LONDON: PRINTED BY W. NICOL, CLEVELAND ROW,
ST. JAMES’S.
| I have the honour to be, | |||
| Dear Sir, | |||
| your obedient humble servant, | |||
| CHARLES STEWART. | |||
Bath, May, 1830.
PREFACE.
THE fame of Timūr, erroneously called Tamerlane, although long known to some persons in Europe, was more generally communicated to the Public in the year 1722, by the labours of the indefatigable Orientalist, Petis de la Croix, who translated from the Persian language the History of that Monarch, denominated Zuffer Namēh, or Book of Victory, by Sherif Addyn Aly of Yezd.
In the year 1723, the French edition was turned into English by Mr. John Darby, who dedicated his work to His Royal Highness Frederic Prince of Wales, but these histories commence only with the twenty-fifth year of Timūr’s age. Iben Arab Shāh’s Arabic History of Timūr, called the Ajaib al Mukhlukāt, Wonders of the Creation, was translated into Latin by Golius in 1636, and again by Manger in 1767 and 1772, but, being more of a coarse satire on that Prince than his real history, it is little worthy of credit, and has consequently fallen into disrepute.
In the year 1783, Professor White of Oxford, published a Persian Edition of the Institutes of Timūr, with an English translation by Major William Davy of the Honourable East India Company’s Service,* which was deservedly much admired, and as it was the cause of producing the Translation of the following Memoirs, I shall take the liberty hereafter of subjoining a portion of its Preface.
In the year 1787, the late Professor Langlés of Paris, published a French translation of the Institutes, under the title of
“Instituts Politiques et Militaires de Tamerlane proprement appellé “Timour, ecrits par lui-même en Mogol, et traduits en François sur “la version Persane d’Abou Taleb al Hosseini, avec la Vie de ced “Conquerant, &c. &c.”
William Erskine, Esq. in his Preface to the Memoirs of Baber, published in 1826, (in praise of which work too much cannot be said) informs us, that he had seen at Bombay, a complete Persian translation of the Autographic Memoirs of Timour, the original of which had been found in the library of Jaafer Pashā of Yemen, and that it appears by Astley’s Collection of Voyages, that a person of that name was Pashā of Yemen in 1610. This is of importance, as it nearly fixes the date of the Persian Translation, which is confirmed by the dedication of the work to the Emperor Shāh Jehan of Hindūstan.
Having thus premised, I proceed to give a description of the Manuscript brought from India by Major Davy, which I have undertaken to translate: it is an Octavo volume, written in the common Persian hand, and as it has never been bound, was probably copied for that gentleman in Calcutta, it is enclosed in an old cover, on which is written in Major Davy’s hand; “This Manuscript, which is a fragment of Timūr’s, is very valuable, therefore preserve it with care. N. B. It is to be put in the little black writing box.”
The Manuscript contains four hundred and fifty-seven pages; after the Persian Translator’s Preface, it commences with the Institutes, which nearly agree with the printed edition; these are succeeded by the Designs and Enterprizes of the printed copy, after which follows the Book of Omens, mentioned in the 8th page of Dr. White’s Preface, and which I might probably also have omitted in my translation, did I not fear the reproach of having left part of my work undone.*
The History commences at the 188th page, with the birth of Timūr, A. H. 736, (A. D. 1336,) and is continued in the form of annals till A. H. 777, being the forty-first year of his age, omitting the last thirty years of his life.
It is written in a careless manner, occasionally obscure, with much tautology, and some repetitions, but without any break in the detail, except at the commencement of a new year, evidently evincing that the art of book-making has not been employed to set it off, and that it is a translation from some language less polished than the Persian.* I have however found it requisite to divide the Translation into Books and Chapters.
In comparing Major Davy’s Translation with Petis de la Croix’s, I have found so much discrepancy between their spelling of Oriental names, that one can hardly suppose the same persons, or places are meant, I have therefore ventured to make an innovation in Anglo-Oriental orthography, by making use of such of our letters as agree with the Persian Alphabet.
The exact pronunciation of a proper name is of little consequence to the European reader, while the Oriental student will be thus enabled to transpose it into the Persian character; some of the names of places have been so long settled, that I have not interfered with them, but take this opportunity of stating that Kund or Kend, in the Tūrky language, signifies a town, and therefore forms the termination of the names of many cities; Turān, called by the Greeks, Transoxiana, and by the Arabs, Maveralneher, should properly be spelled Ma-verā-al-neher: that which is beyond the river. Khurasān being the Eastern province of Persia, was called the Region of the Sun.
We are very much indebted to the French Literati for information on Oriental subjects, but they have led us into a very false orthography by their partiality for the letter C, which does not exist in the Persian language, and their alteration of several important letters.
Almost all Arabic names have meanings, and are derived from a root of three letters, thus from H. M. D. praise, is derived Muhammed, the greatly praised, consequently the writing of it Mahomet, as is frequently done, destroys the etymology; Amr, signifies command, whence Amyr, Commander, which should always be written with the first letter of the alphabet, although frequently written Emir and Umeer; Amyr al Mumenyn, Commander of the Faithful, must be in the recollection of every person who has read the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments.
| Dragoman | for Terjūmān, | an Interpreter; |
| Chagān | for Khakān, | an Emperor; |
| Chacan | for Shegun, | an Omen; |
The Persian short vowel called Zubber, is sounded in Persia as short a, in Turkey as short e, in India as short u, and causes a difference in the pronunciation of the natives of these countries; but as the letter E has six sounds in French, and at least three in English, the variation is not greater than is to be found in the dialects of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
I am aware that it is impossible to fix the pronunciation of any language, but as it is desirable that Translators should observe an uniform system, and the mode suggested by Sir William Jones having failed of success, I venture to propose a more simple one, which will save most of the diacritical points, so troublesome both to the writer and to the reader; viz. that of using such of our consonants as agree with those of the Persian Alphabet.
| let the short | e | represent the Persian vowel | Zebber. |
| short | i, | Zere. | |
| short | u, | Pysh. |
Our slender a in Slave, &c. does not exist in Persian, and the only
word in which the open o occurs, is in Koh, a mountain, therefore probably
a misnomer. In Arabic it is formed by the letters Ain or Alif
with the vowel Pysh, as
Note, referred to at page 1. Mr. William Davy went out to India as a Cadet, about the year 1767, and having early applied himself to the study of the Persian language, was selected by Sir Robert Barker, Commander-in-Chief of Bengal, to be his Secretary and Persian Interpreter; in this situation he was in constant habits of associating and transacting business with many of the principal natives, and even with the Great Moghul, or Emperor of Delhy; after a residence of twelve years, he returned to England. When the late Lord Macartney was appointed to the government of Madras, he requested Major Davy to accompany him; they sailed in 1781, but on their arrival found the whole of the Carnatic overrun by the armies of Hyder Aly, and the Major seeing there was no field then open for his abilities, proceeded to Calcutta, and was immediately taken into the family of the Governor General, Warren Hastings, where he employed himself in the duties of his office, the pursuit of his studies, and collecting information.
In the year 1784, he again embarked for England, but died on his passage home; his books and papers were however carefully transmitted to his executors, and by them made over to his son, now Colonel Davy of Tracey Park, near Bath, in whose library, the MS. of which I have undertaken the translation, remained unexamined till last year, when in consequence of my report of it to the Royal Asiatic Society, it was recommended to the Oriental Translation Committee. The following extract of a letter respecting the authenticity of the Institutes, was written by Major Davy, previous to his return to India, and was published with the Preface to that work.
Extract of a Letter from the late Major Davy, to the late Doctor White, Laudian Professor of Arabic in the University of Oxford, dated October 24, 1779.
“The History of Timour, written by himself, carries with it the strongest proofs that he wrote for posterity only; and that he could not, in prudence, or in policy, make his work public during his life: for it contains not only the same accurate detail of the facts and occurrences of his reign, as are found in other authors, but it goes much further. He gives you that which he only had the power to give, the secret springs and motives which influenced his conduct in the various political and military transactions of his life, the arts by which he governed, as well as the power by which he conquered. He acknowledges his weaknesses, honestly owns his errors, describes the difficulties in which he was occasionally involved by those errors, and the policy by which he surmounted and overcame those difficulties. In a word, it is a compleat Index to his head and his heart; and though, take it all in all; it redounds to the honour of both the one and the other, yet it was a work by no means calculated for the perusal of his enemies, or even his subjects during his life; since it would have enabled those who chose it, to combat him with his own weapons, or, in other words, to have turned his arts and his policy against himself. Hence it is reasonable to suppose, that the work in question was entirely unknown during his life; and its subsequent temporary obscurity may, I think, be plausibly accounted for, by the probability of one copy only existing at the time of his death, by the uncertainty into whose hands that copy fell, and by the divisions which followed in his family after the death of Shaahroch.
“Abu Taulib ul Husseini, in the Dedication of his Translation to Sultaun ul Audil, says, that in the library of Jafir, Haukim of Yemmun, he met with a manuscript in the Turki or Mogul language, which, on inspection, proved to be the History of Timour, written by himself; containing an account of his life and actions from the seventh to the seventy-fourth year of his age, &c. &c. He then proceeds to give the Translation of the said History, in which are included the Institutes.
“It may appear remarkable that the Translator should say so little, or in fact nothing, to prove the authenticity of the valuable work, which he was about to translate. It has an extraordinary appearance, I allow; but, I think, the following inferences only can be drawn from it: either that he thought the work itself contained sufficient proofs of its own authenticity, or that at the period when he translated it, it was so well known, as not to admit of doubt, or dispute. For my part, I think his inattention to this point is a very strong, if not the strongest possible proof, that the History and Institutes of Timour are genuine.
“An European critic may say, that this same Abu Taulib might have wrote the work himself in the Persian language, and have imposed it upon the world as a Translation from the Royal Mogul author. This I take to be impossible. Authors in the East neither sold their works to booksellers, nor published by subscription, nor depended for support on the applause, the generosity, or the credulity of the public: they were patronized by Princes, who rewarded their labours in proportion to the value of their works. And therefore, if Abu Taulib had been capable of writing such a work, he never would have been guilty of so dangerous and foolish an artifice, which could tend only to diminish both his fame and his profit. The applause and the reward due to the Translator of an excellent work, must, whatever his merit, be inferior to those which are due to the author of such a work; if therefore he had been master of abilities to write the Life and Institutes of Timour, as there written, he would have spoke in the third person instead of the first (no other alteration being necessary,) and have stood forth as the author of the first and best History of the Life of Timour, that ever was wrote; for which he must have obtained both applause and profit tenfold. The same mode of reasoning will hold good to prove that the Turki copy could not be wrote by any Mogul author, but him to whom it is ascribed, Timour himself.
“The noble simplicity of diction, the plain and unadorned egotism that runs through the whole of the Institutes and History of Timour, are peculiarities which mark their originality and their antiquity also. The Orientals, for some centuries past, have adopted a very different mode of writing; the best of their historical works are filled with poetical and hyperbolical flowers and flourishes, which are so numerous, and occur so frequently, that many a folio volume, weeded and pruned of these superfluities, would be reduced to a very moderate octavo.
“The only work bearing the least resemblance to the Life and Institutes of Timour, which has fallen under my observation, is the History (or Commentaries) of Sultaun Babour, written by himself.* Babour was descended from Timour in the fifth degree; he was the son of Omer, the son of Abu Saeed, the son of Mahummud, the son of Meraun Shaah, the son of Timour. About eighty years elapsed between the death of Timour and the birth of Babour. Babour in the twelfth year of his age, and the 899th year of the Hejra, sat upon the throne of his father, in the kingdom of Furgauneh. The earlier part of his life very much resembled that of his great predecessor, Timour: and his abilities in the field and in the cabinet, his fortitude in distress, his activity and courage when surrounded with difficulties and danger, and the glory and success with which his enterprizes were finally crowned, make the resemblance between these two Princes still more striking. Like Timour, Babour wrote an accurate History of his own Life and Actions in the Turki language; which though by no means equal to the admirable composition of his renowned ancestor, is a work of infinite merit. Yet this history, great as the Royal Author was, remained in obscurity till the middle of the reign of his grandson Acbur, when it was translated into the Persian language by one of his Omrahs, Khaun a Khaunaun. It is more difficult to account for the temporary obscurity of this valuable work, than for that of Timour’s; for at the death of Babour it must have fallen into the hands of his son Humaioon, and on his death, into those of Acbur. Yet till the middle of his reign it remained unknown and untranslated: and if Acbur had, in the early part of his life, been driven from his throne, if divisions had taken place in his family, and his posterity had been scattered abroad, this valuable manuscript might have fallen into private hands, and have remained unknown for a century longer; possibly, have been totally lost. No critic, either Oriental or European, pretends to dispute the authenticity of Babour’s History; and, as far as I have been able to discover, the learned of the East consider the Institutes and History of Timour as equally genuine.
“I was acquainted with several great and learned men in India, both natives and Persians: on perusing the works of Timour, I was led to make the same enquiry which you have made, whether they were, or were not authentic? The answers I received were always in the affirmative, and attended with some tokens and expressions of surprize, that I should, or could, doubt their being genuine. Shaah Aulum, the present Mogul, has a beautiful copy of the History and Institutes of Timour; which he holds in such esteem, and of which he is so exceedingly careful, that though he granted me the use of any other book in his possession, this he positively excepted by name, as a work so rare and valuable, that he could not trust it to the care of any person whatever.*
INTRODUCTION.
THE extensive region, formerly called Scythia, and now generally denominated Tartary, has been inhabited from a very early period by Nomade nations, who wandered with their flocks and herds from one part of the continent to another, frequently migrating from the shores of the Eastern Ocean, to the midst of Europe, where they were known by the appellation of Goths or Getes, Vandals, Huns, Turks, Tartars, &c.* These nations were subdivided into various tribes and hordes, consisting of from five thousand to seventy thousand families, who took their names from some celebrated chieftain, and were subject to their respective leaders under the title of Khāns (Kings); but when a number of these nations were united under one leader, he assumed the title of Khākān, (Emperor).†
In the tenth century, a person named Tumenāh Khān, whose descent has been traced by the Oriental historians from Noah, commanded a horde of Moghuls then dwelling to the north-west of China, this person had twin sons, Kubel Khān and Kajuly Behader, whom he prevailed on to sign an agreement, that the dignity of Khān should continue in the posterity of the former, and that of Sepah Salar, Commander-in-Chief, in the descendants of the latter.
From the first of these sons was descended, in the fourth degree, Zingis, called by the Persians, Jengyz Khān, born A. D. 1154, and from the second in the eighth degree, the hero of the following Memoirs, who was born in the district of Kesh, province of Maveralnaher, A. D. 1336.
Jengyz or Zingis died in A. D. 1227, having divided his vast dominions between his four sons, called Jūjy or Tūchy, Jagtay, Auktay, and Tūly; to the first of these was assigned the extensive kingdom of Kipchāk or Great Tartary; to the second, Tūrkestān and Maveralnaher, (Transoxiana); to the third, Mughulistān and Northern China; to the fourth, Persia, and that part of India, west of the river Indus. Their descendants reigned over these countries till the time of Timūr, who subdued them all; but as neither Jengyz or Timūr assumed the title of Khākān, (Emperor) there probably existed a more ancient and honourable family than either of them.* An ancestor of Timūr, named Kerachār Nuyān, was married to a daughter of Jagtay Khān, second son of Zingis, by which means the two families became doubly connected; in consequence of which, Timūr bore the title of Gūrgān, son-in-law of the Khān; it also signifies a great Prince. The continuation of the family history will be given by himself.
P. S. I fear that the number of proper names which occur in this work will tire my readers, but such is the style of Oriental history; the reason assigned for it is, that it may serve as a record of the actions of each chief, and should the author omit any persons, he might be called to account by the heirs. Mirza Abu Talib, who wrote his Travels through Europe, in 1803, apologized to his countrymen for the number of barbarous names he was obliged to relate to them, so that the complaint is mutual.
PREFACE TO THE PERSIAN TRANSLATION.
In the Name of the most merciful God,
Eternal praise is due to the Almighty, who, through his special favour, said to Adam, Verily we have made thee our vicegerent over the earth;—
He, who fixed the nest of the Phœnix (Ankay) with expanded wings of victory of the everlasting dominion of his Majesty (Timūr) on the pinnacle of the lofty mountain of Kāf, commanding the world;—
Boundless thanks be also to the Omnipotent, who has exalted above all the sovereigns of the world the dignity of the Khelāfet and the family of the Prophet, in order to disseminate the glorious religion of Muhammed, and renovate the luminous law of Mustafā;—
Glory to the Creator, who, having formed the circumference of the heavens, with all the elements, around the axis of the earth, established the circle of supreme sovereignty in the blessed person of his Majesty, confirming the sacred verse of the Korān,
“A just monarch is the Shadow of God, and the guardian of his kingdoms.”
The unworthy and sinful Abū Talib al Hussyny represents to those who stand at the foot of the royal throne, that during my residence in the two sacred cities of Mecca and Medina, I saw in the library of Jāfer, Governor (Hākim) of Yemen, a book, in the Tūrky language, dictated (mulfuzāt) by his Majesty, who now dwells in paradise, Timūr Sahib Kerāny, may God pardon him all his offences, in which are inserted all the occurrences of his life from seven to seventy-one years, and in which he narrates the means by which he had subdued so many countries, and had become the sovereign of so many dominions, in hopes that this book may become an exemplar for posterity, and the cause of promoting religion.
But as the work was written in the Tūrky language interspersed with Arabic, and therefore difficult to be understood, I have translated it from Tūrky into easy Persian, that it may be useful to Princes in administering their affairs and in preserving their authority. Ministers and Generals may also derive great benefit from the perusal of it in conducting the business of Government.
May the Almighty God preserve and protect his Imperial Majesty Sahib Kerany Sany* (Shāh Jehān) from all the vicissitudes and evils of life, and keep extended over the heads of mankind the Shadow of his Sovereignty and Justice through the (intercession) of the Arabian Prophet, his illustrious descendants, and his beneficent companions.—The Text will be found in Appendix No. I.
BOOK I.—TEZŪKĀT.
CHAPTER I.
Be it known to my victorious and fortunate Sons, to my noble and princely Grandsons and others, that,*
* * * * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * *
I have written my Memoirs in the Tūrky language, in order that each and every one of my posterity, who, by the divine aid, and the protection of Muhammed, (upon whom and upon his descendants be the peace of God) shall ascend my Throne and succeed to my Sovereignty, which I obtained by much labour, toil, marches and wars, (having understood them) may put in practice those rules and regulations, by which their Sovereignty and Dominion may be preserved safe from ruin or decay.
N. B. Here follow Books 2d and 3d, being the Institutes and Designs translated by Major Davy and edited by Professor White, 4to. edition, Oxford, A. D. 1783; and which also appear in the French edition of the Institutes, by Monsieur Langlès, Paris, A. D. 1787. In some of the MSS. that I have examined, the Memoirs precede the Institutes, but in Col. Davy’s copy they follow them.
BOOK IV.—MULFUZĀT.
CHAPTER I.
Be it known to my fortunate Children, to my intelligent Ministers, to my faithful and zealous Nobles, that Almighty God, on account of the Twelve following Rules, which I have constantly practised, hath conferred greatness on me, and hath made me the Shepherd of his flock, and hath assisted me by his celestial aid so that I have attained the high pre-eminence of Sovereignty;—
1st. Having taken in hand the Scales of Justice, I have neither increased nor decreased (the portion of any one) but weighed equally to all;
2d. I have administered strict justice to mankind and endeavoured to discriminate between truth and falsehood;
3d. I paid obedience to the orders of God and respected his holy laws, and honoured those whom he had honoured;
4th. I had compassion on mankind and conferred benefits on all, and, by these qualities, I gained the affections of God’s creatures, nor did I ever vex a single heart by injustice, I never turned away a supplicant from my court, but whoever took refuge with me I assisted;
5th. I ever gave the affairs of religion precedence over worldly affairs. I first performed my duty towards God and then attended to my worldly concerns;
6th. I always spoke the truth, and ever listened to the truth, and with sincerity performed my religious and secular duties, and avoided the paths of crookedness. For I have heard that, when God created Adam, the Angels said to each other, “a creature has been formed whose posterity will be liars, breakers of their promise, and guilty of wickedness.” The Lord said to the Angels, I will send a Sword among them, which shall cut in pieces every perverse or unrighteous person it encounters, as I have heard that the Sword there meant is (the power of) Princes, it is therefore incumbent on every Monarch to speak and listen only to truth;
7th. I have always performed whatever I promised to any person, nor ever deviated from my agreement. I was never guilty of Tyranny nor Injustice, nor ever permitted myself to fall into vice or infamy, nor, on any occasion, did I cut the cord of affection due to my children, grand-children, relations, or connexions;
8th. I considered myself as the Treasurer of the property of God, and never expended any of his sacred property without the sanction of his deputies (the clergy). In collecting the revenues from his servants, I observed lenity and discretion, nor did I ever take the wealth or possessions of any person unjustly, neither did I employ myself in accumulating riches or substance, but ever looked to the welfare and happiness of my soldiers and subjects; thus I did not touch the accumulations of my Father’s nobles, nor was I covetous of the property of any person; for it is known to me, by experience, that Amyr Hussyn having cast the eyes of covetousness upon the property of his soldiers and subjects, and seized upon the wealth of his Father’s nobles, his prosperity was soon annihilated;
9th. I considered obedience to God as consisting in submission to his prophet, and therefore acted according to the Law of Muhammed, and did nothing contrary to that sacred code: I always considered the Descendants of Muhammed (on whom be the peace of God) and the companions of his Holiness as my friends, and performed to them the duties of affection;
10th. I gave currency to the faith of Islam through all my dominions, and supported religion, by which means I gave stability to my Government;—for I had heard that Church and State are twins, and that every Sovereignty that is not supported by religion soon loses all authority, and its orders are not obeyed, but that every person, worthy or unworthy, presumes to meddle therewith;
11th. I gave free admission to the Syeds,* to the learned, and to the prelates of religion, and always treated them with great respect, and never turned any of them away from my court, so that they constantly attended my assemblies, and induced the people to pray for my prosperity; I constantly associated with the learned and religious, and heard from them many anecdotes, both of sacred and profane history;
Thus they related to me that the King of Constantinople, once invaded the dominions of the King of Ry, but having heard that his Court was attended by numbers of Syeds, and many learned and devout personages, he refrained from subduing his country, but wrote to the Ministers and Nobles, “I have read in the Heavenly books, that whatever Court is attended by learned, devout, and religious persons, that Government cannot be overturned, and having been informed that such is the case of your country, I am convinced it cannot be subdued.” He also wrote to the King, “Whereas I have discovered that your disposition resembles that of our former just Monarchs, I have not injured your country, but having withdrawn my army, have ceased from attacking you. Farewell.”
12th. I asked the blessings of the Hermits, of the other inspired and holy persons, and besought their prayers; I also protected the Anchorets and the Dervishes, I never vexed them, but captivated their hearts; I exerted myself in arranging the affairs of the Musselmāns, and avoided killing any of their people; I paid particular respect to the descendants of the Prophet, and was cautious never to degrade or injure any of that noble race; I also shunned the discourse of the wicked and ungodly;
For I had heard that when God elects a person to the government of a country, and places in his hands the reins of authority over mankind, in order that he may rule them with justice, if he conducts himself with equity and propriety, his kingdom endures, but if on the contrary, he is guilty of injustice and tyranny, and commits unlawful actions, the Lord renders him childless, and takes away his Dominion and Sovereignty, to give them to another;—
Wherefore in order to preserve my Sovereignty, I took Justice in one hand, and Equity in the other hand, and, by the light of these two lamps, I kept the palace of Royalty illuminated;—
As I had heard that just Kings are the Shadow of God, and that the best King is he who imitates the disposition of the Lord, in forgiving sinners, I followed the examples of those just Kings, and forgave my enemies.
I appointed four righteous Ministers to govern my dominions, the first of these was the praiseworthy Mahmūd, commonly called the Meteor of Khorasān, the next was Nasir Addeen; I gave them positive orders that they were never to advise me to do any thing that was unjust, that they themselves should never deviate from the path of rectitude, nor mis-represent evil for good, that they should always tell me the truth, and never deceive me by falsehood, and that they should not pry into the wealth and property of my subjects.
For I had been informed that whenever God Almighty exalts any person to the throne of Sovereignty, he confers on him special dignity and wisdom, by means of which he renders mankind obedient to him, this virtue is a ray of the Grace of God which shines on the Monarch, and as long as he is grateful for that favour, his fortune and dominion continue to increase.
Thus when I reviewed my army in the plains of Anatolia, and found that it extended fifteen miles in length, I considered that this innumerable host were all obedient to me, and returned thanks to God, for having made so many of his creatures subservient to my will, although but a weak mortal like themselves.
When I mentioned this subject to the learned of my court, they said, the Grace of God has thrown on you a Divine ray, which is called “the Shadow of God,” as the Prophet hath said, “a just King is the shadow of God,” by means of which shadow a just Monarch keeps mankind in subjection, and from the dread of that shadow, the people are obedient, and his power and authority become current over the empire; wherefore as long I have been seated on the throne of Sovereignty, I have been ever grateful for that favour, and have constantly paid respect to the orders of God, by shewing kindness to his creatures, and have always conducted myself with equity and justice.
In consequence of this determination, when I had reached my twenty-first year, I resigned the guidance of my conscience into the hands of the Pole star of religion, Shaik Zyn Addeen Abu Beker, Tatyabady, upon which occasion he bound round my loins his own shawl-girdle, he then placed his own cap on my head, and put on my finger a ruby ring, on which was engraved, (Rāsty va Rūsty) Righteousness and Salvation, and said, “the aurora of your good fortune will shortly dawn, for I have seen by inspiration, that in obedience to the orders of the chief of the descendants of the Prophet (Aly) a man of God will become your tutelar Saint, it is not convenient that you should now see him, but, the time will come, when he shall see you, and you shall see him.” Thus when I was seventy years of age, and was returning in A. H. 806, from the conquest of Anatolia, I paid my respects to the Kutb al Aārifyn, (Pole star of Wisdom), Shaikh Sudder Addeen Ardebelly,* and having begged his blessing, requested that he would allow one of his disciples to accompany me, to be my spiritual guide; he replied, “in the Mountain of Salaran, there is a fountain, the water of which is sometimes cold, sometimes warm, go thither, and the first person that shall come there to perform his ablutions, and say his prayers, will be your guide:” in compliance with the commands of the Shaikh, I went up to the fountain, performed my ablutions, and having said my prayers, waited with anxiety to see who should come; to my great surprise, the first person who came to the fountain in the morning, made his ablutions and prayed, was my Head Groom, (Myr Akhūr); the second and third day, the same circumstances were repeated, I was astonished and said to myself, surely the Shaikh has made a mistake, but addressing myself to the man, I said, “O Syed, I have hitherto considered you as one of my inferior servants, how is it that you have attained this dignity and honour;” he replied, by order of the Kutb al Aktab, (Star of Stars), even from the very commencement of your Sovereignty, I have been the firm supporter of your government; he then began to say his prayers, in which I joined him; during this religious act, I experienced both delight and inspiration. When we had finished our prayers, he said, “O Prince you are at this moment the Guest of God, whatever the guest asks of his host, is gratuitously given;” accordingly I wished for Faith, he replied, “the faith in Muhammed is eternal;’ it is a city where those who encompass it proclaim, ‘there is no God but God,’ and those in the interior reply, ‘it is known there is no God but God;’ That city is the Gate of Gates, and those who enter or come forth from it, are constantly repeating those words;” at this time I bent down my head in prostration, when I again raised my head, I saw that my companion had resigned his soul to his Creator; I was much affected. When I reported the circumstances I had seen to the Shaikh, he replied, “the arrangement of the affairs of every country, and the power of placing and displacing of Monarchs, with the bestowing of Kingdoms on the Worthy, and taking them from the Unworthy, is in the hands of the True Worshippers, who are the Agents of God; every country has its peculiar Guardian, or Patron Saint, appointed by the Kutb al Aktab, whilst the Guardian supports the Monarch, the country flourishes, but otherwise it falls to decay:* as long as the Guardian exists, the State prospers, but whenever he is withdrawn it declines, and if another Patron is not appointed in his stead, that dominion is shortly subverted.” The Shaikh continued, “the Man of God, who had charge of the Kingdom of Kyser,† died this year, on which account you have been easily victorious over him.” I considered this was a warning, that my turn would soon come, but as I had still hopes that another Patron would be appointed in the room of my deceased saint, I made an offering to the Shaikh of four thousand captives, natives of that country, (Rūm)‡ in order to supplicate his intercession.
In the year 771, A. H. (A. D. 1378), when I had driven the Jetes* out of Tūran, and mounted the throne (of Tartary), and had directed the royal proclamation (Khutbeh) to be read from all the pulpits, the Syeds, the learned, the prelates, the rich, and the poor, all raised their hands (to heaven) in prayer for my prosperity; but Khuajē Abyd, who was the most celebrated prelate of that time, forbade them to pray for me, saying, “do not pray for this murderer and blood-thirsty Tūrk, who has put to death an innumerable number of Musselmāns, nor repeat blessings on him.” On that very night the Khuajē dreamt that he saw me standing in the presence of his Holiness the Prophet, that he entered, and several times made his obedience to Muhammed, without his salutation being returned, at length he called out, “O Messenger of God, do you permit this wretch Timūr, who has murdered hundreds of thousands of your followers, and who has destroyed the habitations of so many Musselmāns, to stand near you, whilst you do not return the salutation of me who am the zealous supporter of your religion, and the establisher of your law?” his Holiness replied to him in an angry manner, “although Timūr has shed much of the blood of my followers, as he has been the friend, the supporter, and respecter of my posterity and descendants, why dost thou forbid the people to pray for and bless him?” The Khuajē having awoke, came even during the night to me, and asked pardon: when this intelligence reached the people, they all raised their hands in prayer for my prosperity, and, considering me as supported by the Divine favour, bore witness to my right: in gratitude for this favour, I day by day shewed more respect, attention, and affection to the descendants of Muhammed, and esteemed myself as the elect of God.
Another circumstance which confirmed me in my opinion, that I had the Divine support, occurred in the year 804, when I invaded the country of Anatolia with four hundred thousand cavalry, and Bayazid had drawn out his army to oppose me; whilst I was reviewing my forces, a party of three hundred of the Arabs of Irāc, and Syeds of Kerbela and Nejef, commanded by Syed Muhammed Miftah, came to my assistance, I ordered them to be admitted, considering their coming as an auspicious omen, and a proof of the Divine aid. Syed Muhammed, who was also the standard bearer, advanced and said, “the fourth Khalif (Aly) appeared to me in a dream, and said to me, carry my white standard to the young Tūrk:” having consulted the principal persons of Nejef, they agreed that, “you the Prince Timūr, who have just invaded this country, are the person meant.” I returned thanks to God for this special favour, and commanded that the history of the white standard should be recorded in the Royal Journals.
Soon after this, Aykē-Timūr having come near me, called out, “may the victory be propitious;” I took the word Victory as an omen, and gave him charge of the white standard, with orders to go and commence hostilities: on seeing the white standard, he was much affected, and set out to comply with my commands.
Another of the omens which afforded me much pleasure was this, when Tugleck Timūr Khān, the descendant of Jengyz Khān, the first time he invaded Maveralnaher, and had crossed the Sihūn (Jaxartes), summoned all the chiefs to meet him. Hajy Berlas was afraid, and preferred emigration to remaining, therefore set out for Khorasān. I was also divided in my opinion what I should do, I therefore wrote to my Counsellor (Peer) for his advice, whether I should go and meet Tugleck Timūr, or, having collected all my horde and tribe, proceed to Khorasān. He wrote me this answer:
“It was asked of the fourth Khalif Aly, ‘if the heavens were bows, and the “earths the strings of those bows, and calamities were the arrows, and mankind “the butt of those arrows, and the archer should be God, to whom ought man“kind to flee for succour, the Khalif replied, that they should flee to God.’ It is “therefore your business to advance towards Tugleck Timūr, to embrace him, “and to pluck the bow and arrow from his arms. Farewell.”*
From this letter I received much consolation, and I went and met Tugleck Timūr on the banks of the Khojend river; he was much rejoiced at my coming; he made me one of his counsellors, employed me and consulted me on all occasions, until he received intelligence that his chiefs had raised the standard of rebellion in the Desht Kipchāk,† on this subject he consulted me, whether he should go himself to quell them, or should send another army to do so; I said to him, “in your going there is only one danger, but in sending, there are two, the wise man is he who chooses the lesser danger;” hereon he praised me exceedingly: again he consulted me respecting the government of Maveralnaher, I said to him, “your government resembles a tent, let the poles thereof be made of the wood of equity, and let the rope pins be firmly fixed in the ground of justice, so that every person, who enters the tent, may pass out in safety.”
“Act kindly to the Syeds, the learned, and the prelates of that country, and preserve the people under the shadow of your justice, do good to the good, and use policy with the bad, so that you may restrain the soldiers in the bonds of kindness.”
But he disgusted his chiefs by confiscating the property they had collected from the people of Maveralnaher, and compelling them to pay it into his treasury; he consulted me again on this occasion, I told him “that the minds of the Tūrks were narrow like their eyes, that it was requisite to satiate them in order to gain their attachment, and to tie up their tongues.”
As he much approved of my advice, he set out for the Desht Kipchāk, in order to quell the rebels, and left me in charge of Maveralnaher: he further wrote an agreement, stating that he had divided the kingdom with me in a brotherly manner, but this was a mere pretence to keep me quiet while he was engaged with the rebels.*
Another of the auspicious omens predicting my future greatness, was this: in a dream I saw the Prophet Muhammed, “on whom be the Grace of God,” who congratulated me and said, “in consequence of the support you have given to my descendants, the Almighty has decreed that seventy-two of your posterity shall sit on the throne of Sovereignty.” When I awoke, I wrote all the particulars of this dream to my Peer, he replied by letter, “I congratulate you on this “dream, your having seen the Prophet, (on whom be the grace of God) proves “that you will certainly obtain numerous victories, and that many happy con“sequences will arise from this dream.” As the Emperor Subuktageen, in “consequence of his pity to a doe, (whose fawn he had caught and released) “was honoured by a vision of the Prophet, who said to him, ‘in recompense of “the pity that you this day shewed to the animal, the Almighty will bestow “sovereignty on your posterity for many generations;’ how much more so will “he bestow on you, who through compassion to the Syeds and other inhabi“tants of Maveralnaher, have delivered them from the cruel hands and slavery “of the Jetes; doubtless your descendants shall reign for seventy-two gene“rations.” To elucidate the circumstance, it becomes requisite to mention, that, when Tugleck Timūr Khān invaded Maveralnaher a second time, he sent me a friendly invitation, I therefore went to meet him, but he broke his promise (of confirming me as Governor of the province), and gave the country to his son Alyas Khuajē, and made me his Commander in Chief (Sepah Salar); but when he saw that I was dissatisfied, he produced the agreement engraven on steel, between my ancestor Kajuly Behader and Kubyl Khān, wherein it was stipulated that the dignity of Khān should for ever continue in the posterity of Kubyl Khān, and that of Sepah Salar with the descendants of Kajuly Behader, and that they should never oppose each other;* when this agreement was read to me, in order to comply with its contents, I accepted the appointment of Commander in Chief; but as Alyas Khuajē had no talents for governing, and permitted his soldiers to extend the hand of rapine, the inhabitants of Maveralnaher came to me, and complained that the Jetes† had carried off nearly one thousand of their virgin daughters from Samerkand and its neighbourhood, and that the orders of Alyas Khuajē were not listened to by his followers; again a number of the Syeds of Termuz came and complained to me, that the Tūrkish soldiers had carried into captivity seventy of their brethren and children, all descendants of the Prophet (on whom be the grace of God): on hearing of this my honour was roused, I pursued the plunderers, defeated them, and recovered the captives; on this account the Jetes bound up the loins of animosity against me, and carried their complaints to Tugleck Timūr Khān, and wrote to him that I had raised the standard of rebellion, in consequence of which he issued an edict for putting me to death, which edict fell into my hands; it was at this time that I had the dream above mentioned.
Another happy omen was this, my Peer‡ wrote to me, he had seen in a vision, that the Almighty had appointed me his treasurer, and that the keys of the treasury would be consigned to me by his Vizier Mustafā; this good news exalted my ideas, and induced me to expect success from fate.
Another time when I was very much annoyed by the oppressions of the Jetes, and knew not what to do, I received the following letter from my Peer.
“The supported of the Lord, may God continue to protect him; I have seen “in a vision, the messenger of the Lord of all worlds, who has promised to make “you his vicegerent, and support you, and therefore be not afraid, nor despond, “for he is with you.”
I was much rejoiced by this letter, and became strong of heart, although I was in daily expectation of the arrival of Tugleck Timūr’s edict to put me to death; and when the edict did arrive, (the Saint) Amyr Kelan, sent me this verse of the traditions of the Prophet, “Flight is proper for him who has not the power to oppose.” I therefore fled to Khuarizm, with sixty horsemen, and wrote a description of my situation to my Peer, and received the following answer to my letter; “may God protect Abul Munsūr Timūr; let him lay down these four “rules for his conduct, that with the arm of magnanimity he may be successful “and prosperous through life, as is recorded in the traditions.
“1st. Be determined in whatever you undertake, place your undertakings “on faith in God, and do not relax your exertions.
“2nd. Invest yourself with the robe of honour, and permit not fornication or “adultery to be committed in your dominion: It is related that a Crane once saw “in her nest, a young Raven associating with her young ones, and for several “days and nights she permitted it to remain, at length a number of Cranes col“lected and tore the owner of the nest to pieces with their beaks and claws: the “honour of a man should far exceed that of birds, especially that of Princes, “which should ever protect the respectability and reputation of their subjects.
“3rd. Do not neglect consultation, prudence, and caution, for every dominion “which is void of these is soon overturned.
“4th. It is a tradition of the illustrious Khalifs, that stability is better than “perturbation, therefore endue yourself with bravery and magnanimity;—grace “be with him who follows the true direction.”*
Another presage of my good fortune was this, a celebrated Astrologer waited on me, and delivered a plan of my Horoscope, stating that at the time of my birth, the planets were in so favourable and auspicious conjunction as certainly to predict the stability and duration of my good fortune and Sovereignty; that I should be superior to all the Monarchs of the age; that whoever were my enemies should be subdued, and whoever were my friends should be prosperous; that I should be the protector of religion, the destroyer of idols, the father of my people; that my descendants should reign for many generations, and that they should be prosperous as long as they continued to support the Muhammedan religion, but if they should deviate therefrom, their dominion would soon be annihilated.
About this time I also had an extraordinary dream, I thought I was seated on the sea-shore, and that I had in my hands a large net, which I dexterously threw, and caught a number of crocodiles and other large fish; this dream I interpreted thus, that the net was my dominion, which shall spread over the face of the globe, and that all mankind will become subject to me.†
Another circumstance which strengthened my faith in the Divine aid, was this; at the time that I approached the Jete army, under Alyas Khuajē, and had drawn up my own forces, and put on my armour, whilst I was considering the plan of the battle, the hour for prayer arrived; after having made my devotions, I again looked at the plan of the battle, and then lay down on the spot where I had said my prayers; soon after, I dreamt that I heard a voice say, “Timūr, victory and success is thine:” when I awoke, I could not see any body, nor were there any of my servants or attendants near, I was therefore convinced that the voice was the voice of an angel, (Hatif Ghyb) or invisible spirit, which I had heard, and in gratitude, prostrated myself, and returned thanks to God.
From amongst the encouraging circumstances that occurred, was this; at the period that I invaded Fars, Shāh Munsūr came unexpectedly on me with five thousand horse, I called out for a spear, but none of my attendants were in readiness; suddenly I saw a Spearman in the form and dress of an Arab at my side, who gave into my hand a lance, and said, “O God assist Timūr,” at this instant Shāh Munsūr fell from his horse, and (my son) Shāh Rūkh came up with him and wounded him. When I made inquiry for the Arab, he was no where to be found, but I subdued the province of Fars.
Another extraordinary event was this, at the time that I dispossessed the Ruler (Valy) of Balkh of his country, my Peer wrote to me, “may the victorious Timūr consider this note as auspicious; the Guardian Angel of Khorasān has given the key of that country into your hands, it is requisite that you shall deliver that province from the injustice of Sultān Ghyās Addeen.” I was rejoiced by this intelligence, and immediately set out for Khorasān, and having crossed the Jihun, I subdued Ghyās Addeen, and took all his stores and treasures.
Another of the proofs of Divine aid which I received, was this, Syed Mahmūd Gēsūderāz* waited on me, and congratulated me that Amyr Syed Aly Hamdāny (another Saint) had deputed him to tell me, that the Holy Prophet had taken me under his care and protection, in order that I might propagate the faith of Islam in the extensive region of India: on receipt of this message, I bound up my loins in the service of Amyr Syed Aly, because previous to this time while I was at Samerkand, he had used very harsh expressions towards me, which had very much affected me, but for which he afterwards apologized. I was however afraid that he was still incensed against me, till I received this message, when I was convinced that these people (the Saints) do not harbour malice, I therefore recovered my spirits.
Soon after this notice, I began to destroy the temples of India, and to give currency to the Muhammedan religion in that country; when I destroyed the temple of Kukel, which was one of the greatest in that region, I broke the images with my own hands, previous to which the Brahmans brought me several loads of gold, and requested me to spare their gods; I said to them, “I will break your gods, to give them an opportunity of performing a miracle by healing themselves.” Amongst the images, was one the size of a man, which they begged me not to break, and even threatened me with his vengeance, saying, “amongst the miracles, which the original of this performed, was, his getting sixteen hundred women with child in one night.” I replied, “the cursed Satan debauches several thousands of persons in a very short period, therefore this miracle is of no weight.”
Another extraordinary circumstance was this; whenever I undertook any thing, I cared not whether it was deemed a lucky or an unlucky hour, but placing my faith on God, I commenced it, yet the Astrologers always affirmed that whatever I had undertaken, the hour had been propitious for the event.
Another very encouraging presage, was this; when Tugleck Timūr Khān advanced into Maveralnaher, I was doubtful whether I should go and meet him; I dreamt that a Falcon came and sat on my hand, and a number of cattle gathered around me;* among the cattle was a Lion, which I seized, and put a collar on him: the interpretation of this dream was thus explained; viz. The Falcon was the emblem of good fortune and sovereignty, the cattle signified abundance and prosperity, the Lion typified the Monarch, on whom I should place the collar, and subdue him; being thus encouraged, I went and met Tugleck Timūr Khān.†
When I invaded Fars, I saw in a dream, that a number of bottles of wine had been presented me, and that I broke them in pieces with my sword, by which means I much injured the sword; the interpretation of this dream was, that I should suffer some misfortune. It was shortly after this that Shāh Munsūr attacked me suddenly with five thousand horse, and although I completely defeated him, nevertheless at that time my troops were defeated in the desert, by Tucktumush Khān, who forgetting my kindness to him, and my raising him to be King of the Desht Kipchāk, had watched his opportunity, and attacked me with an army as numerous as the drops of rain; I therefore wrote to him, “Whoever returns evil for good, must be a bastard, and will certainly receive his reward; when you fled from Aurūs Khān, did I not give you an asylum, I released you and made you King of the Desht: as you have not been sensible of my kindness, but have taken this opportunity to attack me, be assured you shall suffer for your bad intentions.”
About this period I dreamed, that the sun arose in the east, and having ascended over my head, became suddenly eclipsed, it then retrograded and sunk in the east: the interpretation of this dream was, that Tucktumush Khān was typified by the sun, that he should advance against me, that he should be defeated, and compelled to retreat by the same road he came; thus it was that Tucktumush Khān came against me with a numerous army, but my troops attacked him with the fierceness of lions, and destroyed them, by which means the tribe of Jujy were plundered and put to shameful flight, and I returned successful and victorious.*
When I was about to invade Arabian Irāc, I dreamed that I had entered a valley, in which I saw a number of lions, that they came close to me, and in fact surrounded me: afterwards when I entered that country, I found that the inhabitants of it, although Arabs by descent, had very much the features of lions; they however brought me valuable presents, and I subdued the kingdom of Irāc Arab.
When I was about to invade Hindūstan, and my chiefs, by their backwardness, rendered me doubtful whether I should proceed; I dreamt that I was in a large garden, and saw a number of people who were pruning the trees, and sowing seeds; that the garden was full of trees, both great and small, on the tops of which the birds had built their nests; I thought that I had a sling in my hand, and that I destroyed the nests with stones from the sling, and drove away all the birds: this dream was realised when I took that country, by my expelling all the Sultāns, and taking possession of the kingdom.
Again, when I invaded Syria, the armies of Egypt and Constantinople both joined the Syrians, on which occasion my nobles came to me, and said in a desponding manner, “to contend with three nations, and to defeat three armies, requires a greater force than we have;” I was then engaged in prayer, and soon after having fallen asleep, I dreamt that I ascended a mountain, and that when I arrived at the top, I was overwhelmed in black and white clouds, and caught in a whirlwind of dust, this was succeeded by a heavy shower of rain, which soon laid the dust; the learned of my court expounded the dream in this manner; viz. “The mountain is the kingdom of Syria, the black and white clouds are the armies of Egypt and Syria, the rain is the army of your Majesty, which will shortly annihilate your enemies, and settle all these disturbances.” I placed much faith in my dream, persevered in my intentions, and shortly defeated the armies of Syria and of Egypt, and was successful and victorious. Again when the Kyser Bayazid (Bajazet) advanced against me with four hundred thousand warriors, and the shouts of the Rūmians were excessive, I addressed myself to the Prophet and his descendants, and employed myself in prayer that night; I dreamt that I was travelling through a wilderness, and that I saw a number of people on all sides, at this time I observed a great light, which seemed attached to the horizon of the heavens; I went towards the light, but was interrupted by three mounds of earth, which fell before me, and from which there arose a great smoke; I also saw five persons, who having taken the hands of each other, proceeded before me; from seeing these persons, I felt a degree of awe and dread, and I heard some one say, this is the Prophet who is going with his friends to heaven; upon which I hastened, and having overtaken them, made my obeisance to Muhammed, “upon whom and upon his descendants be the grace of God.” The prophet made a sign to one of his four companions who had a club in his hand, to give it me; when I took it in my hand, it became very long; when I awoke from my sleep, I found myself exalted and exhilirated by this dream, and became strong of heart, as if I had been strengthened and aided by the white standard of Aly; and it was in consequence of this dream that I was enabled to take from the Kyser the kingdom of Rūm.
After this, when I called to mind the toils and labours I had undergone, in subduing so many countries of the world by the arm of courage, I considered whether it was likely that my good fortune and sovereignty should endure, and was anxious to discover which of my sons or descendants, the Almighty would place upon my throne, in order to preserve my fame and glory: shortly after this I saw in a dream the Prophet of God, who told me “that seventy-two persons of my descendants should be rulers of the earth.”
Still I was anxious on this subject, till I saw in a dream, that I was sitting under a shady tree, having innumerable branches and leaves, the top of which reached to the heavens; from the leaves and branches of this tree, there fell, like a heavy shower of rain, various kinds of fruit, immediately all sorts of reptiles, birds, cattle, and other animals, surrounded the tree, and voraciously began eating the fruit; afterwards they violently attacked each other with their claws and beaks; when I had tasted the different kinds of fruit, I found some of them sweet, some sour, some bitter, some insipid, at this time I heard a voice proclaim, “this is the tree which you yourself have planted;” when I awoke, the interpreters expounded the dream thus, “you are the tree, the leaves and branches are your posterity, who shall be the supporters of your state and sovereignty, and will benefit mankind by their benevolence.”
Another time when I had reflected on the past, I repented and was ashamed of many of my doings and sayings, and soon after dreamt that I was sitting in a desert, overgrown with thorns and thistles, and that I was surrounded by dogs, hogs, demons, men and women with frightful and horrid countenances; I was so terrified by their appearance that I awoke, and was so much impressed by this dream, that I wrote the circumstance to my Peer,* and received from him the following answer, “that which you saw in a dream was the representation of “your vices and evil actions, such as tyranny, passion, lust, injuring the crea“tures of God, avarice, covetousness, envy, and pride, which are all of the worst “quality; therefore change your habits, and you will receive the reward of good “actions and virtuous morals.” In consequence of this advice, from that time I refrained from injuring mankind, and from all enmity and strife.
Another time I dreamt that I entered a garden filled with flowers and odoriferous herbs, in it were also many fruit trees, and running streams, it was inhabited by beautiful young persons and charming songsters, also by handsome boys and girls, all of whom came and paid their respects to me; I was much delighted with them, and so pleased with my dream, that I again wrote all the particulars to my Peer, who wrote me in answer, “return thanks to God, for “the Almighty has shewn you the representation of your good actions and vir“tuous deeds, and know that the Prophet (on whom be peace) hath said ‘every “man at his birth has two devils in attendance;’ I also had them, but by the “grace of God, I have subdued them; it is therefore incumbent on every man “to imitate the conduct of the Holy Prophet, and endeavour to subdue his “animal and brutal passions, and invest himself with good qualities and praise“worthy morals, by which he may attain eternal felicity. Farewell.”
At the time that I determined on a holy war against the unbelievers of China (Khāta), and having made my preparations, and marched from Samerkund, I became doubtful whether my life would last the accomplishment of this design, and whether I should proceed on this sacred expedition, or relinquish it; I dreamt that I had climbed a high tree, and that I was sitting on one of its numerous branches, when the branch broke, and I fell to the ground; I also thought that I was carrying a pitcher of wine on my head, and was going along the road, suddenly the pitcher fell from my head and was broken, and the wine spilt; I then thought that my Father Teragay took me by the hand, and led me into a meadow, and having left me there, went away; the interpreters expounded this dream in a manner that was not satisfactory, I, therefore, resigned myself to the decrees of Providence.
Also about this time, I dreamt that I was in a frightful desert, and that I was quite alone, but that after travelling some distance, I came to a green plain, in the midst of which was a garden; I entered the garden and found it delightful, it contained fountains and rivulets of pure water, and trees inhabited by sweet singing birds; in the middle of the garden I saw a lofty palace, and a stately looking man was seated on a throne in the hall of the palace, and on his right and left hands stood numerous attendants, and they had in their hands, papers and pens, and several volumes were lying before them; I asked what is this man writing, I was answered, in these volumes the destiny and period of life of all mankind is written; I wished to inquire how long I had to live, and what was to be my destiny, but I awoke from my dream.
At the time I invaded the province of Fars, the people of Shirāz took part with Shāh Munsūr, and having joined him, put my Governor (Hakim) to death, I therefore gave orders for a general massacre of the inhabitants of Shirāz, on which, the very religious Syed Abul Ishāk waited on me, and requested that I would cancel the cruel order, I however would not listen to the request of the Syed; that very night I dreamt that I saw the Prophet, (upon whom be the grace of God), who frowned on me and said, “one of my posterity came to your court and interceded for a number of culprits, why did you not attend to his petition, that I might have interceded for you at the court of the Almighty;” when I awoke, I perceived my error, and immediately mounting my horse, I rode to the residence of the Syed, and begged his pardon; I also put an immediate stop to the slaughter, and ordered that Shirāz should in future be annexed to the royal exchequer, and an annual allowance made to several of the inhabitants; and I also bestowed on Khuajē Mahmūd, the district of Mehrjān, and conferred a title on him; I then made a vow that I would never again reject the petition of a Syed, that I would never be deficient in respect to them, but that I would always do honour to the descendants of Muhammed, and the companions of his Holiness; that being convinced of the obligation of aiding and befriending them, I would more and more extend my favour towards them.
I communicated all these circumstances to my Peer, who immediately wrote on the margin of my letter, “may God grant all thy desires, and may this lesson “prove auspicious to the posterity of the Prophet, through the intercession of “Muhammed and the Divine grace; in obedience to the orders of God, and “for his sake, you must befriend this class; do you not see that by honouring “and respecting them, you draw down blessings on your own posterity, and as “long as the conduct of the latter shall be proper, they may hope for aid in “this world and the next; let your kindness to them increase and increase; sal“vation to him who follows the true guidance.”
But of all the presages of my future greatness, that which gave me the most pleasure, and confidence in the Divine aid, was a circumstance that my Father Teragay told me, he said, “sometime previous to your birth, I dreamt that a person of a luminous countenance, resembling, in figure and dress, an Arabian, presented me with a naked scymitar, with which when I began to fence, there issued from it numerous sparks which illuminated the whole earth, after which there spouted from my hand a jet d’eau, which threw the water into the air, and which fell in large drops on the ground; the interpreters being consulted, thus expounded my dream; of your sons, one will be a world-subduing sword, who will purify the earth from the defilement (of idolatry), and spread the true religion over the face of the globe, and will generally benefit mankind, and his descendants and posterity shall be numerous.”
This omen rejoiced me extremely; I was convinced that Sovereignty was written in the page of my destiny, but resolved to be contented with whatever of good or evil might occur to me, and to be satisfied with the decrees of Providence.
BOOK V.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE HISTORY.
CHAPTER I.
My Father Teragay related to me the following circumstance relative to my name, “soon after your birth, I took your virtuous mother to pay our respects “to the celebrated Saint Shaikh Shems Addeen, when we entered his apartment, “he was reading aloud the 67th Chapter of the Korān, and was repeating this “verse; ‘Are you sure that he who dwelleth in heaven, will not cause the earth “to swallow you up, and behold it shall shake,” (Tamurū). The Shaikh then stopt and said, “we have named your son, Timūr.”*
I was much delighted by this anecdote, and returned thanks to God that my name was taken from the sacred volume; it was also a great inducement for me to learn that chapter by heart.
When I had attained my seventh year, my father took me by the hand, and led me to the school, where he placed me under charge of Mullā Aly Beg, the Mullā having written the Arabic alphabet on a plank, placed it before me, I was much delighted with it, and considered the copying of it as an amusement.
When I reached my ninth year, they taught me the daily service of the Mosque, during which I always read the 91st Chapter, denominated the Sun.
While seated in the school-room, I always took the chief seat, and often fancied myself the commander of all the other boys. One day a subject of conversation was started, on which was the best mode of sitting, each boy gave some answer to the question, when it came to my turn, I said, the best mode of sitting is on the knees, for Muhammed has commanded, “whilst in prayer sit on your knees;” on which all the spectators praised me exceedingly. When we came out from school, we began to play as children, but I assuming the command, stood upon a high mound, and having divided them into two armies, caused them to fight a sham battle, and when I saw one of the parties worsted, I sent them assistance.
At twelve years of age, I fancied that I perceived in myself all the signs of greatness and wisdom, and whoever came to visit me, I received with great hauteur and dignity.
At this time I selected four amiable companions, with whom I constantly associated, and when I attained the sovereignty, I remembered their claims, as well as those of my other play-fellows and acquaintances, and promoted each of them according to his deserts.
By the Divine grace, from the time of being nine years old, till I had reached seventy-one years, I never dined alone, and never walked out without a friend, and whenever I put on new clothes, on taking them off,* I gave them to my companions; and whatever they asked from me, I never refused, but gave it without humiliating intreaty.
At fourteen, I had formed an intimacy with a very handsome youth, and passed great part of my time with his tribe; he was sensible of my partiality, and also shewed great affection for me, at length a blackguard of Maveralnaher, who was called Mullāchē, and who under the semblance of a student, had been admitted into the circle of our acquaintance, took a liking to the youth; but as this fellow was an entertaining companion, I was pleased with him; this circumstance made him very vain, and he used to talk in a familiar and obscene way: one day having given him admission into our society, I overheard the boy say to him in a familiar manner, “I dont want your kisses;” I was quite nettled at these words, and resolved never to allow such impropriety of conduct, either in myself or others.
At sixteen, my father took me by the hand, and brought me to his own Monastery, he there addressed me; “my boy, our ancestors from generation to generation, have been commanders of the armies of the Jagtay and Berlas family. The dignity of (Sepah Salar) Commander in Chief, has now descended to me, but as I am tired of this world, and consider it no better than a golden vase filled with serpents and scorpions, I mean, therefore, to resign my public office, and retire from it, in order to enjoy the delights of tranquillity and repose; but as I have founded this village, and erected this monastery in my own name, to perpetuate my fame, and that of our family, I must particularly request that you will not diminish ought of its revenues or privileges.”
My father then related to me the genealogy of our family, extending to Tumuneh Khān, whose genealogy is carried back in history to Japhet, the son of Noah,† he added;
“The first of our family who had the honour of conversion to the faith of Islām, was Kerachār Nuyan, who was the Gurgān (son-in-law) of Jagtay Khān, as he was a sensible man, he of his own accord adopted the faith of Muhammed, and said to his family and people, ‘when I look around me in the universe, I see ‘but one world, yet I am of opinion that there are other worlds besides this;* ‘but I am also convinced, that there is one only God who hath created all these ‘worlds, and who is all sufficient to rule, and direct all these worlds; but as ‘he has chosen this world as his special dominion, he has deemed it requisite ‘to have ministers (to instruct mankind): he hath therefore chosen Muhammed ‘to be his Vizier in this world, and as it was requisite that Muhammed should ‘have ministers (to extend his religion), he hath appointed the holy race of ‘Khalifs to this dignity.”
“Now my son, as this speech of our ancestor is quite conformable to my judgment, I also have become a sincere Musselmān; I request, O Timūr,
1stly. That you will imitate the example of your illustrious progenitor in conforming to the sacred religion of Muhammed, (on whom, and on his posterity and companions, be the peace of God), I intreat you never to deviate from his law, but ever to respect and honour his descendants and followers in the persons of the Syeds, the learned, and the prelates of his religion; associate with them, and constantly ask the blessings of the dervishes, the hermits, and the righteous upon all your undertakings; obey the commands of God, and have compassion upon his creatures.
2dly. That you will encourage and give currency and support to the religion of the Prophet.
3rdly. That you will believe that we are all the servants of God, and appointed by his decree to inhabit this terrestial globe; that our destinies are predicted. and that whatever is written on our foreheads, must come to pass; as it is decreed that we shall all do so and so, and have not the power of quitting this world, we must be content with whatever fate determines, and be satisfied with whatever God shall give us; we should also assist our poor brethren, and constantly, by every means in our power, befriend all the creatures of God; let us always acknowledge the unity of God, and by our practice, strengthen the four pillars of the law; viz. prayer, fasting, pilgrimage, and alms.
4thly. Be affectionate to your relations and connections, injure no person, nor keep any one in bonds, unless the bonds of kindness; deprive no man of his rights by fraud or tyranny; clothe yourself in the robe of justice; avoid the society of the bad and wicked; keep no man in prison more than three days, and distribute provision to the poor and hungry; and plant yourself in the hearts of your subjects by beneficence, otherwise you will fall from your power and prosperity.”
When my father had finished his discourse, I promised faithfully to follow his counsel, and to comply with his advice.
When I attained the age of seventeen, my father being indifferent about worldly affairs, and in delicate health, I took upon me the charge of his private affairs, and made the following arrangements; I formed every hundred sheep into a separate flock, and appointed a shepherd to each flock, whose profits were to be one fourth of the milk, the butter, and the wool; I did the same with the goats, separating the wethers from the females; I likewise denominated every twenty horses a stable, separating the horses from the mares; also the camels in the same manner.
Of the various omens which predicted my future greatness, one which most tended to raise my hopes was this; one day I went to pay my respects to the famous Saint Amyr Kelāl, and when I entered the assembly, I seated myself at the very lowest end of the room, (literally where the shoes are taken off); the Saint looked at me and said, “although this boy is in appearance so little and young, he is in fact, a great personage;” he then made room for me near himself, and after looking at and conversing with me for some time, he fell into a slumber; after he awoke, one of his servants presented to him a tray of bread and sweetmèats, he stretched out his hand, and having taken seven cakes and sweetmeats, gave them to me, saying, “eat a mouthful of each of these, in consequence of which, the seven regions of the world shall become subject to you;”* I was astonished at these words, and the people of the assembly looked first at each other, and then on me, but through awe of the Saint, no one ventured to speak; I therefore folded up the cakes, and carried them to my father, who said to me, “Kelāl is a great personage, a descendant of the Prophet, a seeer of visions, and a worker of miracles, whatever he has told you of his visions, will certainly come to pass; take care of these cakes, and do not give of them to any body, but regard them as the greatest blessing from the blessings of that holy personage.”
Some time after this event, my father went with me to pay his respects to the Saint, who said to him, O Prince;
at this time there was a basket of nuts before him, he ordered my father to count them; after he had done so, he informed him that there were three hundred and seventy nuts, the Saint said, “each of these three hundred nuts signifies a year, the remainder are the number of Timūr’s posterity, which shall reign for three hundred years;” he then presented the basket to my father, which I took, and placed the nuts with the cakes; when I mentioned these circumstances to my mother, she took my head between her hands and blessed me: the cakes and the nuts remained in my possession for many years, during all which time my prosperity encreased.
Some time after the affair of the nuts, my mother went also to pay her respects to the Saint, and was most graciously received, at length he said to her,
“Seventy of Timūr’s sons, grandsons, and descendants, shall reign for the “term of three hundred years, provided that they make no change of (the “Muhammedan) religion, but give currency to the faith of Islām; neither shall “they vex nor injure the descendants of the Prophet, but do every thing in their “power to give him satisfaction for the blessing he conferred on mankind; “bounty shall be heaped upon bounty, and prosperity added to prosperity, as “long as they continue to shew kindness to the relatives and descendants of his “Holiness.”
When my mother reported to me the conversation of the Saint, although then only seventeen years of age, I made a solemn vow to the all merciful God, that I would never neglect the descendants of the Prophet, but do every thing in my power for their honour.
When I had entered my eighteenth year, I became vain of my abilities, and thought no person superior to myself, or any thing too difficult for my undertaking; I was at this time very fond of riding and hunting, one day having pursued a deer, while at full gallop, I came suddenly to the brink of a ditch, more than five guz (ten or fifteen feet) in breadth, and four guz in depth, I attempted to turn my horse, but he was obstinate; I therefore tried to make him jump over the ditch, he reached the opposite bank with his fore feet, but not being able to clear it, fell, while he was struggling, I had slipped my feet out of the stirrups, sprang from the saddle, and reached the bank, the horse tumbled into the ditch, and was disabled; my companions soon after came up, and congratulated me on my good fortune and happy escape; I said, “it was God who had preserved me, who is also the bestower of fortune;” my friends not being able to jump the ditch, I went round to them, and having mounted a led horse, proceeded homewards. When we had gone some distance, it became dark, and began to rain, in consequence of which, we lost the road, and as the night was extremely cold, we thought we should have perished (in the desert).
About this time we saw some black (felt) tents or huts, upon which my companions said, “these are hillocks of sand and dust,” so we gave ourselves up for lost; I therefore threw the reins on my horses neck, and took hold of the mane, the horse raised his head and began to neigh, and stretched his neck. When we arrived near the tents, we saw a light shining through one of the doors, which gave us courage; I therefore alighted from my horse, and entered the tent, the inhabitants of which supposing I was a thief, hallooed out and prepared to attack me; but when I told them all the circumstances, they were ashamed, and having cleared out a room which was constructed under ground, lighted a fire for us, on which my companions entered, and we took possession of the room; the good people shortly brought us some Temakh Keruny soup, of which I eat a great quantity, and was quite refreshed; they also brought us some blankets, upon which we lay down, but they were so full of fleas, that I could not sleep a wink all night. After I had mounted the Imperial throne, I recollected all the circumstances of my hunting excursion, of the cold and frost of the night, and of our society in the cellar, in consequence of which I sent for the family, (and made them Terkhan), i. e. amply rewarded them.
During this year, I was very ill for four months, and they could not find out any cure for my disorder, I therefore gave up all hopes of life; for a week I could eat nothing, but on the seventh day, they gave me a pomegranate; soon after I became quite languid and insensible, and while in the swoon, I fancied that they had bound me on a wheel, and were bearing me towards heaven, and afterwards descending to the earth; I did not recover from the fit, till they had burned me between the fore finger and the thumb, when I felt the heat of the iron, I opened my eyes, and saw the servants and my father and mother standing around me crying aloud, I also joined in lamentation; soon after this I became hungry, and the physicians having asked me what I would like, and they would bring it, I called for Yekhny, and some of the Temakh broth; I eat a whole plate full of the latter, and during the night fell into a deep perspiration, and from that time recovered.
Another of the auspicious omens predicting my sovereignty, was this; one day during this year, I was seated in my father’s monastery, and was reading the 67th Chapter of the Korān;* when a gray-haired Syed entered the monastery, and having looked attentively at me, demanded my name, (having told him) he compared it with the chapter I was reading, and said, “God Almighty has given the sovereignty of the earth to this boy and his posterity;” I looked upon this circumstance as a mere dream, but when it reached the ears of my father, he encouraged my hopes, and shewed my Horoscope to one of the Astrologers of Tūrkestān, who said, “he will be superior in his own dominions, in dignity, and authority, to any of his predecessors, and he will add other countries to his own dominions, and will be an ornament to religion:” he then said to me, “your descendants and posterity shall rise to the very highest dignity:” when I had heard these words, I gave him a handsome present.
At this period, I passed much of my time in reading the Korān, and playing at chess; I was also much employed in charitable actions, and soliciting the blessings of the hermits and dervishes.
I was also fond of horsemanship, and I employed a celebrated riding master to teach me the art, and also to instruct me in the science of manœuvering an army; I frequently assembled my companions, and having taken upon myself the title of Commander, made them all obedient to me; and whenever we rode out, I used to divide them into two armies, and taught them how to advance, and how to retreat in the field of battle.
About this period, I asked my father to tell me the history of our family from the time of Yafet Aghlān, which he did, nearly in the following manner:
“It is written in the Tūrkish history, that we are descended from Yafet Aghlān, commonly called (Abu al Atrāk) Father of the Tūrks, son of (the Patriarch,) Japhet, he was the first monarch of the Tūrks: when his fifth son Aljeh Khān ascended the throne, the all gracious God bestowed on him twin sons, one of which was called Tatar, the other Moghul; when they were grown up, Aljeh Khān divided the kingdom of Tūrkestān between them during his life-time; after they were seated on their respective thrones, they became proud of their authority, and forsook the religion of their ancestors, placing their feet in the paths of infidelity: Tatar had eight sons, from whom are descended eight (Oulous) tribes. Moghul had nine sons, from whom are descended nine clans: these two parties frequently disagreed, and fought many battles in the plains of Tūrkestān.
Till at length, after the establishment of the Islām faith, Tumenāh Khān was seated on the throne of dominion of the region of Tūrkestān; he had two sons by one birth, one of which he named Kajuly, the other Kubel Khān; when Kajuly had arrived at the age of manhood, he dreamt one night, that he saw two stars rise from the breast of Kubel Khān, and shortly after set; again he thought he saw a star, equal in splendour to the sun, which illuminated the whole world; when he awoke, he related his dream to his father, who expounded it in this manner; ‘from the posterity of your brother, a boy shall be born in the third generation, who shall be the conqueror of the world:’ Tumenāh Khān then gave orders for a grand feast, to which he invited all the nobles and principal persons; during the feast the brothers, having embraced each other, entered into an agreement, which was drawn up in the Tūrkish language, and engraved on a plate of steel, and which was deposited in the treasury; the subject of the agreement was this, ‘that the posterity of the two brothers should never quarrel with each other; that the dignity of Khān should for ever remain in the descendants of Kubel Khān, and that of (Sepah Salar) Commander in Chief, and prime minister in the family of Kajuly.’*
In A. H. 549, Mungū Behadur, son of Kubel Khān, had a boy, born with his two hands full of blood, to whom he gave the name of Timujy; when this personage arrived at the age of forty-nine, after much toil and danger, he was seated on the throne of Tūrkestān.
On the day that he took the title of Khān, a dervish entered the assembly, and proclaimed, “the Lord hath said to me, ‘I have given the surface of the earth to Timujy,’ and I confer on you the title of Jengyz Khān, that is to say, King of Kings.” But Jengyz abandoned the duty of a conqueror, by slaughtering the people, and by plundering the dominions of God, and put to death many thousands of the Muselmāns.
On the morning of the day that he died, he bestowed the sovereignty of Maveralnaher on his eldest son Jagtay Khān;† he appointed Kerachār Nuyān, son of Ayzdumjyn Berlās, son of Kajuly Behadur, who is my fourth and your fifth ancestor, to be generalissimo and prime minister; and caused the agreement entered into by Kajuly and Kubel Khān, to be brought from the treasury, and given to them; Jagtay having perused it, delivered it to Kerachār Nuyān, and conferred on him the title of Gurgān or Kurkān (Great Prince).
When God had bestowed on Kerachār Nuyān a son, he called him Anchel Nuyān; Kerachār was not at first one of the true believers, but followed the religion of the (Majusy) Materialists, who say that God is in every thing, and in every person; he was however anxious to acquire a proper knowledge of God, and therefore sought the acquaintance of all holy men, at length he asked the opinion of one of those learned personages, who was descended from Muhammed, what do the Muselmāns say respecting the true knowledge of God; the holy man replied, ‘the faith of the Muselmāns is this, that from all eternity there has existed an Omnipotent and Omniscient Being, he is our God, and he is the God of all creatures, it is therefore not proper to say, as the Materialists do, for there is only one God, the creator of all things; we deny a plurality of Gods, and assert that there is only one:’ Kerachār after some reflection, said, ‘it is true, God can have no partner, he is all sufficient.’ He then submitted himself to the holy man as a convert, and repeated the Creed after his preceptor; viz. ‘there is no God but God, Muhammed is the Messenger of God;’ glory be to him who is eternal, omniscient, and omnipotent, the all seeing, the all hearing, the giver of speech, the causer of all events.
Praise be also to his Messenger Muhammed, who by the miracle of dividing the moon, evinced he was the true Prophet, he is the minister of the glorious God, and the Khalifs are his Viziers.
From that time Kerachār became firm in his faith, and invited all the people to imitate his example, in consequence of which, the religion of Muhammed encreased and became current through all that region.
He also divided the country of Irān equally between the (Ayelat) different clans, and appointed the plains of Kesh for the residence of the tribe of Berlās, (his own tribe) giving them the water, the grass, and pasturage of that and several other places for their support; Kerachār then took on him the business of generalissimo, and subdued the countries of Kashgār, of Badakhshān, Andejān, and Hassar, also parts of Khorasān, which he retained as his own private territory.
When Kerachār departed this life, he was succeeded by his eldest son Amyr Ayltekuz, as generalissimo, who conquered several countries; when your grandfather Amyr Burkul succeeded as Sepah Salar, finding that there were dissentions among the tribes and clans, (Alusāt va Kushunāt) he was disgusted, and having retired from his office, contented himself with the government of his own clan of Berlās: he however possessed an incalculable number of sheep and goats, of cattle, of slaves and servants.
On the death of your grandfather Amyr Burkul, I succeeded to his possessions, but I preferred the company of the learned and the religious persons, and associated mostly with them, frequently soliciting their blessings and prayers, that the Almighty God, would bestow on me a son, which should raise the fame and encrease the dignity of the tribe of Berlās.
About this time, a celebrated Astrologer came from Fars to Maveralnaher, and one day when seated in the assembly of the learned personages, he said, ‘from the revolution of the heavens it is well known to me, that, in the year seven hundred and thirty, (of the Hejira) a child shall be born, who will prove the conqueror of the world.’ Verse, ‘In the year seven hundred and thirty, on the 9th of the month, Rejeb, a star of auspicious title shall arise;’ God hath bestowed this boy on you.”*
When my father had related all these circumstances to me, I was convinced in my own mind, that I was born to succeed to the sovereignty, and believed myself endued with all the requisite abilities; I became however very religious, constantly prayed to God for success, and made numerous offerings of cattle and sheep to the Syeds, the learned, and devout personages.
Thus I sent an offering of twenty sheep to the (Saint) Amyr Kelal, but in consequence of heavy rain, they missed the road, and I thought were lost; but some days after having gone to pay my respects to him, I saw the sheep standing at his door, and returned thanks to God, that my offering had been accepted. As soon as the Saint cast his eyes on me, he said to the by-standers, “the sovereignty of the territories of God has been bestowed on this young Tūrk;” he then began to say his prayers, I also imitated his example: after he had finished his devotions, he said, “good fortune and royalty is to be your fate, provided that you support the religion of Islām.”
At this time I repented (of my follies), and left off playing chess; I strictly adhered to the law, and followed the dictates of religion; I also made a vow never to injure any creature, and whenever I did so by chance, was very sorry for it; thus one day having unintentionally trodden on an Ant, I felt as if my foot had lost all its power; I constantly begged the intercession of the first Khalifs, and was benevolent to all mankind.
A. D. 1355.In the year 756, I attained my twentieth year, and having reached the age of maturity, my father Teragay made over to me a number of tents, sheep, camels, slaves, servants, and attendants, from which during this year I gained much profit. The first arrangement I made of my private affairs was this, I gave the command of eighteen slaves to one slave, to whom I gave the title of Aun Bashy, and I named every twenty horses a (Tavyleh) stable, and every hundred camels a (Kuttar) string, and every thousand sheep a (Gileh) flock, and gave each of these in charge of a particular slave, and allotted to each of them, a certain share of the profits. During this year I was again very unwell, and a physician of Samerkund having administered pomegranates to me, I was seized with a violent palpitation, and became quite insensible, upon which my father and mother, and all the attendants wept bitterly; after this, a physician of Tūrkestān seared me with a hot iron, upon which I came to myself; they afterwards gave me some Yelmak broth, and other food, and I became convalescent. In gratitude for my recovery, I made valuable offerings of sheep and horses; thus I gave an hundred camels in honour of the Prophet, and fifty more in honour of the illustrious Khalifs, and gave ample charities to the poor, the hermits, and dervishes, through whose prayers I entirely recovered.
In this year A. H. 756, Amyr Kezān Sultān, son of Sūr Aghlān, held the standard of sovereignty over the tribe of Chagtai,* and for fifteen years had extended the hand of oppression over the people of Maveralnaher, and placed his feet out of the path of justice and equity: in consequence of his tyranny, his subjects were in a state of despair, confining themselves to their houses, and praying for his death.
I was also much incensed by his bad conduct, and felt every inclination to rebel against him, and take revenge of his cruelty, but I could not find any body of consequence to join me; nor until I had distributed all my wealth among them, could I prevail upon any person to unite with me, whilst I was very much affected at the sight of their oppressed state.
At length Amyr Kūrgen, who was one of the greatest chiefs of the tribe of Jagtay, rebelled against him, and in the year 746, (A. D. 1345) fought with him in the desert of Derreh Zengy, but was defeated.
The tyrant having been successful, renewed his oppressions, and returned to Kershy; this astonished the people, who expected that Providence would have interfered in their behalf.
In consequence of such evil conduct, a Syed of Termuz said, “that as long as Amyr Kezān retains these habits, he will never be conquered;” the people therefore began openly to curse him, which only stimulated him to fresh acts of injustice. Some of the effects of the malconduct of this worthless monarch were:
1stly. A very severe frost, which destroyed the cattle.
2ndly. A total want of rain, in consequence of which the cultivation was quite dried up, and the fruits were annihilated.
3rdly. A famine which swept off the people.
During the following year, Amyr Kūrgen having again recruited his army, advanced towards Kershy, and having engaged the tyrant, defeated and took him prisoner; he at first confined him, but at the end of two years put him to death, and relieved the kingdom of Maveralnaher from his oppressions.*
Amyr Kūrgen then took possession of the kingdom, restored much of the property that had been unlawfully seized, and conducted himself with equity; but as the nobles would not acknowledge his authority, I had some intention of taking the sovereignty upon myself;† however the chiefs anticipated my design, and raised Danishmundchē Aghlān, one of the descendants of Jengyz Khān, to to the dignity of Khān, to whom they vowed fidelity, and made him monarch of all Maveralnaher.
Amyr Kūrgen, with the title of Commander, ruled the kingdom in the name of Danishmundchē Khān, for the term of ten years, with great propriety; re-established the laws, and gave encouragement to the Muhammedan religion.
A. D. 1356.When I had attained my twenty-first year, I wished to have united all the tribe of Berlās, and to have rebelled; I was joined by forty of my school-fellows, and we consulted upon taking possession of the mountain of Kāān; but at this time my mother was called to the divine mercy, and my sister Tūrkān Akā took charge of my household; I was for some time very melancholy, and gave up my ambitious intentions. After the days of mourning for my mother were accomplished, my father betrothed me to the daughter of Amyr Jakū Berlās. About this time, my father deputed me to Amyr Kūrgen, on some business respecting our tribe and clan, by which means I became acquainted with the Amyr, who took a great liking to me, adopted me as his son, and gave me one of his grand-daughters in marriage, with great honour and much wealth, and seated me near himself in the assembly.
After the death of the Amyr, as his son was not equal to the duties (of Vizier), I had some wish to take the office myself, and had got the consent of several of the chiefs; but recollecting my debt of gratitude to the father, I said to myself, “better be patient,” and took patience.
In this year, I one day went into the desert to hunt, when we came to the hunting ground, a violent storm of both snow and rain came on; afterwards the snow being very deep, I lost my road, and wandered about; at length I saw something dark, when I approached it, I found it was a hill, at the bottom of which there was a great cave, in which some families of the Arlāt clan had taken shelter from the inclemency of the weather, had formed chambers in the rocks of the cave, and had pitched their tents in its vicinity; as I was nearly dead with cold, I got off my horse, and entered the cave without ceremony; I there saw a good fire, with a pot well filled with broth hanging thereon; as I was very hungry, the sight of it delighted me; the owner of the room was very kind, he pulled off my coat and boots which were wet through; he also unbound my quiver, and bringing some horse rugs, made a bed for me; he then brought the hot soup, of which I eat a quantity, and became warm and refreshed: I passed the night there, and in return to the family for their kindness, I took their eldest son home with me, and introduced him to the Amyr.
Another time I went a hunting and met with a very serious accident; I was pursuing a deer at full speed, when I unexpectedly came to a dry well, the horse was very active, and attempted to jump the well, but although his fore feet cleared it, his hind legs fell in; I vaulted from the saddle, and tried to get over, but did not succeed, and both horse and man went down; my companions thought I was killed; but when they found me alive, they were much rejoiced, and made offerings for my lucky escape, which was considered as a fortunate omen, and gained me many followers.
A. D. 1357.In the year 757, an army from Irāk invaded Maveralnaher, and collected much plunder; I was then just twenty-one, and was sitting with Amyr Kūrgen, when intelligence of the invasion was brought; he instantly ordered me to take command of a detachment, and pursue the enemy; I followed the Irakians twenty-three (Fersukh) parasangs, and having made a forced march, came up with them at mid-day; the enemy were divided into two parties, one of which protected the plunder, while the other prepared to oppose me; my officers advised me to attack the plunder, but, I said “no, let us defeat the fighting part, and the other will soon disperse;” I then gave orders to charge, and putting spurs to my horse, rushed on; the Irakians stood their ground, and we came to blows; but after a few cuts on each side, they fled, upon which I took possession of the plunder, and having restored it to the owners, waited on the Amyr, who praised me exceedingly, presented me with his own quiver, and appointed me (Beglerbeg) Commander of the tribe.
At this time, I was very anxious to rebel against the Khān, and to assume the power myself; but when I mentioned it to Amyr Kūrgen, who was then very busy, he said, “cannot you wait, it will be yours some time or other:” I therefore relinquished my intention.
About this time, I went again to pay my respects to the Kutb al Aktab Shaikh Zyn Addeen Shādy; at the time of my arrival, he was seated with some of his disciples reading the Korān, and had just repeated the verse, “Is not the conquest of the kingdom of Rūm (Anatolia) in my power;” as soon as he perceived me, he compared the circumstance of my arrival, with the moment of pronouncing the above verse, and finding a great accordance between them, he received me with the utmost respect and honour, and seated me opposite himself.
When he finished reading the prescribed portion of the holy book, he said to me, “God hath decreed the downfall of Rūm, and as I perceive in you the signs of royal dignity, perhaps you are to be its destined conqueror;” he further added, “as the final letter of the word (Arz) kingdom, signifies eight hundred, I predict that you will conquer Rūm in the year 800.” I was very much encouraged, and rejoiced by this auspicious prediction.
At another visit that I paid the Saint, he bound round my loins his own shawl, put on my head his own cap, and presented me a cornelian, on which was engraved (Rāsty va Rūsty) righteousness and salvation; I considered this also as a fortunate omen, added my own name, and had it made into a seal-ring; and from this time placed my entire confidence and faith in the Shaikh.
[Here the Shaikh entertains him with a story of his having been very ill, and that he had been directed in a vision to visit the tomb of Aly Iben Mūsā, at Tūs, now Mushehed, in Khorasān; that he walked barefooted, and was seven years on the pilgrimage, and got perfectly well as soon as he arrived at the tomb; but the story being very prolix and not interesting, I have passed it over.]
During this year, several complaints were received by Amyr Kūrgen, against Melk Hussyn Ghoury, Ruler of Herat,* who had exceeded his authority, and oppressed the people, on which account the principal personages of that city, wrote a petition, requesting the Amyr to come thither, and redress their wrongs. The Prince however thought it better to write a letter of exhortation to Melk Hussyn, commanding him to refrain from oppressing the people of Khorasān, and to alter his conduct, otherwise he should be under the necessity of marching against him, and depriving him of his government and dignity.
But as Melk Hussyn would not take warning, nor alter his conduct, nay for a long time did not acknowledge the receipt of the Prince’s letter; the anger of the Amyr was roused, and he gave orders for assembling the army, with the intention of invading Khorasān; but when he shewed his chiefs the letters from Herat, and asked their advice, they replied, “that they did not consider the persons who had signed the petition as sufficient authority for proceeding to harsh measures, and that it would be better again to ascertain the disposition of the other inhabitants;” this reply vexed the Amyr, he began to hesitate, and asked my opinion, I said frankly to him, “you should not have assembled the army, till you had determined this point, but having done so, you should not now procrastinate, lest the enemy impute it to weakness, but let us manfully attack them, if victorious, we shall gain the object, and at all events fill the bellies of our hungry soldiers, for ‘in exertion there is prosperity.’”
Amyr Kūrgen approved of my advice, and instantly gave me the command of a thousand horsemen. I fed these thousand cavaliers daily, and never sat down to a meal without (some of) them; on this account they all became much attached to me: we formed the advanced guard, and marched forward with great confidence; many of the tribes and clans having assembled in hopes of plunder, I induced them also to join me. When I had got my army well equipped and arranged, they were quite unanimous in acknowledging my authority, so that I began to have a prospect of the gate of sovereignty; I wrote a list of the names of the cavaliers, and kept it folded up in my pocket; I also resolved in my own mind, that when I should have dispossessed Melk Hussyn, I would keep the country of Khorasān for myself.
Having thus determined, we moved forward, we crossed the Moorghāb river, and marching by the route of Bashtan, we encamped on the mountains, in the vicinity of Herat.
The next day I mounted and rode to a bleach-green, which was situated on a hill, from whence I determined on the field of battle; I then waited on Amyr Kūrgen, and pointed out the field of battle to him.
Amyr Kūrgen having arranged the army, rode up to the bleach-green, and having minutely examined the field of battle, highly extolled my judgment, as we had our backs to the sun, it was consequently in the face of the enemy; the Prince said, “the rays of the sun will blind our foes, and give us an easy conquest.”
Soon after this, the first line of army of Melk Hussyn, which was drawn up behind a low wall, advanced boldly into the plain, but they were unskilfully drawn up. At this time Amyr Kūrgen called me, and said, “my boy, see how ill their army is arranged, we shall soon defeat them;” I replied, “have a little patience till they advance further from the wall;” I then sent orders to our front line to retire gently, upon which the enemy growing bold, advanced further into the field, and drew out in order of battle.
I drew up our line in right wing, left wing, and centre; I then gave orders for the centre to advance; when the two lines met, and were engaged hand to hand, I ordered the wings to charge at full gallop, and pushed on myself; but on the first and second attack, the enemy abandoned the field, and took refuge behind the wall.
At this time Amyr Kūrgen came up, and gave orders that we should dismount, and force the wall, we did so, and were successful; the Prince then divided the troops, and sent a division to erect batteries against each of the gates of the city; he then gave me the command of the attack, and returned to his camp.
The next day he gave orders for the whole army, cavalry and infantry, to attack the city; in consequence of which, we entirely surrounded the place, and cut off all supplies: when the inhabitants of Herat began to be distressed, the principal people assembled, and agreed to make overtures for peace; they then sent to Amyr Kūrgen various curiosities and presents, and promised that if he would withdraw his army, Melk Hussyn should wait upon him at Samerkund, in the course of one month, and pay his devoirs. The Amyr having consulted his chiefs, accepted the tribute, which he divided equally amongst them, agreed to make peace, and returned to Maveralnaher. He however left me at Herat, with a thousand cavalry, and the advanced guard, to intimidate Melk Hussyn, and oblige him to keep his promise of coming to Samerkund in one month.
In consequence of these instructions, I encamped on the esplanade of Herat; but whilst waiting the expiration of the appointed time for Melk Hussyn to fulfil his promise, I proceeded to Bakhter, and took possession of all that part of Khorasān.
I also took this opportunity of again paying my respects to the Kutb al Aktab Shaikh Zyn Addeen Abu Beker, and when admitted to his presence, forgot all my cares and disappointments, and felt the greatest comfort; on the first day the Shaikh received me with the greatest kindness, and clothed me in his own robe; I therefore unburthened my mind to him, respecting my views on the kingdom of Khorasān: he ordered me to be punctual in my prayers, and that whenever any difficulty occurred to me, to offer up my supplications to Muhammed, and to his descendants, so that all my difficulties would be rendered easy.
The second day, the Shaikh said to me, “you will now be supported, the Commander of the faithful (Aly) has ordered one of his agents to attend you, you will not know him at first, but will finally become acquainted with him;” I was much rejoiced by this intelligence, and felt the greatest confidence in the Saint’s prediction, and looked forward with patience to the sovereignty and conquest of the whole country of Khorasān. Having taken leave of the Shaikh, I returned to Herat, and encamped in the vicinity; but I shortly after received a confidential message from Melk Hussyn, that his army was in a state of insurrection, had threatened to murder him, and set up Melk Bāker in his place, that if I would advance with my troops towards the city, he would come out and join me, and proceed with me to Amyr Kūrgen: I thought to myself, that if Melk Hussyn spoke the truth, and that his officers were in a state of mutiny, it will be easy for me to get hold of the city of Herat, and to keep possession of it without any associate; I therefore drew out my forces, and having mounted, proceeded towards the city.
Melk Hussyn also mounted his horse, and pretending to his people that he meant to fight with me, came out of the fortress and advanced against me in battle array; as I thought he was deceiving me, I put on my armour, and my officers prepared for an engagement; while we were in this state of suspense, Melk Hussyn, accompanied by his own attendants, came over to me, bringing much of his wealth and property; we met, and embraced each other on horseback; many of his officers also came over, and laid aside all animosity. I then took Melk Hussyn to my own tent, and gave orders for marching immediately.
When the Amyr learned that I was bringing Melk Hussyn to court, he sent his son Abdullah to meet him personally, received him in the most gracious manner, and accepted his presents.
The Amyr also received me in the most flattering manner, kissed my forehead, and offered up prayers for my prosperity (literally, may your face be white.)
The Amyr assigned one of his own special tents for the residence of his guest; but after a few days, the cupidity of the tribes and clans was roused, and they were very anxious to plunder and destroy him; but as the Prince would not give his consent to this measure, he sent for me in the middle of the night, and said, “as you were the means of bringing this hostage here, you must convey him safe home again.”
I therefore carried Melk Hussyn (privately) to my own tent, and shut him up close; he was dreadfully frightened, and thought I was going to murder him; seeing him so alarmed, I told him all the circumstances, upon which he offered up prayers both for me and for the Prince.
The next day I (publicly) obtained permission to make a hunting excursion, and as the Prince was very fond of the field sports, he agreed to accompany me with a few of his most confidential servants; and taking Melk Hussyn with us, we went to the banks of the Moorghāb: whilst amusing ourselves in the field, the Prince called his guest to him, and having spoken to him very graciously, they renewed their promises of friendship; on taking leave, Hussyn presented a large ruby armlet, after which, Melk Hussyn and I set off, crossed the river, and encamped on the opposite bank.
Whilst in this situation, intelligence arrived that the chiefs of Ghour, and the army of Khorasān, had raised Melk Bāker to the government, and that he had taken possession of the city of Herat; on receipt of this news, Melk Hussyn was much distressed, and sunk in the whirlpool of consternation.
After some time he asked my advice in this affair, I said to him, “you have no alternative, but to place on your head the helmet of courage, and put on the armour of determination, bind on the sword of resolution, and like an alligator dive at once into the river of blood; if victorious, you will gain renown, if subdued, you need not be ashamed.” Melk Hussyn bidding adieu to life, resolved to do his duty, begged me to accompany him, and offered me a year’s revenue of the province of Herat; I would not agree to this proposal, but said, “if you and I conjointly recover the province, the city shall be mine;” to this he consented. At this time there was a stewed leg of mutton before us, the bone of which was sticking out; I took it, and having stripped it of all the meat, I resolved within myself to draw from it an omen, whether Melk Hussyn would be successful in his enterprize. I performed the usual ceremonies,* and the result was favourable; I therefore determined to brave the adventure, and after four forced marches, we arrived before daylight at the bleach-green; as we entered the bazar of the suburbs, the day broke, which enabled me to see a cook in his shop taking up a hot dish of broth; when he saw me, he cried out, “welcome, welcome,” and brought me a bowl of the soup; I looked upon this as a fortunate omen, and pushed on; when we arrived at the gate of Herat, the guard had just opened it, I gave the horse of Melk Hussyn, a blow with my whip, and we bounded over the planks of the drawbridge, and entered the fortress; I kept possession of the gate, to give entrance to our people, whilst Melk Hussyn proceeded to the apartments of his rival Melk Bāker; the garrison seeing the number of my troops, were confounded, and quietly submitted; thus Melk Hussyn recovered his capital victoriously, and without any loss.
It then entered my mind, that I might as well take possession of the government of Herat myself, but upon further reflecting, that possibly the troops would not support me, I relinquished the idea; and I afterwards found by experience, that I had judged rightly, and that they would not have joined me, which convinced me that one sincere friend is better than a thousand pretended friends. In consequence of this reflection, I placed Melk Hussyn on the throne of government, and exacted some promises from him; he very honourably paid me the money he had agreed to give for my assistance; he also sent with me, by the hands of his own agents, numerous presents to Amyr Kūrgen.
When I returned to Samerkund, the Amyr embraced me, and kissed my forehead and cheeks; but when the chiefs of the tribe heard what I had done, they were much irritated, and bound up their loins for my destruction; they also rebelled against Amyr Kūrgen. On this occasion, the Prince again consulted me; I advised him, as it was he who had raised Danishmundchē Aghlān to the Khānship, he should induce the Khān to issue the imperial order, summoning the refractory officers to court, that such of them as obeyed, should be treated with kindness, but those that disobeyed, should have their heads struck off.
A. D. 1359.In the year 758, I reached twenty-two years of age, and began to put in practice some of my speculations regarding the sovereignty, for several of the chiefs of the tribes and clans being dissatisfied with Amyr Kūrgen, conspired together, and wrote to me, that if I would encourage them, they would be my friends, and would displace both the Amyr and the Khān, after which we might divide the country between us; but I having reflected that it would be much easier at some future time to dispossess one person, than to have to contend with ten rivals, and recollecting the friendly connection that existed between the Amyr and me, I determined to inform him of the circumstance.
But the chiefs having discovered my intentions, wrote to the Amyr, (in the Tūrky language); “be it known to your enlightened mind, that every body “selects some (powerful) personage to be his patron, through whose mediation “he may obtain the object of his desires and wishes; we, in order to obtain our “desires and wishes, have chosen your benevolence and kindness to be our “intermediators; we have taken the liberty of representing this, may your pros“perity endure for ever.”
When this letter reached the Amyr, as he was a very weak man, he in a kind and friendly manner invited the chiefs to wait on him, and paid no regard to the caution I had given him.
In consequence of this invitation, the chiefs having collected their men, and having put on their armour, came to the palace gate, between the hours of evening prayer and bed time. The Amyr immediately sent for me, when I came to the gate, I spoke to several of the chiefs, and finding that they had armour under their clothes, I suspected that they had evil intentions, bade them good evening, went into the palace and told the Amyr all the circumstances; who, on hearing of the treachery, and the mutinous state of his officers, was seized with a pain in his bowels; he therefore sent them an apology, but gave orders for their being hospitably entertained, and permitted to return to their camp.
He then consulted me, how we were to get rid of them, I advised him to deceive them by presents; he in consequence sent a large sum of money, and desired them to divide it among them according to their rank. As the sum was large, they could not agree on the division, and soon began to quarrel; after which they came singly to ask the Amyr’s pardon, and to be again admitted into favour; thus enmity was changed into friendship, and the danger was averted; on this occasion the Amyr again took me in his arms, called me his son, and bestowed on me the district of Shemerghān.
A. D. 1360.In the year 759, I attained my twenty-third year; at this time Amyr Kūrgen being quite absolute in the kingdom of Maveralnaher, resolved to subdue the kingdom of Khuarizm, and in this affair, offered to give me the command of the expedition; I at first agreed, but after deliberation, I thought it advisable that the command should be given to some other person, who might be defeated by the Khuarizmians, after which I would then enter the country and subdue it.
I therefore spoke privately to Amyr Khizer, that he would request Byan Kuly, who was one of the lords of the council, to say to the Prince, that “Khuarizm being an easy conquest, ought to be assigned to his highness’s eldest son Abdullah, whose fame would be exalted thereby, and all the credit given to him instead of Timūr.”
Byan Kuly having explained these circumstances to Amyr Kūrgen, he approved of the measure, and ordered his eldest son Abdullah from Samerkund, to take command of the army against Khuarizm; Abdullah entered the country, but the Khuarizmians having strengthened their fortresses, kept him at bay, and reduced him to great distress.
The Amyr not knowing what to do, sent for me, and said, “from the first it was my wish to have given the command of the army to you, and still it is my wish that you should take it:” I reflected within myself, that the Amyr wished for my assistance to effect the conquest, but that he meant to keep all the benefit to himself; I therefore thought I might as well make the conquest for myself, and become sovereign of the country. As ambition is a very powerful passion, I resolved no longer to be subservient to any one, but to go and take Khuarizm for myself.
When Amyr Kūrgen had superseded his son, and put under my command a large force, I marched towards Khuarizm, but I ordered that the army of Abdullah should remain stationary till my arrival. As the Khuarizmians would not engage us in the field, but shut themselves up in their fortresses, the first thing I did was this, I made overtures to the chiefs of all the wandering tribes and clans that inhabited Khuarizm, and having united them to me, I requested them to intercede with the governors of the forts; they did so, and they (the governors) all agreed to be my servants.
I then divided amongst them the whole of the countries of Khuarizm and Ourkunje; having thus gotten possession of all the fortresses of the kingdom, I appointed a confidential person of my own to be (Kūtwall) superintendant of them, and thus settled the government of the country; I also wished to have raised the standard of sovereignty, but having no dependance on the fealty of my new subjects, I returned with Abdullah to the Amyr, who in return for my successful conduct, gave me the country of Ourkunje.
A. D. 1358.In the year 760, I attained my twenty-fourth year; about this time, Amyr Kūrgen made a grand hunting party, and came out of Samerkund; whilst we were engaged in the chase, night came on. Kutlug Timūr Khān, the son-in-law of the Prince, having a number of wicked wretches united with him, judged it a favourable opportunity to assassinate the Amyr, seeing that I and the chief huntsman were his only companions; he, therefore, made an attack on him with seven expert swordsmen; at this time it was dark, but I hearing them, called out and threatening them, threw myself between them and the Prince, who immediately alighted from his horse, and drawing his sword, got behind a large stone; the huntsman then joining us, Kutlug Timūr ran off; in reward for saving him from this peril, the Amyr bestowed on me the revenue of Hissar Shadmān.
Being now master of the countries of Khuarizm and Shadmān, I divided the revenues with my soldiers; but although I was very kind and liberal to all my servants, they would not support me in my ambitious views.
The eyes of Amyr Kūrgen being now open to the designs of his son-in-law, he left off hunting, and watched an opportunity of seizing him and his companions, with the intention of putting them to death; but Kutlug being aware of his intention, took refuge in the highlands of Maveralnaher, and became a public robber. At length the daughter of the Amyr, who was married to this fellow, pretended to become insane from the absence of her husband.
As the Amyr was a weak and compassionate man, he listened to the deceit of women, and believed that his daughter was really mad, and the other women joining with her led him astray, and prevailed on him to pardon Kutlug Timūr; in consequence of which, an edict was issued for him to return to court.
I opposed this measure, and said to the Amyr, “do not be led away by your women, for God hath said, ‘always act contrary to what women advise,’ if they have told you not to put him to death, undoubtedly kill him, for according to the orders of God, you should oppose them in every thing, for they are deficient in sense.” Although the Amyr knew his son-in-law to be his inveterate enemy, he would not at first follow the advice of the proverb, which I repeated to him, viz. “keep your enemy in your grasp as you would a ruby, till you come to a flinty spot, then knock his head against the stone till you dash it to pieces:” but at length he listened to my opinion, and determined to crush his enemy; he however did not find an opportunity.
In this same year, Amyr Kūrgen one day sent for me, and having repeated his complaints, said, “he was resolved to divorce his daughter and son-in-law;” but his women again rendered him subservient to their orders, and Kutlug Timūr pretending to be sorry for what he had done, the divorce was postponed.
About this time, Amyr Kūrgen took the government of Andijan from Sultān Kūly, the father of his son Abdullah’s wife, and gave it to Khuajēh Ayzdy; in consequence of which, the deposed governor bound up the loins of enmity against his master, and conspired with Kutlug Timūr, and agreed to set up the young Abdullah; I frequently cautioned the Amyr against them, and as he had been pleased to adopt me as a son, and had given me a written promise that I should be his successor in the kingdom of Maveralnaher, I watched over him as a child should over a parent, and omitted no part of my duty towards him.*
Till at length the Amyr Kūrgen who was extremely fond of hunting, one day went out (without me) attended only by a few persons without their armour, and having crossed the Oxus, (Jihūn) was deeply engaged in the chase, when Kutlug Timūr and Sultān Kūly attacked and murdered the just Prince.
When I was informed of the circumstance, I was dreadfully affected; I repaired immediately to the spot where the body was lying, and having respectfully taken it up, I transported it to the banks of the river, and there purified it, after which we carried it to Sāly Serai,† and there buried it. Immediately after this event, Kutlug Timūr and Sultān Kūly placed Abdullah, eldest son of the murdered prince, in the government, but took the oath of allegiance to Bian Kūly, the Khān, whom the deceased Amyr had set up, and promised to support him in his (nominal) dignity, provided he would employ Abdullah as his Vizier: the whole party then proceeded towards Samerkund, but on their arrival there, they put the innocent and harmless Khān to death.
As the Vizier Abdullah was a miser, who took from every one, and gave to nobody, and who had thrown the eyes of cupidity on the wealth of the two murdered personages, (the Amyr and the Khān) the conspirators elevated Timūr Shāh Aghlān, son of Munsūr Timūr, to the Khānship, they then attacked the party of Abdullah, and fought three battles with them; but Abdullah having swam his horse across the Jihūn, took refuge in the country of Khutelan and Anderab, where he died.*
In the year 760, having attained my twenty-fourth year, being much disgusted with the infamous conduct of Kutlug Timūr and Sultān Kūly, and being without any other remedy, I mounted my horse and proceeded to the (Oulus) tribe of Byan Selduz, and implored him to join me in taking revenge on the murderers of the late Amyr and Khān; he agreed to unite with me, and we put on the swords of revenge. Although the fortress of Shadmān belonged to me, yet I divided with Byan Selduz, in a brotherly manner, and gave him possession of it, in order to secure his co-operation, and to prove to mankind that the murderers of Kings should always suffer retaliation.
I also prevailed on Hajy Berlās, a descendant of Kerachār Nuyān, to join us in revenging the death of the Amyr and the Khān; I therefore drew my troops out of Samerkund, and proceeded towards Kesh; when arrived in its vicinity, I sent to Hajy Berlās, who came and joined me; we then agreed to proceed to Samerkund, and to depose Timūr Khān from the Khānship.
In compliance with this determination, we marched with all our forces to Samerkund, and dethroned Timūr Khān, and took possession of the whole kingdom of Maveralnaher, and we three persons divided it between us; I got possession of Kesh, with its dependencies, and fixed my residence there.
Thus we three persons ruled the country of Maveralnaher like three brothers, and whenever any noble, soldier, or citizen proved disobedient, we united in punishing him: we agreed very well together, and divided the revenues in a brotherly manner, till at length Byan Selduz, from excess of drinking, suddenly bade adieu to this world.
I then said to Hajy Berlās, “shall we divide the portion of Selduz between us, or shall we give it to his son, so that his troops may remain faithful, and things may go on as usual;” but he would not listen to this, and seized on some part of the share of Selduz, in consequence of which violent disputes took place between the followers of Selduz and him.
When this intelligence reached the ears of the surrounding chiefs, each of them exalted the standard of Sovereignty, but I continued to govern my own country quietly and with regularity.
About this time, several disturbances broke out in Maveralnaher, on which occasion both the Nobles and Plebeians of Turan came to me and explained their situation, saying, there is now no King in this country (and the petty Tyrants harass us), we are resolved to abandon the country, till some person is placed on the throne of power (who can protect us). On hearing this, my ambition was rouzed, and I wished to take possession of the whole kingdom, and become absolute Sovereign of it, but I found that I could place no reliance on the support of the people. I therefore thought it better for the present to keep on terms with the different chiefs who had independence, and endeavour to throw the ball of discord among them, so that, by degrees, I might bring each of them under my subjection; but to effect this, I saw that, patience, perseverance, and (divine) aid were requisite.
During this same year, which was A. H. 760, I began to take measures for extirpating these petty princes of Maveralnaher (Mulouk al Tuāef), and I wrote to each of them a separate letter, requesting them to join me, and that we should divide the country in a brotherly manner between us two. They all gave a favourable answer to my letters, but none of them were aware of my correspondence with the others.
Having thus excited the ambition and cupidity of each of them, and having agreed that whatever country should be subdued, was to be equally divided between the parties, they individually bound themselves with the girdle of fealty to me. This was in fact a very important affair, for Elchy Bughā Selduz had raised the Standard of Royalty in Balkh; Amyr Bāyezyd Jelayr had taken possession of Khujend; Khuajeh Ayzdy had established himself in Shumerghānat. The Kings of Badukhshān were contending with each other in the mountains of that province. Hy Khusero and Altaja Berdy had seized upon Khutelan and Arheng, and Khizer Yusury was in possession of all the country from the bridge of Tashkund to the vicinity of Samerkund. Now, to take the kingdom from such chiefs, each of whom vied in splendour with the other, was indeed a difficult undertaking, but I resolved to do it by setting them at loggerheads.
I therefore wrote to Elchy Bughā, that the inhabitants of Badukhshān had complained to me of their rulers, and had requested me to proceed thither to relieve them, that I had determined to do so, and, if he would join me, that country should be annexed to his dominion: otherwise, as it was my duty to administer justice to the oppressed, I should do every thing in my power to assist them. When he received my letter, he immediately drew out his army to attack the Kings of Badukhshān, and they forthwith sought refuge with me, and offered, if I would deliver them from their peril, they would make over the whole country to me, and become my subjects.
I also wrote to Hajy Ayzdy, the Ruler of Shemerghān, that the province of Balkh being now unoccupied, I had sent an army to take possession of it; but that if he had any ambition to partake of the conquest, he might become my partner in this business; this rouzed him, and he immediately invaded Balkh. When this intelligence reached the ears of Selduz, he returned from Badukhshān, and came to Hissar Shadmān and Balkh.
And the Kings of Badukhshān bound the girdle of fealty around their loins, and promised that whenever, or wherever, I should summon them, they would attend me with all their followers.
When Selduz entered the province of Balkh, Hajy Ayzdy of Shemerghān drew out his army and engaged him; but, being defeated, sought refuge with me; having thus made him one of my dependants, I drove out Selduz, and restored Shemerghān to him.
This same year, Amyr Hussyn, the grandson of Amyr Kūrgen, who sought the inheritance of his grandfather, marched from Cābul, with all his tribe and followers, and came towards Maveralnaher; he also wrote me a letter requesting my assistance; as his sister was one of my wives, the sinews of my affection were put in motion.* I therefore encouraged him to advance towards Maveralnaher. This in fact was the greatest error I committed during my whole reign, for I thus admitted into my friendship a person of vile disposition, proud, and miserly, but I being then ignorant of his character, advised him to invade Badukhshān, which he did, and made himself master of that country.
In this year, 760, a son was born to me; as he was my first, I named him Muhammed, after the Prophet, upon whom, and upon his descendants, be the Grace of God; and, as it occurred at a period when I was very successful, I considered it an auspicious omen, and added Jehangyre, (Conqueror of the World). I also gave a grand feast, to which all the principal inhabitants of Maveralnaher came, except two of the Nobility; the first was Amyr Bāyezyd Jelayr, the other, Amyr Hajy Berlās.
I however did not shew any displeasure, but acted kindly to all their dependants and followers, which induced them to take my part; in consequence of which the tribe of Berlās, which was under the command of Amyr Hajy, but who were disgusted with his conduct, repaired to me; also his wife’s father, ambitious of getting the command of the tribe for his grandson, by which he himself would get the power into his own hands, attempted to assassinate him: but the Amyr having discovered the plot, sent the scoundrel to hell; he then came to consult me whether he should destroy the family; I told him, that to take revenge upon children would be highly improper, and only cause poverty and distress.
In this same year, A. H. 760, Amyr Hussyn got possession of the whole kingdom of Badukhshān, and took prisoners three of the Princes of the country, heirs of the former kings, whom his minister, Mahmud Yusury, very unjustly put to death, but the revenge of their blood seized hold on the skirts of Amyr Hussyn; and their heirs obtained legal retaliation on him, as will be hereafter mentioned.
When I reached my twenty-fifth year, Tugleck Timūr Khān, the descendant of Jengyz Khān, who was absolute Sovereign of the Desht Jitteh, advanced towards Maveralnaher with the intention of subduing it, and encamped on the banks of the Khujend river, from whence he sent me an Imperial edict to summon all the chiefs to his presence.*
Hajy Berlās being much frightened, consulted me what we should do in regard to opposing Tugleck Timūr. I said, “it is advisable that we should wait on him in person, but let us send our tribes and hordes to the south side of the Jihūn, towards Khurasān, that after he has entered Maveralnaher we shall see whether he intends to remain; if he stops there, he will then lay the province waste; but if he does not intend keeping possession, we will attend his court.” After much argument it was at length agreed that I should wait on Tugleck Timūr with my own people, and, by my ingenuity, endeavour to preserve the country from being plundered, because “policy is often superior to the sword.” It was also determined that Hajy Berlās should proceed towards Khurasān with the Tribes and Clans, whilst I remained behind to protect, if possible, the country; but, if not, to follow him.
In consequence of this determination, I gave the blessing to Hajy Berlās, and sent him off with all the tribes and hordes, but escorted them two or three day’s journey; after which I returned alone, and took up my residence at Kesh.
Amyr Bayezy having explained the order to his Tribe, marched with them to meet Tugleck Timūr.
At this time my Father Teragay was taken very ill: and, in order to attend on him, I was obliged to postpone my visit to Tugleck Timūr; but when the decreed hour had arrived, my honoured parent resigned his life, and bade adieu to the world. I buried him in an honourable manner in the vicinity of Kesh, the burying ground of the Holy men (Aulia). After this event all the principal inhabitants of Maveralnaher waited on me, and by agreement said, “We are twelve thousand Cavaliers, we wish you to accept the Sovereignty: and if you permit, we will read the Khutbēh in your name, for it is written in the ‘Rules of Government,’ that whoever has twelve thousand Cavaliers true and faithful to him, should he not raise the Standard of Royalty, ought to be reckoned inglorious.” As I knew that this proposal of theirs proceeded entirely from fear, (of Tugleck) and that no dependence is to be placed on stipendiaries or needy followers, till tried by experience, I merely contented myself by assuring them there was no danger, and consequently no necessity for this imprudent measure.
At this time I received a second summons from Tugleck Timūr, I therefore explained to the chiefs and principal persons of Maveralnaher, that the coming of Tugleck Timūr was an unexpected calamity, and it would be better, as the Jetes are noted for avarice, to satiate them by presents, and induce them to refrain from murder and rapine.*
Soon after this, the first division of the Jetes, commanded by Mahmūd Yusury, entered Maveralnaher in great force, with the intention of plundering and laying waste the country, and encamped at Heraz, I therefore assembled my own people, and taking with me the principal personages, and a number of curiosities and valuable presents, I proceeded towards the Jete army.
When I arrived at Heraz, I met the general Mahmūd Yusury, and we embraced on horseback; we then proceeded to his tent, where he entertained me; after dinner I presented him a number of valuable articles, and requested that he would halt where he was, while I should proceed to the next division of the army, and visit the other officers; I accordingly marched forward to the Heravul, and in the plains of Keshem, I waited on the Commander in Chief (Amyr al Omrā) and other Generals; they all came forward to meet me, and received me in the most gracious manner, and praised me exceedingly; I deceived them also by rich presents, and prevailed on them to halt in the desert till I should have paid my respects to the Khān.
The three generals agreed to my request, considered my visit as an auspicious omen, and wrote in my favour to their master.
At length I paid my respects to Tugleck Timūr, while encamped on the banks of the Khujend, and the chiefs of the tribes and principal persons of the country had the honour of saluting him, (Kūrnish) and of making him their numerous offerings. When the Khān was informed that the generals of the advanced divisions had taken valuable presents from the inhabitants of Maveralnaher, he was incensed, and ordered all the presents to be confiscated, and deposited in his treasury. This order gave great offence to the officers, and they vowed vengeance against him.
At this time, intelligence was brought that the officers of the army in Jetteh had raised the standard of rebellion against Tugleck Timūr; he therefore consulted me, saying, “shall I march against the mutineers in person, or shall I send an army to subdue them.” I replied, “in going yourself to the desert, there is only one danger to be apprehended, but by sending an army, and not going in person, there are two* to be feared:” the Emperor was much gratified by this advice, and in order to subdue the mutinous officers, returned towards the desert.
And he gave me the command of the (Tumān) tribe of Kerachār, and the government of Maveralnaher, with permission to return; in consequence of which, all the people of that country, both great and small, soldier and citizen, considered themselves under great obligations to me, and offered up thanksgivings and prayers for my success, in recompense for my having (through the grace of God) averted such a calamity from them. Amyr Jelayr, who with his people had also paid their respects to the Khān, came and joined me. Thus I became absolute master of all Maveralnaher; I then compelled all the nomade tribes to conform to my regulations, and I took up my abode in the city of Kesh, called also Sheher Subz or verdant city.†
About this time, A. H. 762, the Syeds, the prelates, and the learned, and other principal persons of Maveralnaher, waited upon me, and requested that I would permit them to read the (Khutbēh) royal proclamation in my name, but I desired them to postpone doing so, for I reflected within myself, that it was first requisite to clear the country from thieves and robbers, and bring all the nomade tribes into perfect subjection, after which it would be easy to have the Khutbēh read, and have the coin struck in my own name.
At this time I received a letter from (the Jete General) Amyr Khizer Yusury, informing me that he was coming with all his tribe to become my subjects; I was much rejoiced that he should thus voluntarily submit to my authority, and was convinced that the standard of my sovereignty was daily rising more and more.
A. D. 1361.When in this year, I had attained the age of twenty-six, Amyr Hussyn, the grandson of Amyr Kūrgen, whom I had encouraged to the invasion of Badukhshān, attacked the fort of Shadmān, belonging to Myan Selduz, and requested my assistance: in consequence of our family connection, I agreed to assist him; I sent a division of troops, under the command of Khizer Yusury, to join him; a few days afterwards I marched with my own division. When Selduz was informed of my movements, finding himself unequal to contend against such a force, he evacuated the fortress of Shadmān, and fled into Badukhshān; when intelligence of these events reached Behāaddeen, (the legitimate Prince of that country) he fled to the mountains, and Amyr Hussyn with little difficulty got possession of all Badukhshān.
Amyr Hussyn was however jealous of my movement, and when I arrived at Shadmān, fearing that “I would take the Lion’s share,” he wrote me a letter of thanks, stating, “that owing to my assistance, he had gotten possession not only “of the fortress, but also of all the plain country of Badukhshān; he, therefore, “requested that I would not take the trouble of advancing any farther, and that “I would have the goodness to return to my capital; but that I was master, “and might do as I liked; that he should ever consider himself under the “greatest obligations, and reckon Badukhshān as a gift from me.”
At this time, Kykubad, brother of Kykhūsrū Khutelāny, who was called the murderer of Kings, for he had put to death the King of Badukhshān, waited on me, and began to flatter me; but as I had no confidence in him, I put him to death.
When I received Amyr Hussyn’s letter, I acted in a friendly manner to him, but I appointed Khizer Yusury, whom I esteemed as my right arm, to the command of the fortress of Shadmān, and returned to my capital, which was the city of Subz, and there took up my abode.
Some time after this, I sent an invitation to Khizer Yusury, to come from Shadmān and visit me. After the course of a fortnight, he having previously received valuable presents from Amyr Hussyn, came to me; I received him as my guest, gave him a grand entertainment, and having attached him to me, sent him back to Shadmān.
About this time, an Ambassador came to me, sent by Amyr Hussyn, to represent that he was in great distress, and solicited my assistance, for that Myan Selduz had attacked him, that the people of Badukhshān had deserted him, that he feared every day being seized, and that his only chance of safety was my marching to his aid.
The sinews of my honour being thus touched, I ordered an army to march immediately from Subz towards Badukhshān, and I sent letters to Amyr Bāyezyd and Khizer Yusury, to proceed immediately to the assistance of Amyr Hussyn; the former delayed, but the other very shortly joined him. During this time, I proceeded towards Badukhshān, and when intelligence of my approach, and of Amyr Hussyn’s having advanced to meet me, was conveyed to Myan Selduz, he thought it more prudent to flee than to stay; Amyr Hussyn then waited on me, and entertained me hospitably; I having thus delivered him from his enemy, left him in possession of his country, and returned towards my capital.
When I arrived at (Derbund Ahēny) the iron gate, I received information that Hajy Berlās, (Timūr’s uncle) who through dread of Tugleck Timūr, had fled to Khurasān, had returned, had visited Bāyezyd Jelayr, (who had disobeyed my orders by not going to the assistance of Amyr Hussyn), and that they had not only agreed to seize upon my city of Kesh, but that he had actually done so.
When he received intelligence of my approach, he drew out his army, and prepared to oppose me: as I always considered Hajy Berlās as one of my own bones, I wrote him a letter;
reproaching him for his breach of friendship, and offering to give him the district of Kesh if he would rejoin me: but after the receipt of my letter, he gave orders for my destruction, and drew up his armies in battle-array, at a place called Akyār, so that I could not pass by. Finding them thus determined to annihilate me, I resolved to fight him in a regular engagement, hoping to conquer him by my superior skill in manœuvering.
The following is the arrangement I made for engaging Hajy Berlās: I divided my troops into seven divisions, and ordered each division to attack the enemy in succession, judging that by the time of the seventh charge, his troops would certainly give way. As my opponent still kept possession of Akyār, I drew out my army in the following order; I took the command of the centre (Ghul) myself, the right wing I gave in charge to Khizer Yusury, the left wing I consigned to Jakū Berlās, and divided the troops of Subz into four divisions. The first day was spent in manœuvering, the second day we made frequent charges on their line, and had a good deal of fighting: on the night preceding the third day,* I asked the blessings of the religious personages, and as soon as the day broke, which might be considered as the dawn of my good fortune, I mounted my steed and advanced; but Hajy Berlās being terrified, fled to Samerkund, and took refuge with Bāyezyd Jelayr. After the victory, I made a new arrangement of the troops, and taking some of those of Subz and the Yusurians, under the command of their leader, I went in pursuit of Berlās, and over-ran the country even to the vicinity of Samerkund; but when we had arrived there, a part of the troops of Kesh, notwithstanding I had gained a victory, deserted me, and went and joined Berlās.
I also discovered that all the other troops were disaffected, that even Amyr Jakū, who was descended from my ancestor Kerachār Nuyān, forgetting our family connexion, and Khizer Yusury, whom I esteemed as my right arm, forsaking the path of rectitude, and seduced by the Devil, deserted me, and went and joined my enemies.
After my enemies were assembled, they consulted together, and came to the resolution of making a simultaneous attack, in order to deprive me of the city of Subz; at length they determined to proceed first to Samerkund, and there being joined by Bāyezyd Jelayr, they should then come out and annihilate me.
It is requisite to mention, that when these chiefs paid their compliments to Bāyezyd Jelayr, he received them all in the most gracious manner, entertained them with great hospitality, and endeavoured to ingratiate himself with them; they were however suspicious of his intentions, and fled from Samerkund. On hearing of this circumstance, I immediately wrote a letter to Khizer Yusury, persuading him to return to my service; but as he was afraid of me also, he would not put any confidence in my promises, and said, “the sword must decide our quarrel.” When this intelligence was brought me, I drew out my army, resolving at first to stand on the defensive, afterwards to make our attack on him, and if possible, take him prisoner.
In consequence of this determination, when Yusury drew out his army at a place named Serūs, I gave orders for my troops to remain on the defensive, till the enemy should have expended their fury, and exhausted their strength, when we should in our turn attack them. The next day I reviewed the troops of Subz, and having given them my own standard, ordered them to advance against the enemy; they accordingly did so, and skirmished with them. When Khizer Yusury saw my standard, he thought I was in the first line, and made a vigorous charge on it; the ground was warmly disputed by both parties, sometimes retreating, sometimes advancing, greatly fatiguing and wounding each other. During this time I was in the rear of the battle, and when I thought that the enemy were sufficiently exhausted, I ordered the trumpets to sound, and with my fresh troops made a vigorous charge, they were not able to withstand this attack, and took to flight.
When intelligence of this event was carried to Bāyezyd Jelayr, the governor of Samerkund, he immediately mounted the throne, and assumed the state of an absolute Prince, and being no longer jealous of me, he wrote me a letter, and again heated the chain of friendship. Hajy Berlās, who was also jealous of Yusury, being now satisfied, went and assumed the command of his own tribe. But notwithstanding all these circumstances, Bāyezyd and Berlās continued to intrigue against me, and entered into a private treaty, stating that as long as Timūr lived, they should consider peace and tranquillity impossible, and that they should therefore do every thing in their power to annihilate him.
In order to carry into effect this treacherous and cunning plan, they wrote me a joint letter, proposing that “we three should divide the kingdom of Maveral“naher in a brotherly manner; that whatever chief should quietly submit to us, “we should treat him with kindness, but that whoever should oppose us, must “be eradicated:” they also made several other advances to me of pretended friendship, with the intention of deceiving me.
Some time after this, Bāyezyd came out of Samerkund, and having joined Berlās, they encamped in the vicinity of Kesh, and made a great entertainment.
See Note at the end of the Preface.
[= Note, referred to at page 1. Mr. William Davy went out to India as a Cadet, about the year 1767, and having early applied himself to the study of the Persian language, was selected by Sir Robert Barker, Commander-in-Chief of Bengal, to be his Secretary and Persian Interpreter; in this situation he was in constant habits of associating and transacting business with many of the principal natives, and even with the Great Moghul, or Emperor of Delhy; after a residence of twelve years, he returned to England. When the late Lord Macartney was appointed to the government of Madras, he requested Major Davy to accompany him; they sailed in 1781, but on their arrival found the whole of the Carnatic overrun by the armies of Hyder Aly, and the Major seeing there was no field then open for his abilities, proceeded to Calcutta, and was immediately taken into the family of the Governor General, Warren Hastings, where he employed himself in the duties of his office, the pursuit of his studies, and collecting information.
In the year 1784, he again embarked for England, but died on his passage home; his books and papers were however carefully transmitted to his executors, and by them made over to his son, now Colonel Davy of Tracey Park, near Bath, in whose library, the MS. of which I have undertaken the translation, remained unexamined till last year, when in consequence of my report of it to the Royal Asiatic Society, it was recommended to the Oriental Translation Committee. The following extract of a letter respecting the authenticity of the Institutes, was written by Major Davy, previous to his return to India, and was published with the Preface to that work.]
↩Monsieur Langlés says in the sixth page of his Preface; “ces superstitions sont, pour le philosophe, des renseignemens certains sur les mœurs et sur l’esprit des hommes. J’engage donc M. M. Davy et White à faire cette restitution, si ce n’est pas à l’érudition, du moins à la Philosophie.”
↩The Tūrky language differs as much from the modern Turkish, as the Saxon does from the English.
↩See Memoirs of Baber, published by William Erskine, Esq. in 1826, the Preface, Introduction, and Notes to which, contain a vast deal of information, and the whole of the work is highly creditable to the learned author.
↩Times are since altered, and I have now lying before me two authentic transcripts of the Emperor’s copy, an account of which will be hereafter given; CHARLES STEWART.
↩See also Dr. White’s Preface to the Institutes, page 6.
↩An ample detail of all these nations will be found in Gibbon’s History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
↩See printed copy of the Institutes of Timūr, pages 131 and 285: Gibbon following the French orthography, calls him Chagan.
↩Since writing the above, I have been informed by one of our best Chinese scholars, that the Mandarins of that country are called Kwans, but that the title of Jengyz was Ching-sze Kho-han.
↩Sahib Kerān, signifies Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction; Sany, the second. Shāh Jehān mounted the throne of Hindūstan, A. H. 1037, A.D. 1628.
↩The following two lines are in the ancient Jagtay Tūrky, the words of which are not to be found in Meninski’s Dictionary. The lines will be found in Appendix No. 2.
↩Descendants of Muhammed.
↩See Appendix IV.
↩The Shaikh must have received some imperfect information of the Patron Saints of Europe, unless the invention is Asiatic, but I fear this passage will be thought very obscure.
↩Cœsar, being the title assumed by Bajazet and other Ottoman Emperors.
↩See Appendix IV.
↩The Translator has sometimes made use of the name Uzbek, by anticipation.
↩See first Design, page 15, Davy’s Institutes and Sequel.
↩An extensive region situated to the north of the Caspian Sea, bounded on the west by the Volga.
↩See first Design, Institutes.
↩See second Design, Institutes, page 25.
↩See Note to page 9. [= The Translator has sometimes made use of the name Uzbek, by anticipation.]
↩See Zyn Addeen (ornament of religion), page 7.
↩Here he relates another instance of his good fortune, in escaping from Aly Beg, which appears in the History. See page 37 of the Institutes, therefore omitted here.
↩Two other Anecdotes have been passed over, as they will again occur in the History.
↩See Appendix V.
↩The late Tippoo Sultān probably took the idea of his dreams from this work. See the Sultān’s Letters published by Colonel Kirkpatrick in 1811.
↩He here relates two other dreams respecting his brother-in-law, Amyr Hussyn, and Tukel Behardur, the circumstances of which belong to the History, and will be related.
↩Jujy, called also Tucky, the eldest son of Jengyz Khān, died six months before his father, but his sons obtained the kingdom of Kipchāk, as their portion of his dominions.
↩Spiritual Counsellor.
↩See Appendix VI. also Sale’s Translation of the Korān, page 437.
↩It is said that the Afghans never change their clothes till worn out.
↩See Introduction.
↩See Appendix VII.
↩Many of these Santons were considered as deranged, but their predictions were not the less credited.
↩See Appendix VI.
↩See Institutes, page 25.
↩This name is spelled in Persian both Jagtay and Chagtay, a large portion of Tūrkestān is called after him.
↩The date here mentioned is supposed to be a mistake either of the Persian translator, or of the copyist, as all other authorities fix the birth of Timūr on the 25th of Shabãn, A. H. 736, corresponding with the 7th of May, A. D. 1336.
↩See Note to page 28. [= This name is spelled in Persian both Jagtay and Chagtay.]
↩He was the last of the descendants of Jengyz Khān, who actually reigned over Transoxiana, although several young men had the empty title of Khān conferred on them, but they were mere puppets in the hands of the powerful chiefs.
↩This was a boast of Timūr, as he was then very young; Aghlān signifies both a boy and a Prince.
↩Herat, the Aria of the Greeks, long the capital of Khorasān, situated on the Jihun, Lat. 34, N. 50. See Edinburgh Gazetteer.
↩The Tartars play with sheep-shanks instead of dice.
↩This accounts for the long rivalship between him and Amyr Hussyn, which only terminated with the death of the latter.
↩Sāly Seray was the capital or residence of the Amyr, it is situated on the Jihūn.
↩These countries are situated between the 36th and 38th degrees of northern latitude, and between the 68th and 70th eastern longitude.
↩See Note, page 42. [= This accounts for the long rivalship between him and Amyr Hussyn, which only terminated with the death of the latter.]
↩See page 15, printed copy of the Institutes.
↩These Jetes are not to be confounded with the ancient Getē, they were unconverted Tūrks, and at this time inhabited the country of Jetteh or Deshti Jitteh; Timūr afterwards calls them his countrymen, in fact they were the followers of the descendants of Jengyz Khān. See also printed copy of the Institutes, page 25.
↩First, that his army might be defeated by the mutineers, and second, that they might join them.
↩Lat. 39,20 North.
↩The Muhammedans reckon the commencement of the day from Sun-set.
↩