i Mubárak Sháhí^10a and the Niẓámu-t-Tawáríkh of Niẓámí^10b which is as it were a drop in the ocean and a bubble of the turbulent floods, and have also added somewhat of my own, and have kept before me the desirability of conciseness and have imposed upon myself the necessity of avoidance of all affectation of style and metaphor, and have named this model composition Muntakhabu-t-Tawáríkh.¹¹ I hope that this imperfect collation and composition, whose object is the perpetuation of the auspicious names of the Emperors of Islám, and the transmission of a memorial thereof in this changing world until the final consummation, may lead to the pardon of the author in the world to come, and not be an augmentation of the crimes laid to his charge.

“And do thou, O Nightingale, as thou roamest through this garden,
With all thy sweetness, abstain from blaming the defects of the crow.”

Since the object of my ambition is to write correctly, if I should by accident let fall from my pen the instrument of my thoughts, or commit in my thoughts, which are the motive agent of my ^8. pen, any slip or error, I hope that He (may He be glorified and exalted) in accordance with his universal mercy which is of old, will overlook and pardon it.

By speaking evil do not change my tongue,
And do not make this tongue of mine my wrong.^11a

And since the first of the Emperors of Islám who were the cause of the conquest of Hindustán—(after Mahomed Qásim,^11b

cousin and son-in-law of Hajjáj-ibn-Yúsuf Ṯaqfí,¹² who in the year, 93 A.H., (711 A.D.), conquered the countries of Sind, Multán and Gujrát, and, by the order of Walíd ibn-‘Abdul Malik Marwání^12a who on an important occasion wrote to him from Damascus and summoned him to his presence, starting from Oodypur in India, and wrapping himself in a raw hide, while on his journey yielded up his life to God, and after him the affairs of Islám in that country lost all order) were Náṣiru-d-din Subuktigín¹³ whose son was Sulṭán Maḥmúd Ghaznaví who every year used to make incursions into India with the object of plundering and engaging in religious warfare, and in the reign of whose sons Lahore became the seat of Government, so that Islám never again lost its hold on that country—accordingly I deemed it right to commence this history with an account of that monarch whose end was glorious, so that it may be fortunate from the first, and lauded at the last—and God is the best of helpers and defenders.

From Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-dín Subuktigín to Khusrau Malik, who, prior to the conquest of Dehli, proclaimed Islám in Hindustán, from the year 367 A.H. (977 A.D.), to the year 582 A.H. (1186 A.D.). Their sovereignty thus lasted two hundred and fifteen years under the sway of fifteen monarchs.

Was of Turkí origin, the slave of Alptigín who was a servant of Amír Manṣúr-ibn-Núḥ Sámání.¹⁴ In the year 367 H. after the death of Abú Iṣḥáq, the son of Alptigín, by common consent of the soldiery and populace he succeeded^14a to the imperial throne in the city of Bust^14b and raised the standard of conquest, and girding up the loins of energy and effort for foray and religious war, he invaded Hindustán on the frontiers of the country of Koh-i-Júd ¹⁵ and having fought a severe battle with Jaipál who was the ^9. ruler of Hindustán, concluded peace with him. Jaipál, however, broke the treaty. Accordingly Náṣiru-d-dín Subuktigín equipped an army composed of 10,000 cavalry and numberless elephants huge as mountains, and engaged in conflict with him a second time, fought a great battle with him in the neighbourhood of Lamghánát,^15a the breeze of victory stirred the banners of Amír Náṣirn-d-dín, the army of Jaipál suffered defeat, and he himself took to flight and sought refuge in Hindustán. Thus Lamghánát came into the possession of Amír Náṣiru-d-dín, the Khutbah was read and the coin struck in his name.^15b Then he proceeded to the assistance of Amír Núḥ-ibn-Manṣúr Sámání^15c and was the means of procuring notable victories in Khurásán and the regions beyond the river.^15d Finally in the month of Sha‘bán^15e of the year 387 A.H. (997 A.D.,) he obediently submitted to the summons of the Almighty, having reigned for twenty years.

When Subuktigín, in the month of Sha‘ban 387 H., while on the road to Ghaznín, receiving the summons of the Almighty responded “Here am I,” he appointed his young son Isma‘íl as his successor.¹⁶ When this news reached Maḥmúd who was the elder son of Subuktigín, he wrote a letter of condolence to his brother and sought a peaceful solution of the difficulty on the following terms: That Isma‘íl should give up Ghaznín to Maḥmúd, receiving in its stead the governorship of Balkh: Isma‘íl refused these terms, and eventually war was declared between the brothers. Maḥmúd was victorious, and after defeating Isma‘íl, ^10. kept him closely besieged in Ghaznín for a space of six months, at the expiration of which time certain of their friends intervened and made peace between them. Isma‘íl then came and had an interview with Maḥmúd, and the sovereignty devolved upon Yamínu-d-Daulat Maḥmúd. After this a quarrel arose between Maḥmúd and Manṣúr ibn-Núḥ Sámání and also his brother ‘Abdu-l-Malik ibn-Núḥ.^16a Eventually Maḥmúd got the upper hand. The Amírs of ‘Abdu-l-Malik also, Fáiq and Baktúzún, who engaged in contest with Maḥmúd, were defeated by him, and the sovereignty of the whole of Khurásán, of Ghaznín, and the frontiers of Hindustán came into the hands of Maḥmúd.

Maḥmúd's mother was the daughter of the ruler of Zábul^16b

[that is to say Qandahár¹⁷] accordingly, he is called Maḥmúd Zábulí—as Firdausí^17a says:

The auspicious court of Maḥmúd Zábulí is an ocean,
An ocean such that no shore can be found for it:
I went to the ocean—I dived but found no pearl
The fault is my fortune's—not that of the ocean.

In the early part of his reign he had some unpleasant correspondence with the Khalífah of Baghdád Al-Qádir billáhi ‘Abbási.^17b Eventually the Khalif despatched a magnificent robe of honour, and many presents of precious things and gems, and conferred on him the title of Amíru-l-Míllat Yamínu-d-Daulat.

Leaving Ghaznín he went to Balkh and Herát, and in 387 A.H., (997 A.D.) he returned to Ghaznín after having settled those provinces, and thence made repeated incursions and forays into Hindustán, and took several fortresses. ‘Asjadí^17c composed the following qaṣída in honour of this expedition:

When the king of kings marched to Somnát^17d
He made his own deeds the standard of miracles.

In the month of Shawwál, 391 A. H., (1000 A.D.) Maḥmúd re- ^11. turned to Hindustán from Ghaznín with ten thousand cavalry, and reduced Pesháwar. He also again drew up his forces on these frontiers for battle with Jaipál who confronted him with large forces of cavalry and infantry and three hundred elephants. Sulṭán Maḥmúd gained the day and Jaipál was taken prisoner together with fifteen of his relatives, his brothers and his sons; and five thousand infidels fell by the sword. Great spoils fell into the hands of the Gházis, among them a pearl necklet which was on the neck of Jaípál, which was worth some hundred and eighty thousand dínárs,¹⁸ and the necklets of the others too, on the same scale. This victory was won on Saturday,¹⁹ the 8th of Muḥarram, 392 H., (1001 A.D.) Leaving this place Maḥmúd proceeded to the fortress of Tabarhindah^19a which was the residence^19b of Jaipál, and conquered that country.

After this in the month of Muḥarram 393 A.H. he left Ghaznín and proceeded to Hindustán by way of Seistán and assaulted Bhátia^19c which is in the vicinity of Multán. The Rájá of that place, Bejí Ráí, fearing the punishment of the Sulṭán killed himself with a dagger, and they brought his head to the Sulṭán. Many Hindús, more than one can number, were hurried along the road to non-existence by the pitiless sword, and Maḥmúd took as spoil two hundred and seventy elephants while Dá‘úd ibn-Naṣr^19d the renegade ruler of Multán, being reduced to submission by the Sulṭán, agreed to pay twenty times twenty thousand dirhams^19e annual tribute.

As he was advancing to Multán, Anandpál, son of Jaipál, rose up against him to oppose the advance of the Sulṭán, but fled after the battle to the mountains of Kashmír, and the Sulṭán reached ^12. Multán by way of Hindustán.²⁰ Those events occurred in 396 A.H. (1005 A.D.) In the following year 397 A.H. (1006 A.D.) a battle was fought at Balkh between Maḥmúd and Ilak Khán^20a king of Máwará an-Nahr.^20b Sulṭán Maḥmúd was victorious; Ilak Khán finally died in the year 403 H. (1012 A.D.)

In the year 398 H. (1007 A.D.) Maḥmúd entered Turkistán, and having settled the affairs of the Turkís, pursued Súkhpál^20c Nabsa, Rájá of Sind (who having embraced Islám had been released from his captivity to Abú ‘Alí Sinjúrí but had again joined the idolators and apostates) overcame him and threw him into prison where he died.

In the year 399 A.H. (1008 A.D.) Maḥmúd a second time entered Hindustán and engaging in battle with the aforesaid Anand Pál defeated him, and betaking himself with his vast spoil to the fortress of Bhímnagar^20d —which nowadays is known as the Thána of Bhím—reduced it by promising quarter to the garrison, and gained possession of the treasure and valuables which had been buried and stored there since the time of Bhím, and in the early part of the year 400 H. he caused several golden and silver thrones to be placed in his court, and ordered that all that boundless and incomputable wealth should be scattered at the foot of his own throne that the people might gaze on it. In the year 401 H. (1010 A.D.) he left Ghaznín and again marched towards Multán, and took possession of the remninder of the country and put to death the greater part of the Karma-tians ²¹ and heretics of that region, and sent the remainder whom he did not put to death to the fort,^21a where they died. He took Dáúd ibn Nasr, the heretic ruler of Multán, to Ghaznín and kept him a prisoner in the fortress of Ghorí,^21b where he died.

In the year 402 H. (1011 A.D.), he set out for Thánesar^21c and ^13. Jaipál, the son of the former Jaipál, offered him a present of fifty elephants and much treasure. The Sulṭán, however, was not to be deterred from his purpose; so refused to accept his present, and seeing Thánesar empty he sacked it and destroyed its idol temples, and took away to Ghaznín, the idol known as Chakar-súm, ²² on account of which the Hindús had been ruined; and having placed it in his court, caused it to be trampled under foot by the people. In the year 403 H. (1012 A.D.), he conquered Ghurjistán,^22a and in the selfsame year an ambassador arrived from the ruler of Egypt, and when the Sulṭán heard that he was of the Bátiní sect,^22b he exposed him to public ridicule^22c and expelled him.

In the year 404 H. (1013 A.D.), he prepared an expeditionary force to attack Nandana,^22d a city situated on the mountains of Bálnáth. Jaipál II^22e left a force to defend that fortress, and himself proceeded to the Kashmír pass. The Sulṭán gained possession of that fortress with promise of quarter, and left Sárégh Kotwál to defend it, while he pursued Jaipál. He took the vast spoils of that mountainous region and put many infidels to death by the sword of holy war, and honoured the rest by admitting them to Islám—a certain number he led captive to Ghaznín.

In the year 406 H. (1015 A.D.), he contemplated the conquest of Kashmír, and besieged the fortress of Lohar Kot,^22f which was a very high fort, but was forced to abandon the siege on account of the severity of the cold and rain, and the constant reinforcements available to the Kashmírís, and returned to Ghaznín. In that year he entered into a contract for the marriage of his sister with Abul Abbás ibn Mámún Khwárazm Sháh,²³ and sent her to Khwárazm.

In the year 407 H. (1016 A.D.), a band of ruffians murdered ^14. Khwárazm Sháh, and Maḥmúd leaving Ghaznín, proceeded first to Balkh and thence to Khwárazm, where a furious battle took place between his forces and those of Khamártásh, the commander-in-chief of Khwárazm. The Sulṭán's forces gained the day and Maḥmúd appointed Altún Tásh governor of that country, investing him with the title of Khwárazm Sháh, he also took vengeance on the murderers of Khwárazm Sháh, and returned (to Ghaznín) after having arranged those important affairs.

In the year 409 H., he marched with the object of subduing Qanauj,^23a and having crossed the seven^23b dangerous rivers of Hindustán, upon his arrival in the neighbourhood of Qanauj, Kúrah,^23c the ruler of Qanauj, offered his submission, and sued for quarter, offering presents. Leaving that place he arrived at the fortress of Barnah²⁴ whose governor Barwat, having entrusted the defence of the fortress to his kinsfolk, retired into seclusion.

The garrison of the fort not being able to withstand Maḥmúd's assault sent a present of a lakh and fifty thousand^24a rupees, with thirty elephants, and thus obtained quarter. From thence Maḥmúd proceeded to the fortress of Maháwun^24b on the banks of the river Jon,^24c where the governor of the fort named Kal Chandar^24d attempted to escape by crossing the river riding on an elephant, but in the meantime the troops of the Sultán arrived, and he destroyed himself by stabbing himself with a dagger—

By that same watery path he went to Hell.
When to live is to fulfil the desires of one's enemies
Death is infinitely preferable to life.

At the taking of the fortress of Qanauj eighty-five elephants and a boundless amount of spoil fell into the hands of the troops. From thence he went to Mathra^24e which is a place of worship of the infidels, and the birth place of Kishan, the son of Basudev, ^15. whom the Hindus worship as a divinity—where there are idol temples without number, and took it without any contest, and rased it to the ground. Great wealth and booty fell into the hands of the Muslims, among the rest they broke up by the orders of the Sulṭán, a golden idol, the weight of which was ninety-eight thousand three hundred miṯgáls²⁵ of refined gold and a piece of sapphire^25a whose weight was four hundred and fifty miṯqáls: besides a celebrated elephant of huge size, like a mountain, belonging to Rájá Gobind Chand, one of the Rájás of Hindustán, which the Sulṭán had long earnestly sought to buy, but which was not to be had. By chance one night, when they were returning, this elephant broke loose and came into the Sultán's camp without a keeper. The Sulṭán was greatly pleased with its capture, and gave it the name of Khudádád.^25b When the spoil reached Ghaznín it was found to amount to over twenty million and fifty-three thousand dirams, and three hundred and fifty odd elephants.^25c

In the year 410 H. (1019 A.D.), Maḥmúd again turned his footsteps towards Hindustán and encountered and fought on the banks of the river Jon with Nandá the Rája of Kálinjar,^25d who had with him 36,000 cavalry and 45,000²⁶ infantry and 640 elephants, and who had put to death the Rájá of Qanauj on the occasion of his submission to the Sulṭán, and who had also come to the help of Jaipál, who had several times fled from before the Sulṭán. The servants of the Sulṭán who had gone forward to ^16. the attack, found the city deserted, and sacked it. A terrible dread overwhelmed the heart of Jaipál, so that leaving all his property and material of war just as they stood, he took to flight with some selected companies. Five hundred and eighty elephants during the pursuit, emerging from a forest, fell into the hands of the Sulṭán's troops. He then returned to Ghaznín.— Many regions passed from the possession of the infidels to the Muslims, moreover the people of that country, either willingly or perforce, made profession of Islám.

In the year 412 H. (1021 A.D.), Máhmud proceeded to Kash-mír and laid siege to the fort of Loharkot for a month, but it held out being exceedingly well fortified. Leaving Loharkot he went to Lahore, and in the beginning of spring returned to Ghaznín.

In the year 413 H. (1022 A.D.), he again made an attempt on the country of Nandá, and when he arrived at the fortress of Gwáliár, having reduced it peaceably and accepted presents from its governor, confirmed him in his governorship. As part of that present there were thirty-five elephants. Leaving that place he went to the fort of Kálinjar, the commander of which first made an offering of three hundred elephants and sought his protection.^26a

He also composed a poem in Hindí in praise of the Sulṭán, and sent it to him, whereupon the Sulṭán read the poem in the presence of the eloquent men of Hindustán and the poets of his own country. They were all loud in their praises of the poem, and the Sulṭán was so proud of it, that he wrote a patent conferring upon him the governorship of fifteen forts as a reward for the poem. Nandá also sent large quantities of property and jewels, and countless articles of value as an offering to Maḥmúd. The Sulṭán victorious and triumphant returned to Ghaznín.

In the year 414 H. (1024 A.D.), Mahmúd went to Balkh, and ^17. passed the river Jaihún.²⁷ The chiefs of the regions beyond the river,^27a hastened to meet him, and Yúsuf Qadr Khán king of the whole of Turkístán, came out to receive him, and visited the Sulṭán. They held great banquets and gave presents to each other, and Alí Tagín, of whose oppression the people of the regions beyond the river had complained, learning what was happening took to flight. The Sulṭán pursued him and having captured him sent him a prisoner to one of the fortresses of Hindustán, then he returned and spent the winter in Ghaznín.

Once more^27b he led his army against Somnát, which is a large city on the coasts of the ocean,^27c a place of worship of the Brahmans who worship a large idol. There are many golden idols there. Although certain historians have called this idol Manát, and say that it is the identical idol which the Arab idolators brought to the coasts of Hindustán in the time of the Lord of the Missive (may the blessing and peace of God be upon him), this story has no foundation, because the Brahmans of India firmly believe that this idol has been in that place since the time of Kishan, that is to say four thousand years and a fraction. Its name too, in the Hindí language, is really Sobha Náth, that is to say Lord of Beauty, and not Manát.²⁸ The reason for this mistake must surely be the resemblance in name, and nothing else. In this expedition, having taken the city of Patan^28a which is known as Naharwála, a city of Gujerát, and having obtained a great supply of provisions from thence, he arrived at Somnát where the garrison closed the gates of the fort against him, and reaped their reward in rapine and plunder. The fort was taken and Maḥmúd broke the idol in fragments and sent it to Ghaznín, where ^18. it was placed at the door of the Jámi‘ Masjid and trodden under foot.^28b

At the time of his return, not considering it expedient to fight with Bairám Dev,^28c one of the mighty Rájás of Hindustán who stood in his way, Maḥmúd turned towards Multán by way of Sindh.²⁹ His army suffered great hardships from scarcity of water and forage, until with great difficulty he reached Ghaznín in the year 417 H.

In that year Al Qádir billáhi^29a the Khalífah, despatched a flag with a letter appointing the Sultán^29b to the Governorship of Khurásán and Hindustán, Nímroz and Khwárazm, and conferred titles of honour upon his brothers and sons, and in the same way assigned the titles of Kahfu-d-Daulat wal Islám to the Sultán, and to his elder son Amír Mas‘úd that of Shahábu-d-Daulat wa Jamálu-l-Millat, and to Amír Muḥammad his younger brother that of Jalálu-d-Daulat, and to Amír Yúsuf that of ‘Aẓdu-d-Daulat— and so forth.

In this year by way of punishing the Jats^29c of the vicinity of Multán, who had committed many acts of disrespect, Maḥmúd brought an army to Multán—and four thousand (some say eight thousand) boats belonging to the Jats laden with their families and property, were sunk in the Multán river on the occasion of a victory obtained by the boats of the Sultán, on which they had arranged some especial contrivance,^29d and the Jats were drowned and sank in the whirlpool of destruction, and the rest became food for the sword, their families were taken captive, and the Sulṭán, victorious and triumphant, returned to Ghaznín.—

In the year 418 H. (1027 A.D.) marching towards Báward,^29e he utterly destroyed the Turkomans of that country, and thence he hastened to Rai³⁰ and laid hands on the treasures and hidden valuables of that country which had been there for many years, and eradicated ^19. the false religionists and Karamanians of that place, and bestowed Rai and Isfahán on Amír Mas‘úd his elder son. He then returned to Ghaznín and shortly afterwards became attacked by consumption, ^30a his weakness day by day increased. Nevertheless he used to take great pains to pretend that he was well and strong, and in that condition went to Balkh and in the spring came to Ghaznín, and died of that disease on Thursday, the 23rd of Rabi‘ul Awwal, 421 A.H.,³¹ and was buried at Ghaznín. His age was sixty years, and he had reigned thirty-one years. They say that when he was dying he ordered them to bring all his wealth and treasures and property before him, he lay looking at them from time to time regretfully sighing at having to part with them. He would not give the smallest trifle to any one.

He had made the journey to Hindustán and engaged in holy war, twelve times. Verily his reckoning is with his Lord; and the story in connection with him and Firdausi³² the poet is well known, and the holy Jámí^32a says:

It is well to recognize merits for when the arched sky
At last discharged the arrows of misfortune,
The glory of Maḥmúd passed away, nothing remained in the world
Save only this saying “He recognized not the worth of Firdausî.

And in the Taẕkira of Muḥammad Ufí,³³ the following Qiṭa‘h has been attributed to the Sulṭán Maḥmúd.

From the dread of the world-winning sword and the fear of the fort-crushing sceptre,
The world became subject to me as I am subjected to reason,
At one time there would I sit serene in my splendour and riches
At another time following Avarice roamed I from country ^20. to country;
Oft would I boastfully say Lo! I am a man of importance,
But now I clearly perceive that the King and the beggar are equals.
I, with one wave of my hand, have conquered a myriad of castles
With one firm plant of my foot I have broken lines without number
When Death made the final assault, naught then did my splendour avail me
Nothing continues but God, God's kingdom alone is a kingdom.

Who was styled Jalálu-d-Daulat, in the aforesaid year, by the provisions of his father's will, and with the acquiescence of Ibn Arsalán^33a a relative of Sulṭán Maḥmúd, succeeded to the royal throne in Ghaznín, and a month and a half after his accession Amír Aiyáz^33b came to terms with the servants, and having mounted horses from the royal stables, took the road to Bust with the object of entering the service of Shahábu-d-Daulah Mas‘úd who was at Sipáhán.³⁴ Amír Muḥammad despatched Súndhí^34a Ráí the Hindú with a large army in pursuit of them, Amír Aiyáz was victorious in the fight, and put to death Súndhí Rái the Hindú with a large number of Hindús, and sent their heads to Amír Muḥammad. Amír Aiyáz joined Amír Mas‘úd at Níshapúr,^34b and four months later Amír Muḥammad moved his camp in the direction of Bust,^34c and came out in full force from Ghaznín with the intention of fighting with his brother, and when he reached Takínábád^34d all his Amírs having revolted against him, put out his eyes and threw him into the fort of Bajj^34e in Majbaristán^34f and having gone over to Amír Mas‘úd with the whole army and treasures, went ^21. to Herát and met him there. The blinded Amír Muḥammad reigned five months, but according to Qázi Baiẓáví^34g it was fourteen years, and the period of his imprisonment was nine years. God knows the truth. The author of the^34h Lubbu-t-Tawárikh writes that Muḥammad ibn Mahmúd wielded sovereignty in Ghazna for four years in the first instance, during the reign of his father, afterwards he was imprisoned for nine years by the command of his brother Mas‘úd, and after the murder of Mas‘úd he reigned for another year and then died.

An Amír in whose palace thou seest thousands of sentinels
Now on the vault of his tomb thou seest ravens keeping watch;
Thou didst see the head of Alp Arslán³⁵ reach the sky in its grandeur,
Come to Mary that thou mayest see the body of Alp Arsláu beneath the dust.

By the consent of the Amírs and Vazírs of Maḥmúd he ascended the imperial throne, and having come from Harí^35a to Balkh, spent the winter there, and summoning Aḥmad ibn Ḥasan Maimandí whom Sulṭán Maḥmúd kept a prisoner in the fort of Kálinjar, made him a Vazír. Then leaving Balkh he came to Ghaznín and thence started for Sipáhán and Rái, and arriving at Herát engaged in war with the Turkománs, and not overcoming them, but on the contrary suffering defeat at their hands, turned back. The Turkománs increased in power day by day owing to his weakness, till affairs assumed the aspect which they eventually did.^35b

In the year 423 H. Aḥmad ibn Ḥasan Maimandí died, and in ^22. the year 424 Sulṭán Mas‘úd having undertaken to conquer Hindustán marched towards the fortress of Sarsatí³⁶ which is situated in the way to Kashmír, laid siege to it and reduced it and made his way to Ghaznín with great booty. Then in 425 H. Sulṭan Mas‘úd reduced Amal^36a and Sári^36b and sending legates to Kálinjar and Tabaristán established his authority there^36c and sent Tughdí Beg and^36d Ḥusain ibn ‘Alí ibn Maikál with a large army from Níshápúr against the Turkománs, and a severe battle ensued in which Ḥusain was taken prisoner and Tughdí Beg fled and returned to the Amír Mas‘úd.

Amír Aḥmad Niyál Tigín^36e the treasurer of Sulṭán Mas‘úd whom Mas‘úd had fined and had sent to Hindústán,^36f on arriving in Hindústán revolted^36g and the Amír Mas‘úd nominated a general of the Hindús named Náhir^36h to oppose him. Aḥmad being overcome in battle fled to Manṣúrah³⁶ⁱ in Sindh and was drowned — his head they sent to Ghaznín. In the year 427 H. (1035 A.D.) a new palace was completed in which they erected a throne inlaid with jewels, and suspended above it a jewelled crown. The Sulṭán took his seat upon that throne and having placed the crown upon his head gave a public audience. And in this self same year he bestowed upon Amír Maudúd ibn Mas‘úd (his son) the drum and ensign,³⁷ and despatched him to Balkh while he himself proceeded with an army against Hindústán—captured the fort of Hánsí^37a and thence proceeded to the fortress of Sonpat.^37b Deipál^37c the commander of ṭhat fortress fled to the forest and lay hid there. They reduced the fort and captured immense booty putting to the sword the greater part of Deipál's army, but he himself escaped alone. From thence Mas‘úd turned his steps towards the valley of Rám^37d who sent a large offering accom- ^23. panied by a written apology for his non-appearance. Amír Mas‘úd accepted his excuses and giving the Amír^37e Abúl-Mujáhid son of Mas‘úd,^37f the drum and standard (of commission) sent him to Lahore and retraced his steps to Ghaznín.

In the year 428 (1036 A.D.) he left Ghaznín for Balkh intending to crush the rebellion of the Turkománs who evacuated Balkh and retired into the surrounding country. The Sulṭán then crossing the Jíḥún occupied the whole of Transoxiána. Dáúd the Turkomán, who had previously defeated Tughdí Beg and Amír Ḥusain, marched with a large force towards Balkh. Amír Mas‘úd thereupon returned from Transoxiána to Balkh and Dáúd the Turkomán³⁸ leaving Balkh went to Merv. In the meantime Tughdí Beg^38a had been acting oppressively in the neighbourhood of Gurgán. When the Amír Mas‘úd perceived the symptoms of his rebellion he ordered him to be impaled. The Amír Mas‘úd then exacted a stipulation and promise from Béghú^38b the Turko-mán who was the chief of that tribe, that henceforward they would never attempt any lawlessness, and having delimited their boundaries in a suitable way left for Herát. While on his way thither a body of the Turkománs fell upon the army of Mas‘úd, killing some and plundering the baggage. The soldiers of the Sulṭán who were told off to attack them made the whole of that party food for the sword, and brought their wives and families together with the heads of the slain into the presence of Amír Mas‘úd who sent asses laden with the heads to Béghú. Béghú apologized, and it so happens that this is the very same Béghú in praise of whom the poet Ẓiáí^38c of Persia has composed several odes from which the following verses are selected—

^24. It is wrong for me to bewail the misfortunes of others than thee,
It is wrong not to weep with thy sorrow.
My occupation day and night is to lament and bewail thy sorrow.
Thou did'st say, “Thou did'st weep for love of me,” but verily there is a difference in shedding blood and shedding tears
At all hours I suffer a thousand pangs for the grief of the love of thee, nor do I weep alone.
I cannot but melt with love of thee, nor is there any remedy for the pain I suffer for thee, save weeping.
A part from thee Fate has nothing in store for me
Save vexation, one day, and weeping the next.
From thy era discord springs, for if not how comes it to pass that the whole world should weep from my time to that of the king?
Béghú Malik Sháh, he who by his sword made the brave warriors to weep openly on the field of battle.
The King Niẓám Dín to whom at the time of his conflict
Came from the tombs of Rustum and Dárá the sound of weeping.
The gems in the depths of the sea or in the heart of the flinty rock were compelled to weep for shame at his eloquence,
The inhabitants of the world above were compelled to weep, cast down by the destroying arrow of his wrath.
From envy of his splendour, which surpasses the sun in its ^25. zenith,
The Gemini were forced to weep constantly in the heavens.
Oh! thou in presence of whose pearl-scattering hand the ocean weeps like a cloud from every pore!
Who in view of thy majesty would dare or desire to weep over the corpse of thy enemy?
Thy sword from very fineness of temper weeps tears of blood over thy enemies in the field of battle,
What is prepared for thine adversary in either world?
There is the torture of hell, here he must weep.
Lo! one who in the madness of his fear at thy displeasure
Seeks to hide himself in a corner and prepares to weep.
Thy enemies have many manifest and hidden projects
But the wound is hidden, the weeping is manifest.
I believe that this must have come into your exalted mind,
After all what use is praise to me with weeping.
When I recite any poem in separation from thee
Both the first and last verses weep for anguish.
Till lovers pass from excess of grief to endurance and to weep like Wámiq and ‘Azrá⁴⁰
May it be thy lot to smile after a happy life,
May it be the fate of thy enemies perforce to weep.

^26. The following is also by him:—

Oh thou whose lip distils sugar^40a at the opening of each smile!
Thy ruby lip when thou smilest, rebukes the soul.
In every movement thy curling locks ravish the heart
In every smile thy ruby lip scatters the life blood.
The trade of thy hyacinthine ringlets is to scatter perfume,
The habit of thy delicate lips is to smile sweetly.
Till thou seest not the cheek of gold thou smilest not,
Every flower smiles from the enjoyment of the gold.
When thou smilest a whole world smiles looking towards thee
For no one before this has seen the sun and moon to smile (at one time.)
I have a great sorrow and lamentation, and endless grief and pain,
I have in separation from thee all of these, but no smile.
What could mankind have learned of the shape of thy mouth
Had'st thou not given them from thine own mouth the news of a smile.
Because of thy cruelty I do not smile, for at the time of mourning
The wise and excellent do not approve of smiling.
All my disorder is due to grief on thy account,
Why then do you smile at me disordered as I am?
It may be that from the crown and canopy of kings thy locks and cheek have learned to smile both morning and evening.
^27. King of the East Malik Sháh who in his feasting is careful always to smile from joy and pride.
Conqueror of infidelity, Niẓámu-ud-Dín, whose friends are always engaged in enjoyment, and only vary it by smiling.
If the seed could receive the good tidings of his approbation, even from the loins of his father would one begin to smile.
A father to whom a son is essential to do him service, smiles from the pleasure he experiences at the success of his son.
It is not strange that from the excess of his joy, the cloud of weeping which shrouded his moist eyes gives place to smiling.
Oh ye obedient ones, since the beauty of the rose is added to your own charms, ye are smiling in this garden⁴¹ of two doors.
Thy charms have power to add sweetness to sugar
Thy words have power to add brilliance to the jewel.
Thy shaft when fitted to the bow has established the custom
In the array of battle to smile at the helmet and shield.
Following after victory when thy sword is furious
There comes to it from the sorceries of heaven, a smile.
Doubtless the enemy of thy grandeur, smiles sweetly
If scattering his heart's blood (in envy) be to smile.

In order that the saffron^41a may fulfil the promise of its properties, namely to bring smiles to the lips of all conditions of men; may the lips of thy enemies be saffron, that their lips may always from fear of thee smile from his want of success.

^28. Then Amír Mas‘úd marched from Herát to Níshápur and thence to Tús⁴² and a body of Turkománs giving him battle met their death, the people of Báward gave up that town to the Turkománs and the Sulṭán having overcome that fortress and having put them all to death spent the winter at Níshápur.^42a

Then in the year 430 H. having set out to attack Tughral^42b the Turkomán who had raised a rebellion in Báward, when Tughral took to flight Amír Mas‘úd turned back and came to Sarakhs⁴³ by way of Mahnah^43a and gave orders to rase the fortress of Mahnah. Then he put to death some of the inhabitants of Mahnah, and cut off the hands and feet of many more and thence went in the direction of Zírqán^43b in which place the Turkománs brought together a large army and fought a severe battle with the Sulṭán. In this battle the majority of the generals of the army of Ghaznín mutinied and went over to the enemy. The Sulṭán remaining all alone on the field, felled several of the Turkomán leaders with sword, spear and mace, and eventually came out of that engagement safely. This event took place on the 8th of Ramaẓán, 431 H. (1039 A. D.). From thence Amír Mas‘úd came to Merv, and several of the soldiery from the neighbouring country having come in at last sided with him. He went to Ghaznín by way of Ghaur,^43c and having fined these chiefs who had not fought and had fled, sent some of them, as for instance ‘Alí Dáya and Ḥájibi-Buzurg, ^43d and Beg Tughdí to Hindustán and imprisoned^43e them in fortresses. All of them died in imprisonment. Amír Mas‘úd now desired to go to India and collect some forces there, and to come from there with a large army against the Turkománs to punish them. With this intention he made Amír Maudúd^43f Amír of ^29. Balkh, and having appointed Muḥammad ibn Abduṣ Ṣamad as his Wazír despatched them thither. He then appointed the Amír Muḥammad⁴⁴ with two thousand soldiers to proceed to Multán, and sent the Amír of that district^44a to the foot of the hills of Ghaznín to restrain the Afgháns of that district who had broken out into rebellion; and having laden camels with the whole of Maḥmúd's treasures which were stored in Ghaznín and the neighbouring fortresses started for Hindustán and despatched mesengers en route to bring his brother Amír Muḥammad who had been blinded^44b and was then confined in the fortress of Bazghand.^44c When Sulṭán Mas‘úd arrived at the frontier fort^44d of Máríkala,^44e his slaves plundered all the treasure-camels. In the meantime the Amír Muḥammad arrived there, and the slaves who recognised that this violence would have no successful issue unless another governor were appointed^44f perforce, approached the Amír Muḥammad, raised him to the Sovereignty and breaking into open riot assaulted Sulṭán Mas‘úd who had taken refuge in that fort. The next day the whole army becoming violent brought Amír Mas‘úd from within the fort of Máríkala and made him prisoner confining him within the fortress of Kírí,^44g till at last in Jamádíu-l-Awwal 432 H. they sent a false message purporting to emanate verbally from Amír Muḥammad ordering him to kill Amír Mas‘úd and to send his head to him. The Kotwál in obedience to this order severed Mas‘úd's head from his body and sent it to Amír Muḥammad.

Of the vicissitudes of time, this much pleased me
That I saw good and bad, right and wrong, pass away
He who at morning time wore on his head a jewelled crown
Him I saw, at the time of evening prayer, with a brick ^30. underneath his head (in the grave).

This story is according to the relation of Nizámi,⁴⁵ but the Qáẓí Baiẓáwí relates that in the year 432 Mas‘úd fled defeated from before the Seljúqs to Ghaznín, and Amír Muḥammad who had consolidated his power during Mas‘úd's absence sent him to a fortress whither his son Aḥmád ibn Muḥammad followed him and murdered him.^45a The Government of Sulṭán Mas‘úd ibn Mahmúd lasted eleven years, but we ought to note that the Qází Baiẓáwí (may God's merey be upon him) assigns the year 433 H. as the date of the death of Mas‘úd, and writes that Muḥammad ibn Maḥmúd reigned in Ghaznín for fourteen years after his father,^45b one year after his father's death, nine years in the lifetime of his brother, and four years after his brother's death, as has already been stated. God alone knows the truth. Apparently this is due to the mistake of a copyist. Among the poets who flourished in the time of Sulṭán Mas‘úd is Manúchihrí⁴⁶ who speaks as follows in a qaṣídah concerning his Wazír.

Couplet.

Shah Mas‘úd is as proud of his rectitude
As is the prophet of Naushirwán^46a the upright.

Ascended the throne of Empire (after the murder of his father in Bámián)^46b with the consent of the Wazírs and Amírs, and with the object of avenging his father purposed to march towards Márí galah, but Abu Naṣr Aḥmád ibn Muḥammad ibn Abduṣ Ṣamad opposed his projected expedition and brought him to Ghaznín, whence he proceeded with a large army to attack his uncle the blind Amír Muḥammad. On arriving at Dípúr^46c he engaged in a severe battle with the Amír Muḥammad and thus ^31. passed the whole day till nightfall when both fell back upon their positions. The next day Sulṭán Maudúd induced the Amír Saiyyid Manṣúr who was one of the trusted (generals) of the Amír Muḥammad to side with him, and engaging in battle took prisoners the Amír Muḥammad and his son Aḥmád and put them all to death. The Amír Maudúd founded there a city which he named Fatḥábád.⁴⁷ This victory was gained in the month Sha‘bán of the year 432 H., or according to another account in the year 434 H.^47a And in the year 433 H. being angry with Khwája Aḥmad ibn Abduṣ Ṣamad he imprisoned him in Ghaznín where he died in prison, and in this same year he sent Abú Naṣr Muḥam-mad bin Aḥmad towards Hindustán to fight with Námí ibn Muḥammad^47b and Námí was killed in the course of that war. And in the year 434 H. Artagín at the order of the Sulṭán proceeded with an army to Tabaristán against Dá‘úd^47c the Turko-mán, and having lost in battle a large number of his men came to Balkh and established the coinage and proclamation of sovereignty in the name of the Amír Maudúd. Afterwards when the Turko-máns attacked him several times in force not being able to contend with them, he quitted Balkh and came to Ghaznín. Then in the year 435 H. Amír Maudúd imprisoned Abú ‘Alí the Kotwál of Ghaznín for a time, but eventually appointed him as the Díwán of the kingdom and Kotwál of Ghaznín, and imprisoned Yasúrí ibn Iyamghúr the Díwán, till at length he died in confinement; he also punished Altigín^47d and in the year 436 H. Khwája Táhir who had succeeded Khwája Aḥmad as Wazír, died, and was succeeded by Khwája Imám Abul Fatḥ ‘Abdur Razzáq.^47e In this same year he sent Tughral Ḥájib in the direction of Bust, who took prisoner Abú Manṣúr Zangí,^47f the brother of Abul Faẓl and brought him to Ghaznín, he then departed for Seistán and having ^32. engaged in conflict with the Turkománs at the Ribáṭ Amír,⁴⁸ put most of them to death after which victory he went to Garm Sír, where he put to death the Turkománs of that district who were known as Red-caps^48a and took many of them prisoner, and brought them to Ghaznín.

In the year 438 H., he sent Tughral to Takínábád who on arrival there revolted. Accordingly Alí bin Rabí‘ was nominated to proceed thither and Tughral fled with a few followers. Alí plundered his army, and having captured some of them brought them to Ghaznín. In the year 439 H. the Amír Qaẓdár raised a rebellion^48b and suffered defeat at the hands of Hájib Buzurg Bártagín^48c and after a time tendered his submission.

And in the year 440 H. having conferred upon his two sons Abul Qásim Maḥmúd and Manṣúr on the same day robes of honour and the drum and ensigns of commission sent one of them towards Lahore and the other towards Parshúr^48d and he sent Abú Alí Hasan Kotwál of Ghaznín to Hindustán to punish the rebels there, and when Ḥasan returned to Ghaznín after having done good service Maudúd made him over to Mírak ibn Ḥasan with orders to imprison him. He died in prison. As a sequel to this, Mírak ibn Ḥasan the Vakíl who had murdered Abú ‘Alí Ḥasan without the orders of Amír Maudúd and had kept it secret, incited the King to proceed to Kábul so that that misdeed of his might remain concealed. When the Amír Maudúd reached the fortress of Siálkoṭ⁴⁹ he was attacked with colic^49a and was forced to return to Ghaznín, and ^33. ordered Mírak to release Abú Alí Kotwál. He accordingly prayed for a week's respite, and in the interim Amír Maudúd departed this life on the 24th of Rajab A. H. 441, having reigned nearly nine years. The Lubbu-t-Tawáríkh^49b states that Sulṭán Maudúd asked in marriage the daughter of Chughz^49c Beg Saljúqí, by whom he had a son whom he named Mas‘úd, that he reigned seven years, and that in the month of Rajab 441 he attempted to go to Khorásán to visit Chughz Beg, but died on the journey of colic.

Ascended the throne in the third year of his age by the machinations of ‘Alí ibn Rabí‘, however his affairs did not prosper and they raised his uncle to the throne after he had reigned only five months.⁵⁰

Ascended the throne by the consent of the nobles, and when ‘Abdu-r-Razzáq ibn Aḥmad Maimandí who had been sent by the Amír Maudúd towards Seistán arrived at a fort between Bust and Isfirár,^50a and learned that Abdu-r-Rashíd ibn Maḥmúd was confined in that fort by the orders of the Amír Maudúd, he brought him back and placed him upon the throne, ‘Alí having reigned for a period of about three months. This event took place in the year 443 H. (1051 A. D.).

^34. Came to the throne, and with the consent of ‘Abdu-r-Razzáq proceeded to Ghaznín. ‘Alí ibn Mas‘úd fled without engaging in battle, and Tughral Ḥájib who was one of the household slaves of Sulṭán Maḥmúd having conquered Seistán turned his steps towards Ghaznín. Amír ‘Abdu-r-Rashíd fortified himself there till Tughral obtaining an opportunity in the year 445 H. (1053 A. D.) put the Amír Abdur Rashíd with all the descendants of Sulṭán Maḥmúd^50b to death and married the daughter of Mas‘úd against her will. One day when he was on the throne a body of determined wrestlers inspired with hatred against him tore him to pieces. ‘Abdu-r-Rashíd's reign lasted for four years, but in the Níẓamu-t-Tawáríkh his reign is said to have lasted for seven years,⁵¹ and in the Lubbu-t-Tawáríkh his death is said to have occurred in the year 445 H. God knows the truth.

Being released from confinement succeeded to the kingdom by consent of the nobles. A body of Saljúqs came up against Ghaznín, and Farrukhzád put most of them to death and overcame them, and made many of them prisoners and sent them to Ghaznín. Alp Arsalán^51a the Saljúq king brought an army against Ghaznín from ‘Iráq and Khorásán, and being victorious in fight conveyed a large number of the notables of Ghaznín to Khorásán. Eventually upon the arrangement of terms of peace the prisoners of both ^35. sides obtained their release, and since Zábulistán had been laid waste the Sulṭán remitted the usual tribute, and treated the inhabitants with kindness. He used to fast three months, and used to spend the greater part of the night in prayer. He died of colic in the year 450 H.^51b The period of his reign was six years.

Ascended the throne. He was a just and devout king, and used to write each year a Qurán with his own hand and despatch it to the holy city of Mekka. He built no house for himself with the exception of a temple and a school to the honour and glory of God. When the affairs of state devolved upon him, he made peace with the Saljúqs and being free from apprehension, went to Hindustán and conquered many fortresses and districts. From one city⁵² the inhabitants of which were of Khurásánian descent, whom (Afrásiáb) had expelled, and who had become a populous community in Hindustán, he took prisoners a hundred thousand persons,^52a and sent them to Ghaznín, with other spoils on the same scale. He built a number of towns, among them Khairábád, and Imánábád and others. He has been described by the title of Saiyyidu-s-Saláṭín, and enjoyed the reputation of being a Wálí.^52b In his reign in Ghaznín, the Dárú-i-Chashm (eye medicine) and other mixtures and medicaments and dietaries for all ^36. diseased folk used to be obtainable from his store-house. His death took place in the year 472 H,^52c after a reign of thirty years. Qáẓí Baiẓáwí says that his reign extended from the year 450 H. to the year 492 H. Mas‘úd Sa‘d Salmán^52d flourished in his time and the following verses are taken from an ode which was written in his honour.

Abúl Qásim Malik Maḥmúd Ibrahím ibn Mas‘úd
In whom four things exult, each of them glories in him
Firstly, his expanded canopy, secondly, his flaunting banner,
Thirdly his golden pen, fourthly his brilliant dagger.

This ode he finished completely in the same style, and in another place he says:—

Emperor of the higher world, from the blessings of whose reign
The sword's lofty occupation is the control of things temporal and spiritual.
Mas‘úd (Fortunatus) because from the fortune of the expanse of kingdom's conquest
He has gone beyond that which comes within the scope of the sword.

Oh thou that hast formed the design of travel and girded the loins of conquest,
Right and left of thee the heavens have opened for thee the doors of conquest,
Mas‘úd, the world-conquering, for whom the age of fortune
Has sent forth every moment the heralds of conquest,
Like a lance point thou hast placed thy head in the direction of battle,
Like an arrow thy waist girds up the loins of conquest,
In sooth, a hundred victories thou winnest, and a hundred years hence
In Hindustán in all directions will be seen the traces of thy ^37. conquest.
So many are thy conquests, that in the expanse of the world
Every day in every place they tell the tale of thy conquests.
Thy spear and thy arrow and thy sword will be
If my fancy limns a line, the painter of the forms of conquest
When thy sword said I will deal a light blow
Its oath lay not heavy save on the head of conquest.

The Ustád Abul Faraj Rúní⁵⁴ too was eulogist of Sulṭán Ibrahím, and also the panegyrist of Sulṭán Mas‘úd, and many odes in their honour are to be found in his Díwán, and Rúín^54a is the name of a village of the dependencies of Lahore, and in these days it is as one may say in ruins, because not a trace of it remains, and the following qiṭa‘h in praise of Sulṭán Ibrahím is by the Ustád Abul Faraj.

Hail to the might of thy powerful sword
Precious as the breath of life, and rare as wisdom itself.
Thou hast imprisoned that lifeless one, as one seizes the throat,
Thou hast made orphan this which has no issue like a peerless pearl.

^38. And Mas‘úd Sa‘d Salmán with that envious nature which is peculiar to poets, bore a grudge against Ustád, who became the cause of Mas‘úd's imprisonment for ten years, he wrote this rubá‘í (quatrain) in prison.^54b

For thy prison such a prisoner as Malik Sháh is necessary
So that thy fetter may chafe the foot of monarchs.⁵⁵
That one who springs from the loins of Sa‘d Salmán
Even were he a serpent would not sting thy realm.

The following verses are also by him:

My heart has become rent in all directions like a comb from regrets
Because I saw a white hair in the tooth of the comb.

There are extant also Díwáns by him in Arabic, Persian and Hindí.

Succeeded after the death of his father and died in the year 508 H. (1114 A. D.), having reigned seventeen years.

By his father's order became king, and reigned for one year. His brother Arsalán Sháh revolted against him and killed him in the year 509 H. (1115 A. D.).

Ascended the throne of sovereignty and seized upon the whole ^39. of his brothers with the exception of Bahrám Sháh who fled and went to Sulṭán Sinjar^55b who was the son of his maternal uncle.^55c In spite of all the apologies for Bahrám Sháh which Sulṭán Sinjar made the subject of several letters, Arsalán Sháh would not listen to him, and eventually Sulṭán Sinjar raised an army against him. He gave battle with thirty thousand cavalry and being defeated went to Hindustán. Sulṭán Sinjar remained forty days in Ghaznín and after presenting that country to Bahrám Sháh retraced his steps. Arsalán Sháh having collected a large army in Hindustán proceeded thence to attack Ghaznín, and Bahrám Sháh not being able to withstand him sought refuge in the fortress of Bámián and with the assistance of Sulṭán Sinjar having again seized Ghaznín and taken Arsalán Sháh captive put him to death in the year 510 H. (1116 A. D,). The reign of Arsalán Sháh had lasted for a period of seven years.⁵⁶

Succeeded to the throne. Hakím Sanáí^56a was his panegyrist. Kalílah Damnah and many other books were composed in his reign and on the day of his accession Saiyyid Hasan Ghaznaví^56b declaimed an ode of which this is the opening couplet.

A shout went forth from the seven heavens, saying
“Bahrám Sháh is Lord of the world.”

And this ode he wrote in his honour, and despatched it from the sacred city of Mekka.

Should it ever be that I again behold the face of the king
^40. I will apply, as a thank-offering, the dust of his feet to both my eyes
Bahrám Sháh for whom may the lives of emperors be the ransom.
May it be that their lives are even worthy of the king
The planets of the sky fall like meteors, if they but place a foot outside the boundary of fidelity to the king.

Bahrám Sháh from desire of whose sweet honied name
The young tree of the kingdom hereafter brings forth parrots, (poets).

And the Ḥadíqatu-l-Ḥaqíqat⁵⁷ of Shaikh Sanáí is written in honour of Bahrám Sháh, it was written during his imprisonment, the reason of which imprisonment was Ghaznévide fanaticism with regard to Sunni doctrine, when this book having reached the capital of Baghdád received the imprimatur of the chief men and nobles, it attested the reality of his faith, and they wrote a memorandum which led to his being released. A short time subsequently he departed this life. It is said that when they accused the worthy Shaikh Sanáí of heresy after he composed the Ḥadíqat, he wrote the following letter to the Sulṭán Bahrám Sháh.

In the name of God the merciful, the compassionate:

Praise be to God the Lord of the worlds, and blessings upon the best of His created beings, Muḥammad, his family and companions all of them. To proceed, it is said in certain traditionary sayings, that two things tend to prolong life, and to cause rain to fall and trees to grow, one of these is to assist the oppressed — the other to repress the tyrannical. An argument which they have advanced in support of this is that the prophet, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, declared that the heavens are established by righteousness (equity). Equity is like the bird^57a which, wherever it casts its shadow, secures an amplitude of wealth, and the place where it builds its nest becomes the centre of durability, and rain falls from the heaven, while tyranny and ^41. oppression is as a bird⁵⁸ which, wherever it flies, leads to famine and life and modesty are lost from among mankind. And God, may He be glorified and exalted, preserves the Emperor of Islám, and the just king Bahrám Sháh ibn Mas‘úd Sháh ibn Ibráhím Sháh ibn Mas‘úd Sháh ibn Mahmúd Sháh, from iniquity and oppression, and although the whole world should combine to write and describe the stock and supply of grateful acknowledgment of this slave's heart, they would have no power to express it, and the tree which the king of the kingdom planted^58a for the discovery of the secrets of the unseen, even Gabriel and Michäel^58b were precluded from having any share therein: it is certain that in all circumstances the just man is happy and the tyrant is miserable, and the worst of all oppression is this that a small party should read a subject and not understand it, but become arrogant with regard to it and loosen the tongue of censure against the learned. Hence it is that our prophet, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, said, Pity three people, a rich man who has become poor, the great man of a tribe who is disgraced, and a wise man among fools.^58c A book which is written in the language of the learned in the knowledge of God, demands an acute and discriminating mind such as that of Báyazíd^58d and Shiblí:⁵⁹ these men of wisdom who read that book and appreciate that which is written in it, but who have not the slightest trace of religious knowledge, it must be from spite and ignorance that they find fault with the book, and this is a proof of their blindness of heart that they call the Ál-i-Marwán contemptible, and carry their eulogy of the elect family, may the peace and blessing of God be upon it, beyond bounds while they exalt the commander of the faithful ‘Alí, may God be merciful to him, above the other companions, may God be graciously pleased with them, and they do not see that he has been placed below Síddíq^59a and Fárúq^59b and Zú‘Núrain^59c on the ground of descent ^42. and rightful succession, and there is a true story related of the Lord of the Created beings Muḥammad Muṣṭafá, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, with reference to the vices of the Ál-i-Marwán and the virtues of the Ál-i-Muḥammad Muṣṭafá, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him. If it is a lie, and most people believe it to be so, reason tells us that it is true, and the word of the true God is this, “Oh God, adorn the world with those learned men who fear thee or who reverence thy people, and do not make me to suffer at the hands of those who are wanderers from the path of thy love, for thy mercy's sake and for thy bounty and beneficence oh Thou most merciful,” and this verse is from the Ḥadíqat.

If the earth is a fit place for any court
It is for the court of Bahrám Sháh that it is fitted.

Then Sulṭán Bahrám Sháh brought up several armies against Hindustán and conquered the cities which his forefathers had not taken, and leaving one of his Amírs of high rank in Hindustán returned to Ghaznín. That Amír revolted, and fought a severe battle with the Sulṭán in the vicinity of Multán, and a bitter conflict ensued; in the end the Sulṭán's enemy fell a prisoner into his hands and was put to death, and a second time the country of Hindustán came into his possession, and ‘Aláu-d-Dín Ḥasan ibn Ḥusain Súrí who is one of the kings of Ghor revolted against him and proceeded to Ghaznín. Bahrám Sháh fled and ‘Aláu-d-Dín left his brother Saifu-d-Dín Súrí in Ghaznín. Bahrám Sháh returned and retook Ghaznín, and having seated Saifu-d-Dín upon a cow, and having exposed him to public ridicule, killed him in the worst possible way. ‘Aláu-d-Dín upon hearing this news was ^43. most distressed and made for Ghaznín with a huge army—before his arrival however Bahrám Sháh had reached the other world and his son was on the throne in his stead.⁶⁰ ‘Aláu-d-Dín by way of avenging his brother carried several loads of the earth of Ghaznín to Ghor^60a and set rivers of blood flowing, he is accordingly famous in his own country. Bahrám Sháh left this world in the year 547 H. (1152 A.D.) the period of his reign was thirty two years.

Mas‘úd S‘ad Salmán wrote the following hexastich in praise of Bahrám Sháh.

Bahrám Sháh became the world conquering king.
He became the Sun of the Age, and the shadow of the glory of God.
His canopy which was auspicious became the glory of the humá.^60b God be He exalted and glorified became his guide.
That polished dagger became of increasing authority.
The face of his enemy became black like his canopy.
As long as the emperor of the world in his time sowed the seeds of justice,
Every criminal that he detected, he passed over his crime,
If the sky placed his praise upon the running water
The flowing water retained⁶¹ his image like an engraving on stone.
He raised^61a true religion and justice to the zenith.
The Emperor, dispenser of justice, lover of truth, and defender of the faith.^61b

Ascended the throne after his father, and ‘Aláu-d-Dín Husain ibn^61c Hasan Ghorí came up against him. Khusrau Sháh fled and came to Lahore, and occupied himself with the empire of Hin- ^44. dústán, and when ‘Aláu-d-Dín, as has been related, returned from Ghaznín successful, he went back and recaptured that country, and after that the tribe of Ghuzz^61d seized Sulṭán Sinjar he turned towards Ghaznín. Khusrau Sháh was not able to withstand him and for the second time returned to Lahore, where he died in the year 555 H., after a reign of eight years. In his time many great poets flourished and wrote odes in praise of him. The following poem is of the kind called Tarjí‘band⁶² and was written by one of them in his honour.

The revered Emperor Khusrau Sháh who with ease
Conquers with sword and mace from Hindústán to Khorásán.

It must be stated, that in the historical works by Qáẓí Baiẓáwí and others^62a it has been written that when ‘Aláu-d-Dín plundered Ghaznah and put many of the inhabitants to death, he left there Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Abul-fatḥ Muḥammad and Shihábu-d-Dín Abul Muẓaffar who were his nephews. They then with great craft put Khusrau Sháh at his ease with regard to themselves and took up their abode in his city. Khusrau Sháh^62b was imprisoned in the year 555 H., and died in the same year, and the days of the Ghaznévide family came to an end. After a time Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín died, and the whole kingdom remained in the possession of Shihábu-d-Din, but since Khwája Niẓámu-d-Dín Aḥmad deceased, has written in the Táríkh-i-Niẓámí copying from the Rauẓatu-s-Ṣafá ^(45.)) that Khusrau Malik ibn Khusrau Sháh was the last of the kings of the Ghaznévide dynasty, I have followed him—God knows the truth.^62c

Ascended the imperial throne in Lahore after the death of his father, and spent the greater part of his time in luxury and licentiousness, so that in his time great damage found its way into the kingdom, and the dynasty of the Ghaznévíyah was growing old while that of Ghor was in full vigour, accordingly Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám, who is well-known under the title of Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín Ghorí, having gained the upper hand and making Ghaznín his capital, brought an army against Hindústán and came with overwhelming force near to Lahore. Khusrau Malik fortified himself there and was compelled to ask for quarter in a personal interview. Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Mu-ḥammad Sám took him to Ghaznín, from thence sending him to Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Din, who imprisoned him in Fíroz Koh⁶³ and sent an order, and after ten years' confinement made him taste the cup of destruction.

Set not your heart on this world, for it is without foundation
It is a newly wed bride entangled with many a lover.

This event took place in the year 583 H. (1187 A. D.). He reigned twenty-eight years; the times of the Ghaznévide dynasty came to a close, and the Empire passed from their hands to those of the Sulṭáns of Ghor. “Thou givest the kingdom to whom thou seest fit.”^63a

HEMISTICH.

Nothing endureth but God, God's kingdom alone is a kingdom.

And Qáẓí Baiẓáwí may God's mercy be upon him states that ^46. the duration of the Ghaznévide dynasty from Sulṭán Maḥmúd to Khusrau Sháh was one hundred and sixty-one years in the hands of twelve persons, while Qáẓí Yahya Qaẓwíní, may God's mercy be upon him, says one hundred and fifty-five years in the hands of fourteen persons, and the author of the Tarikh-i-Niẓámí, as has already been quoted above, says two hundred and fifteen years in the hands of fifteen persons, and God knows the real truth of the matter.⁶⁴

Who reigned in Dehlí. This dynasty commences with Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín Ghorí^64a who is known as Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥam-mad ibn Sám.

Ascending the throne as regent in place of his elder brother Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín, king of Ghor and ‘Iráq and Khorásán, in the year 569 H., in Ghaznín, had the khutba read and the currency struck in his own name,^64b and in obedience to the command of his brother brought several armies against Hindustán and raised aloft the standard of holy war. Dehli was reduced in his time.

In brief, Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín when he had seized Tagínábád⁶⁵ which was one of the dependencies of Garmsír and had made over the governorship of that place to Sulṭán Shahábu-d-Dín, used continually to bring up armies against Ghaznín, till at last in the abovementioned year Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín brought that country within the circle of his conquests, and drove out of Ghaznín the tribe of Ghuzz, who after the captivity of Sulṭán Sinjar had been in possession of it, and bestowed upon Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad, the title of Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín.^65a Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín after one year of sovereignty as vicegerent for his brother, in the year 570 H., conquered Kardíz⁶⁶ and in the ^47. year 571 H., took Uchh and Multán and drove out the tribe of the Karmatians from those regions, and utterly destroyed the Bhatí^66a tribe who had fortified themselves in the fortress of Uchh,^66b and having entrusted that country to Alí Kirmáj^66c returned to Ghaznín.

Then in the year 574 H. (1178 A. D.) proceeding by way of Multán^66d he brought an army against Gujrát, and suffered defeat at the hands of Rái Bhím Dev ruler of that country, and with great difficulty reached Ghaznín and obtained relief.

And in the year 575 H. he seized Parshúr,^66e and in the year 580 H. (1184 A. D.) marched against Láhore; Sulṭán Khusrau Malik who was the last of the kings of Ghaznín, shut himself up in the fortress of Lahore as has been related, and after considerable correspondence by letter and messenger, he sent his own son with an elephant as a present, and Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín made peace with him, and set about building the town of Síálkot^66f and having left his deputy there, proceeded to Ghaẕnín; and in the year 581 H. he brought an army against Díwal by which is meant Tattah⁶⁷ and having thrown into confusion the cities on the sea shore took a vast amount of plunder and returned.

And in the year 582 H. he came again to Lahore and plundered the surrounding country, and having provided Husain with the means of fortifying and holding Síálkot retraced his steps, and ^48. from Táríkh-i-Nizámí which is the original source of this selection we gather that the building of Síálkot took place in this year, in contradiction to the Mubáraksháhi^67a from which we learn that the building of Síálkot was two years earlier. God knows the truth. And inasmuch as the house of history is, like the house of dreams and other things of that sort, ruinous, apologies must be made for discrepancies; and in that year Khusrau Malik with the assistance of the Khúkhars^67b and other tribes, besieged the fort of Síálkot for a long time, but had to return without attaining his object. In this year also Muizzu-d-Dín again besieged Khusrau Sháh in Láhore, who after striving for some days, found himself unequal to the task, and yielded to the Sulṭán who conveyed him to Ghaznín and sent him to his brother Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín at Fíroza Koh. Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín imprisoned him in one of the fortresses of Ghurjistán, where he died a prisoner, and the plain of Empire once for all passed to the dynasty of Ghor without the thorn of a partner or rival, as has been already mentioned.

QITA‘H.

If you saddle the piebald horse of Circumstance,
and if the white horse of state leads thee beside him,
And if the garden of your pleasure in happiness
copies fair the past memories of Paradise,
Be not proud, for this mean time will unexpectedly
draw its pen through the writing of your fortune.
Time is like a wind, which at the first
draws from the cheek of the rose the veil with all respect,
Then after a week has passed in the midst of the garden,
drags its body with ignominy to the dust.
The world at one time brings forward by turn in the narrow course, the horses of honour and disgrace.
The crafty fowler gives the bird grain, and then draws it into the noose of his artfully laid snare.
One man who has lost all hope, gains honour,
Another who is always hopeful in spite of all is disgraced.
Strange is it if a man who has walked in the shadow of poverty should court a favour from the sun?
^49. Be content, if you have a portion of wisdom,
that the ignorant should be oppressed by the foolish
What of that man who, in the assembly of mirth and merriment quaffs the wine of pleasure from the cup of luxuriousness?
What of him who sitting behind the wall of sorrow suffers from the after effects of sorrow and the worry of toil?
At last the hand of fate takes both of them straight off to the brink of the pit of death.
Happy is the brave hearted man who like Sharaf draws the foot of fidelity beneath the skirt of retirement.

And in this year Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín left Alí Kirmáj⁶⁹ who was governor of Multán, as his Vicegerent in Lahore, and in the year 587 H. coming from Ghaznín he reduced the fort of Tabarhindah^69a which was the capital of the great rájás of Hindustán, and left Malik Ẓiáu-d-Dín Tukilí^69b with a corps d'elite consisting of one thousand two hundred cavalry soldiers, and was contemplating a return. In the meantime Ráí Pathúrá the Governor of Ajmír, and Khandí Ráí his brother who had been Governor of Dehlí before Pathúrá, arrived with a vast army at a place called Taráyan^69c on the banks of the river Sarsuti at a distance of seven krohís^69d from Thánesar. It is now known by the name of Taráwarí^69e and is distant forty krohs^69f from Dehli. A great conflict ensued with the Sulṭán and the Muslim troops were defeated. The Sulṭán evinced great bravery on the field of battle, and in that engagement also Khandí Ráí who was mounted on an elephant at the head of his army, received a spear thrust in his mouth from the hand of the Sulṭán. The Sulṭán also was struck on the head by the Rái's spear, and his arm was also wounded but both escaped in safety. ^50. The Sulṭán got off his horse and taking up his son Khiljí upon his horse and mounting behind him took him off the field; the Sulṭán proceeded to Ghaznín, and Ráí Pathúrá took the fortress of Tabarhindah from Zíáu-d-Dín Tukilí on peaceable terms after a siege of one year and one month. And in the year 588 H. the Sulṭán again came into Hindustán with a large and brave army of 40,000 cavalry, and divided his forces into four army corps, and having given battle time after time in the place above mentioned gained a victory. Pathúrá was taken prisoner and Khandí Ráí having been overcome in battle was killed and hasted to his resting-place in Hell. The Sulṭán then having reduced the fortresses of Sarsutí⁷⁰ and Hánsí proceeded to Ajmír the capital of Pathúrá, reduced it and plundered its environs killing and taking prisoners. From certain other sources we learn that Ḥaẓrat Khwájá Muínu-d-Dín Chishtí^70a may God sanctify his heart, that revered one who is the fountain head of the great and holy men and the dignified elders of the land of Hind, whose blessed tomb is a place of pilgrimage situated in Ajmír, was at that time in the company of the Sulṭán, and this victory occurred through the impulse of the blessed and divine soul of that pillar of holiness. And in this year leaving Sulṭán Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín Aibak who was his servant and adopted son and vicegerent in the town of Kúhrám which is distant seventy krohs from Dehli, he invaded and plundered the Siwálik range which lies to the North of Hindustán, and proceeded to Ghaznín. In the same year too Qutbu-d-Dín having captured Dehli took it away from the kinsmen of Pathúrá and Khandí Ráí. Then in the year 589 H. (1193 ^51. A, D.) Sulṭán Shihábu-d-Dín fought with Rái Jai Chand the governor of Qanauj, on the confines of Chandwár^70b and Aṭáwah,^70c killed him and went to Ghaznín. The fort of Kol^70d fell into the hands of Qutbu-d-Dín Aibak, and he made Dehli his capital and brought its surrounding districts under his sway. From that date Dehli once more became the metropolis of the Sulṭáns. The erection of minarets and other buildings of that kind, such as mosques, was commenced in the reign of Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín Altamash⁷¹ in the year 606 H., as will be related, if God (may He be exalted) so will it, in its own place. And in the year 591 H., he took the fort of Bhangar^71a and Badáon. And in the year 593 H. he conquered Gujerát and took his army to Nahrwálá which is known as Pattan,^71b and having taken vengeance for the Sulṭán on Bhím Raí Dev, and having taken much spoil returned; and in that year Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín removed his effects from the transitory world to the eternal abode,^71c and Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín having heard this news when on the confines of Tús and Sarakhs,^71d turned towards Bádghís and performed the duties of the mourning ceremonies and having divided his brother's dominious among his kindred^71e came to Ghaznín and brought an army against Khwárazm, and on the first occasion Sulṭán Muḥammad Khwárazm Sháh suffered defeat, and the Sulṭán pursued him and fought the Khwárazmians at the head of an aqueduct which they had dug from the eastern bank of the Jaihún, and a number of the noted generals of Ghor were martyred and he could not take Khwárazm; he also fought a great battle with an army of Khiṭái^71f kings of Turkistán who had come to the help of Sulṭán Muḥammad,^71g on the banks of the river Jaihún—he fought right bravely but at last was defeated, and being left with a hundred thousand cavalry soldiers he entered the fortress of Andkhúd where he entrenched himself, and ^52. having asked for quarter⁷² returned to Ghaznín; and at that time the tribe of the Khúkhars in the neighbourhood of Lahore shewed symptoms of revolting the Sulṭán accordingly brought an army against them, and also summoned Quṭbu-d-Dín Aibak from Dehlí, and having given the Khúkhars a severe lesson returned to Ghaznín, and while on the way back was martyred at Damyak,^72a which is the name of a village of the dependencies of Ghaznín, at the hands of Khúkhar bandits—the following qitá‘h has been written to chronicle this event:—^72b

The martyrdom of the king of sea and land Shihábu-d-Dín,
Whose like has never yet been seen since the world began,
On the third day from the first of Sha‘bán, in the year 602
Happened in the road to Ghaznín at the stage Damyak.

The days of his reign from the commencement of the rule of Ghaznín to the end of his life were thirty and two years and some months, and he left no heir save one daughter, but he left behind him much treasure of gold and silver and precious stones, among these latter were five hundred mans^72c of diamonds jewels of great value, besides cash and estates and other property the value of which we may estimate on the same scale. He made expeditions to Hindústán nine times, twice was defeated and seven times was victorious.

Thou didst see Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám, who in war
Was stronger in heart and hand than Sám and Narímán
He obtained, like Maḥmúd, from the elephants of Hindústán
Governments of Sásán and many kingdoms of Sámán
He departed this world, and they say (the writer vouches for it)
That there remained of his secret treasure 500 mans of diamonds.

And in his reign many learned doctors and scientists and poets ^53. flourished, of whom was Imám Fakhru-d-Dín Rází⁷³ may God be merciful to him who wrote the Laṭáif-i-Ghiyaṯí and other books in honour of his brother Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Abú-l-Fatḥ. He remained with the army of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám, and every week used to stand up to preach, and at the termination of his sermon the Sulṭán used to evince great emotion, and since the Imám got very wearied of this continual coming and going, and everlasting service, one day addressing the Sulṭán from the pulpit he said Oh! Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín, some time hence neither will this greatness and glory of yours remain nor the flattery and hypocrisy of Rází: The following qiṭa‘h is by him:

If an enemy does not agree with you O friend
If behoves you to agree with your enemy,
If not, then have patience for a few days
He will not remain, nor will you, nor the pride of Rází.

And after the assassination of the Sulṭán certain mischief-makers out of envy accused the Imám of having conspired with the Fidáís,^73a and asserted that the Imám was well aware of their hypocrisy. They made an attempt upon the lmám and he fled for refuge to Muaiyyidu-l-Mulk Sinjarí⁷⁴ who was one of the distinguished generals of the Sulṭán; he despatched him in safety to a place of security. A poet has written an ode in praise of him of which the following are two couplets.

Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín Sháh Ghází whose sword in the world has become like the famous Zulfiqár^74a of Alí Murtazá.
The true Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám, he whose love for the people is like the Sun of the friendship of Mustafá.

Another poet says:—

The Emperor of the age, Khusrau Ghází Muizzu-d-Dín ^54.
From whom the glory of crown and diadem gains increase,
The origin of victory, Muḥammad ibn Sám ibn Husain
His very presence has become the mark for princely glory.⁷⁵

And Názukí Marághaí too says in praise of him:—

Sháh Muizzu-d-Dín before whose princely might
The heaven stands girt like a bunch of flowers
He came to the throne like a rose at the time when
The heaven brought the Sun into the Balance.^75a
He in the fire of whose wrath evil doers
Give up their sweet lives like sugarcane.
The sugar of religion and the rose of sovereignty
The revolving sphere has mixed together;
Oh Lord! let this conserve of religion and sovereignty
Be the cause of health to the whole world.

And Qáẓi Ḥamíd⁷⁶ of Balkh says:

Ghází Muizzu-d-Dín wad-Dunyá with whom
On the day of battle victory marches with his auspicious standard,
Bú l Muzaffar⁷⁷ the Ruler of the East for whom in the field of battle
The Humá of his canopy carries as it were victory under its wing.

Who was one of the specially favourite servants of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon had a broken little finger,^77a and was known by this soubriquet (Aibak), they also call him Quṭbu-d-Dín^77b Lak bakhsh.^77c With the consent of ^55. the nobles of Hindústán he established himself as Protector of the kingdom of Dehlí, and after the martyrdom of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín his brother's son, Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Maḥmúd, the rightful heir of Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Muḥammad in whose praise they wrote the following verse:—

Sulṭán from East to West, Monarch from West to East
Maḥmúd ibn Muḥammad ibn Sám ibn Ḥusain.

having sent to Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín from Fíroza Koh the canopy and insignia of royalty, addressed him by the title of Sulṭán,⁷⁸ and in the year 602 H. (1295 A.D.) having come from Dehlí to Láhore on Tuesday, the sixteenth of the month of ẔuQa‘dah in the aforesaid year, ascended the throne of empire and became proverbial for his kindness and clemency. He used to bestow upon deserving recipients rewards far in excess of their anticipations, and inaugurated his custom of lak bakhshi (bestowing laks). One of the learned men of the time named Baháu-d-Dín Úshí^78a said in praise of him.

Quatrain.

Oh thou that hast brought into the world the bestowal of laks;
Thy hand has brought the mine into great straits;
From envy of thy liberality the heart of the mine has seized blood drops,
And placed them forward pretending that they are rubies.

And after some time enmity arose between him and Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, who was one of the slaves of Muizzu-d-Dín and had read the Khuṭba in his own name in Ghaznín, on account of Láhore, and the fire of war and conflict blazed forth on the confines of the Punjáb; Táju-d-Dín was defeated, and went to ^56. Kirmán which was his usual abode. Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín went and took possession of the fort of Ghaznín and staying there for a period of forty days, spent his time in rioting and wantonness and dissipation. Accordingly the people of Ghaznín were annoyed at his behaviour and secretly summoned Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, who arrived without warning, and Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín not being able to oppose him came to Láhore by way of Sang Surákh^78b

Verse.

When the head of a Sulṭán becomes unsteady from wine
Without warning the crown of Empire falls from his head.

And after wielding power for some time he fell from his horse when playing chaugán at Láhore in the year 607 H., and died⁷⁹ and was buried in that city and his tomb is at present the resort of pilgrims. The period of his reign after the conquest of Hindustán, was twenty years, out of which period he was for four years a Sulṭán.

This ancient revolving heaven has overthrown many heroes;
So far as you are able, place no reliance on the sun and moon and Jupiter.^79a

Seven other individuals of the generals and slaves of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín reached princely power in Hindústán and Ghaznín and Bengála and other places, whose affairs are written in their proper places; among others Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz on the confines of Taráyan, otherwise known as Taráwarí, having fought with Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín Iyaltamish was taken prisoner. Another is Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín Qabácha^79b who is also one of the slaves of Muizzu-d-Dín, and had married one of the daughters of Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, the other daughter was married to Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín and Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín during his lifetime had bestowed upon him the governorship of Uchh and Multán. After the death of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín, he brought the whole country from Uchh⁸⁰ to Sarsutí and Kuhrám under his own rule, and also took possession of Lahore, and having fought with the army of Malik Tájud-Dín who was on his way from Ghaznín, Khwája Mu‘aiyyidu-l-Mulk Sinjarí^80a being in command of that army, was defeated and went to Sindh in which country he obtained great ascendancy.

^57. In the year 611 H. (1214 A. D.) a Moghul army arrived and laid siege to Multán for forty days and the Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín, having opened the doors of the treasury, evinced great bravery and warded off their attacks, and at last after a reign of twenty-two years fell a prisoner into the hands of Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín and trod the way to the next world.^80b Another is Malik Baháu-d-Dín Tughral, when Muizzu-d-Dín Muḥammad Sám reduced the fortress of Bahankar^80c he entrusted the command of it to Malik Baháu-d-Dín Tughral, and he having built a fortress in the country of Bhasiyána^80d elected to reside there^80e and used continually to harass the envirous of Gwáliár, and Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín at the time of his return from Gwáliár had promised to give that fortress to Malik Baháu-d-Dín who accordingly strongly fortified a position at a distance of two krohs from Gwáliár and harassed the garrison of the fort, so that after a year the garrison sending messengers and presents invited Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín and surrendered the fort to him. On this account enmity arose between Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín and Baháu-d-Dín. Malik Baháu-d-Dín died a short time afterwards.⁸¹

Another is Malik Muḥammad Bakhtyár Ghúrí.^81a He was one of the great men of Ghúr and Garmsír, a man adorned with all good qualities who came to Ghaznín in the reign of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín and from thence went to Hindústán. He did not approve of having to live in Láhore with Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín, and joined hands with Malik Ḥusainu-d-Dín Ughal Beg^81b ruler of the country between the two rivers (The Doáb) and the country beyond the river Ganges, and Kanpilah and Patiálí^81c were allotted as his reward. He proceeded to Oudh and conquered that country, reduced Behár and Munér,⁸² and having taking large booty Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín sent him royal honours and a banner of Sulṭánship. He then brought many presents to the court of the ^58. Sulṭán, and received great favours and distinctions; the grandees of the court seeing they were powerless against him, became envious of him, and instigated the Sulṭán to such an extent that one day he made him fight with a rogue elephant,^82a but he struck the elephant so hard upon the trunk with a heavy club that the elephant turned and fled. The Sulṭán was overwhelmed with astonishment to see this, and nominated and appointed him ruler of the whole country of Lakhnautí^82b in Bengála and sent him away. In the second year after this arrangement Muḥammad Bakhtyár brought an army from Behár towards Lakhnautí and arrived at the town of Núdiyá^82c with a small force, Núdiyá is now in ruins. Ráí Lakhmia (Lakminía)^82d the governor of that town who had heard from astrologers⁸³ the fame of Muḥammad Bakhtyár and his great power, fled thence to Kámrán, and property and booty beyond computation fell into the hands of the Muslims, and Muḥammad Bakhtyár having destroyed the place of worship and idol-temples of the infidels founded Mosques and Monasteries and schools and caused a metropolis to be built called by his own name, which now has the name of Gaur.^83a

VERSE.

There where was heard before the clamour and uproar of heathen.
Now there is heard resounding the shout of “Alláho akbar”

And after having the khuṭbah read and the currency struck in his name,^83b having collected a large body of men, under the command of Amír Alí Masíj^83c (Mích) he attempted to conquer the countries of Tibet and Turkestán and twelve thousand cavalry fully armed and equipped arrived at a city which they call Bardhan.^83d A river here crossed their route called the Brahmanputr,⁸⁴ which they also call Brahmkadí. It is three or four times the size of the Ganges. Sháh Garshasp^84a when he came to Hindustán built a bridge over that river, and crossed it at Kámrúd and went on his way. Muḥam-mad ^59. Bakhtyár crossed by that bridge, and leaving certain of his trusted generals to protect the bridge and command the road, entered the territory of Tibet, and spent ten days among the mountains and difficult roads, and at last arrived at a plain in which was a fort of great strength: the garrison of that fort who were descendants of Gushtasp (that fort too was one of the buildings crected by Gushtasp) came forth to fight, and fought so bravely till nightfall that many men were lost on the side of Muḥammad Bakhtyár. He pitched his camp on that very spot, and coming down received tidings that five farsangs beyond this city there was another city⁸⁵ from which 50,000 Turks all warlike and ready for battle would come to the relief of their city. The following day Muḥammad Bakhtyár not thinking it advisable to remain there, and not being able to oppose them, turned back and came to the head of the bridge. Before his arrival the Generals in charge of the road had fought among themselves, and the infidels had broken two arches of that bridge. The army of Muḥammad Bakhtyár had this bridge in front and the infidels kept coming up in their rear, and fought with determined bravery. In that neighbourhood there was an idol temple of great strength.^85a They passed the night there by some stratagem, and in the morning a ford was found, and a party of men who crossed by the ford found the sand of the river was a sort of quicksand, and the water of the river gradually growing deeper and deeper, the greater part of the soldiers of Muḥammad Bakhtyár were drowned in the ocean of destruction, and the remnant which remained became fuel for the fire of the infidel's sword and attained the exaltation of martyrdom. Muḥammad Bakhtyár, out of many thousand men, arrived at Deo Kot with some three or four hundred only, and fell ill from vexation and was attacked by hectic fever^85b and used to say “no doubt Sulṭan Muḥammad Muizz-ud-Din Sám has met with an accident that fortune has gone so against me.” And when weakness took possession of him ‘Alí Mardán one of Muḥammad Bakhtyár's greatest generals arrived ^60. at Deo Kot from the district of Nárnálí^85c and finding him bedridden, pulled down the sheet from his face and ruthlessly despatched him with one blow of a dagger. This event happened in the year 602 H. after the death of Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín: and after the death of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín this same Alí Mardán eventually seized the reins of power by great craft, and promulgating the khutba and sikka of Lakhnauti in his own name was styled Sulṭán Aláu-d-Dín, and from the excessive folly and pride and arrogance of his mind sat quietly in Lakhnauti and divided the country of Irán and Túrán among his adherents, and no one dared to say “these dominions are outside the scope of the Sulṭán's power why do you divide them?”⁸⁶ They say that some unfortunate merchant laid a complaint of poverty before Aláu-d-Dín, who asked “where does this fellow come from?” They answered “from Iṣfahán” then he ordered them to write a document to Iṣfahán which should have the force of an assignment of land to him. The merchant would not accept this document, but the Vazírs did not dare to represent this fact and reported “the ruler of Iṣfahán, by reason of his travelling expenses and assembling his retinue for the purpose of subjugating that country, is in difficulties.” He thereupon ordered them to give a large sum of money far beyond his expectations; and when his tyranny and oppression exceeded all bounds the Amírs of Khilj consenting together put him to death and raised to the throne Malik Husámud-Dín Khiljí who was one of the nobles of Khilj and Garmsír and one of the servants of Muḥammad Bakhtyár. The reign of Alí Mardán lasted thirty-two years.^86a

Another was Malik Husainu-d-Dín^86b abovementioned who became possessed of the whole country of Tirhut and Bengála and Jájnagar and Kámrúd and gained the title of Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín, till in the months of the year 622 H., he sent to the Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín Iyaltimish thirty-eight head of elephants and seventy thousand tanqahs⁸⁷ in cash as a present and acknowledged ^61. the Sulṭán's authority, as will be mentioned, if God (be He exalted) so will it. And in the year 624 H. Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín Muḥam-mad ibn^87a Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín went from Oudh to Lakhnautí at the instigation of some of the Amírs,^87b and Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín^87c who at that time had taken an army from Lakhnautí to Kámrúd turned back, and fought a severe battle with Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín and was taken prisoner together with the majority of his generals and was put to death. The duration of his reign was twelve years.^87d The mention of these few kings of the regions of Hindustán incidentally with the affairs of the Sulṭáns of Dehlí was both opportune and necessary, and the affairs of the remaining Muizzíyeh kings who attained to the Sulṭanat of Multán and other kingdoms are mentioned in other places.

After his father, succeeded to the throne.

In the world no family remains without a master
If one departs, another takes his place;
This too is the way with this deceitful world
The father departs, the son's foot is in the stirrup.

By the consent of the Amírs he marched from Lahore to Delhí. In the meantime Malik Shamsu-d-Dín Iyaltimish, who was a servant and adopted son, and son-in-law of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín, and had tributary relations with Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín Qabáchá, at the invitation of Sipah Sálár Alí Isma‘íl, had come from Hardwár and Badáun to Dehli and had taken possession of the city and its country. When Arám Sháh arrived in the vicinity of Dehlí Malik Shamsu-d-Dín came out against him in battle array, and Arám Sháh was defeated. The duration of his reign was just a year.⁸⁸

^88a All of us young and old are doomed to die
No one remains in this world lastingly
^62. This is the way of the lofty sky. It holds
In one hand a crown in the other a noose.

Called by the title of “Yamín-i-Amír-al-Múminín”
(Right hand of the Commander of the Faithful.)

In the year 607 H. ascended the imperial throne of Dehlí; and the reason of the name Iyaltimish is that his birth occurred on the night of an eclipse of the moon, and the Turks call a child born under these circumstances Iyaltimish.⁸⁹ His father was the chief of many of the tribes of Turkestán. His kinsmen under pretence of taking him for a walk took Iyaltimish into a garden and sold him like Joseph to a merchant, from there he happened to be taken to Bokhárá, and thence in the time of Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám to Ghaznín; and in these days Sulṭán Quṭbud-Dín after the conquest of Nahrwálah and the taking of Gujrát had gone to Ghaznín, and since without permission of Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám no one could purchase Iyaltimish he asked permission from the Sulṭán to sell him. Sulṭán Muḥammad Sám said that since he had given orders that no one there should buy that slave they were to take him to Dehli and sell him there. Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín after his return from Ghaznín bought a slave named Ibak, a namesake of his own, and Iyaltimish, at Dehli for 100,000 tangahs: at first he called him Amír Ṭamghách,^89a and appointed him to the Amírship of Tabarhindah,^89b and at the time when Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín fought with Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz, Ibak his slave tasted the cup of death. At that time he made Iyaltimish an especial favourite, and after the capture of Gwáliár he made him Governor of that place, and subsequently bestowed upon him the rule of Baran^89c and its environs, and since he ^63. began to shew signs of extraordinary hardiness he entrusted the country of Badáún to him, and in the war of Muizzu-d-Dín with the Khúkhars (as has been already related), Iyaltimish having got together a huge army from Badáon and the foot of the hills, joined hands with Sulṭán Muizzu-d Dín in the service of Sulṭan Quṭbu-d-Dín, and armed as he was having forced his horse into the river^89d engaged the enemy bravely several times: Sulṭán Muizzu-d-Dín bestowed on him fitting honours and distinguished him royally and gave him high recommendations to Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín, and went to the greatest possible lengths in his care for him; and that same day Malik Quṭbu-d-Dín wrote his letter of emancipation, and by degrees raised him to the dignity of Amír-ul-Umará (Chief of the Amírs) till his affairs reached the height they did. And in the beginning of his reign certain of the Muizzíyeh and Quṭbíyeh Amirs rebelled against him and suffered punishment and became food for the pitiless sword. And Malik Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz after he had suffered defeat by the Army of Khwárazm obtained possession of Lahore; Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín coming from Delhi to meet him in the year 612 H. drew up in battle order on the confines of Taráyan which is known as Serái Taláwarí.⁹⁰ After a severe battle Sulṭán Táju-d-Dín Yaldúz being defeated fell a prisoner into the hands of Shamsu-d-Dín who sent him to Badáon. The bird of his soul there escaped from the prison house of the body and took its flight to the nest of the next world. His tomb is in that city.

And in the year 614 H. Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín came into conflict with Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín Qabácha who had married the two daughters of Sulṭán Quṭbu-d-Dín one after the other, and was in possession of Uchh and Multán, and victory rested with Sulṭán ^64. Shamsu-d-Dín, and for the third time^90a Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín went up in person against him. He, having fortified the castle of Uchh, himself went to the fortress of Bhankar, and Nizámul-Mulk Wazír Jandí pursued him while the Sulṭán reduced Uchh. After hearing the news of the capture of Uchh, Náṣiru-d-Dín sent his own son Bahrám Sháh into the presence of the Sulṭán and sued for peace. Bhankar also was captured. And in the year 615 H. Náṣiru-d-Dín was overwhelmed in the sea of destruction in the Punjáb, and surrendered the property of life to the flood of death, and the Sulṭán turning back came to Delhí. In the year 618 H. Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín raised an army against Sulṭán Jalálu-d-Dín Mangburní⁹¹ son of Khwárazm Sháh who having suffered defeat at the hands of Changíz Khán after Táju-d-Dín, came to Ghaznín and thence from fear of the incursions of Changíz Khán had gone to Lahore with his family and relations; and Sulṭán Jalálu-d-Dín not being able to withstand him went towards Sindh and Síwistan and from there by way of Kuch and Makrán arrived at Kirmán and Iráq.^91a

And in the year 622 H.^91b Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín, took an army towards Behár and Lakhnautí and brought Sulṭán Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín Khiljí, who has been before mentioned, into obedience, and having accepted the present above mentioned,^91c established the khuṭba and sikka in his own name^91d and having given his elder son the title of Sulṭán Náṣiru-d-Dín Maḥmúd^91e made him his heir, and having made over that country to him returned to the metropolis of Delhi. Eventually Malik Náṣiru-d-Dín Maḥmúd having fought with Ghiyáṯu-d-Dín on the confines of Lakhnautí got the upper hand, and having taken him prisoner put him to death, and great booty fell into his hands which he divided into portions and sent it as rewards^91f to each of the nobles of Dehlí. ^{65. 92} [It is well known that a poet name Náṣirí arrived in that country from Dehlí in the service of Haẓrat Khwája Quṭbu-d-Dín Ushí^92a may God sanctify him and said I have composed a Qaṣída in praise of Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín. Read the Fátiḥa that I may get the accustomed reward.” They read the Fátiḥa and he having been admitted to the Sulṭán's presence read this Maṭla‘.

Oh thou from dread of whom sedition has sought refuge,
Whose sword has sought from the infidels property and elephants.

The Sulṭán by the mere reading of that maṭla‘ learnt it by heart and repeated it, and when the poem was finished he asked How many couplets does this Qaṣída contain? The answer was fifty and three. He thereupon ordered them to give him fifty-three thousand white tangahs.^92b] Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín in [the year] 623 H. made an attack upon Ranthanbhúr^92c and having brought an army thither reduced that fortress, and in the year 624 H. having detailed a large army to attack and capture the fort of Mandúr,⁹³ brought that fort together with the Siwálik hills into the circle of his conquest and returned to Dehlí, and in this same year Amír Rúḥání^93a who was one of the most learned men of that time came to Dehlí from Bukhárá in the affair of Changíz Khán, and wrote several brilliant odes of congratulation upon these victories, of which the following verses are an extract.

The faithful Gabriel carried the tidings to the dwellers in heaven,
From the record of victories of the Sulṭán of the age Shamsu-d-Dín,
Saying—Oh ye holy angels raise upon the heavens,
Hearing this good tidings, the^93b canopy of adornment.
That from the land of the heretics the Sháhansháh of ^66. Islám
Has conquered a second time the fort resembling the sky;
The Sháh, holy warrior and Ghází, whose hand and sword
The soul of the lion of repeated attacks^93c praises.

And there are also other many charming poems attributed to him, of which the following ode is one:—

From the tongue of the pen my own story I tell in the words of the pen
On the page of my life, though the writing of grief has been traced by the pen
Since I lived in this world with the pen all my days have been black as the pen
And swift as I write my account, so fierce is the point of the pen
That like to my own gentle voice is the sharp loud lament of the pen.
Although in the midst of my loss I reap always rewards from the pen,
Still no one will mention my state to my Lord save the tongue of the pen.
'Tis from Khwája Manṣúr bin Sa‘íd thrives the market of test of the pen
That great one whose words load the burden of truth on the van of the pen.
He has mounted his beautiful thoughts on the steed of his swift running pen.⁹⁴
In the road of just ruling he gallops, light holding the rein of the pen.
His skill hand in hand with his wisdom reveals hidden arts of the pen.

And in the year 626 H. Arab Ambassadors came from Egypt^94a bringing for him a robe of honour and titles, and out of joy at this they built triumphal arches in the city and held banquets. And in this same year the tidings arrived of the death of his son Sulṭán ^67. Náṣiru-d-Dín, Governor of Lakhnautí, and the Sulṭán, after completing the duties of mourning, gave his name (i.e., Náṣiru-d-Dín) to his younger son after whom the Ṭabaqát-i-Náṣirí is named. In the year 627 H., be proceeded against Lakhnautí and quieted the disturbances of those regions, and after entrusting the government of that place to Izzu-l-Mulk Malik ‘Aláu-d-Dín Kháfí^94b returned to the capital and in the year 629 H. reduced the fortress of Gwálíar. Málik Táju-d-Dín the Secretary of State, wrote the following quatrain upon the taking of that fort, and they engraved it upon stone:—

Every fort which the king of kings conquered
He conquered by the help of God and the aid of the faith:
That fortress of Kálewar and that strong castle
He took in the year six hundred and thirty.⁹⁵

It is apparently the date of the siege which accounts for the difference of one year. And in the year 631 H.^95a having made an incursion in the direction of the province of Málwah and taken Bhílsá^95b and also captured the city of Ujain,^95c and having destroyed the idol-temple of Ujain which had been built six hundred years previously, and was called Mahákál, he levelled it to its foundations, and threw down the image of Rái Vikramájít from whom the Hindús reckon their era^95d (the author of this selection, by the order of the Khalifa of the time, the Emperor, the Shadow of the Deity, in the year 972 H and again anew in the year 1003 H^95e with the assistance of Hindú pundits translated 32 stories about him which are a wonder of relation and strange circumstance, from the Hindúi into the Persian tongue and called it Náma-i-Khirad Afzá—) and brought certain other images of cast molten brass placed them on the ground in front of the door of the mosque of old Dehlí^95f and ordered the people ^68. to trample them underfoot and a second time he brought an army against Multán;^95g this expedition was in every way unfortunate for him, and a very severe bodily illness afflicted him, he so returned and came to Dehli, and in the year 633 H, (1235 A D.) left this lodging house of the world for the eternal mansions of the next world. The duration of his sultanate was twenty-six years.

Verse.

For this reason this heart-enthralling palace became cold.
Because when you have warmed the place, they say to you Rise⁹⁶

And the prince of poets^96a (on him be mercy) says:—

^96b [In all Hindustán you saw the dust of the troops of Iyaltimish
Look now drink your wine, others walk in his plain]
It is the same Dehlí one would say, yet where is his victorious canopy?
It is the same kingdom at all events, where has that royal dignity of his gone?
The earth is a house of mourning, and mourns too for its own sake
At the time of the birth of that child whom they see weeping.

It is a well known story that Sulṭán Shamsu-d-Dín was a man of a cold temperament, and once upon a time he desired to consort with a pretty and comely girl, but found that he had not the power. The same thing happened several times: one day the girl was pouring some oil on the head of the Sulṭán and shed some tears upon the Sulṭán's head. He raised his head and asked the cause of her weeping, after a great deal of hesitation she answered: I had once a brother who was bald like you and that reminded me of him, and I wept. When he had heard the story of his being imprisoned it became evident that she was the own sister of the Sulṭán, and that God be he glorified and exalted had preserved him from this incestuous intercourse. The writer of these pages ^69. heard this story from the lips of the Khalīfah of the world, I mean Akbar Shāh may God make Paradise his kingdom in Fatḥpur and also in Lahore, one evening when he had summoned him into the private apartments of the capital and had conversed with him on certain topics, he said, I heard this story from Sulṭān Ghiyāṯu-d-Dīn Balban and they said that when the Sulṭān wished to have connection with that girl her catamenia used to come on [and this occurrence was at the time of writing].⁹⁷