Akbar-nāmah - The Akbarnāma of Abū Fazl, Volume 2

The chain of arrangements in Creation's work-shop, which is a truth-showing exhibition of evidences, and an illustration of self-existent power, needs to be linked to the sway of a lofty soul which may, by help of the Divine arm, sustain the burden of the universe, and can, by the strength of its perfect intelligence, supply both substance and system to the work of the terrene and terrestrials. The splendour of glory streams from his fortune's forehead; the lightning of sublimity shines from the tablet of his actions; the beam of justice's balance is steadied by his potent arm; the institutes of sovereignty's forum receive lustre and currency from his care and consideration. Ingots of fine gold, which are the coins of heaven's treasury, receive their perfect assay from his true die, and night-gleaming jewels, which are polished stellar orbs, behold greatness by being set in his tiara. The parterres of the Caliphate are watered by the stream of his scimitar, and the hexagonal earth irradiated by his banner's Crescent. The echo of his dread drums o'erpowers the roar of the world's calamities; the gleaming ensign of his greatness lightens up the dark, dust-stained world. He lays the dust of discord by the water¹ of his world-opening sword, and quenches calamity's lightning by the cloud of his sphere-shading umbrella. The portico of his gate is the compass of the wanderers in the desert of longing, and his threshold becomes the prostration-precinct of the goal of the stiff-necked ones of pride's antechambers. His genius was compressed¹ for the repair of the ruined abode of hearts; his nature was formed from birth for the knitting together of the community of souls. Love for him hath its home in the innermost chambers of the hearts of one and all; invocations to him repose on the tongues of high and low. Nay, the orders of plants, which are stationary shewers-forth of glory, were made verdant and juicy from the fountains of his bounty, and received growth from the vernal breezes of his liberality. Even the genera of inorganic substances, which remain steadfast in one place, received abundant favour from the impress of his justice, and attained to noble destinies from his grace.

Not only do living beings attain peace, pleasure, and glory,
From the faith and the justice of the crowned,
By justice's Spring, grass grows out of stone,
Grass becomes a sprout, and the sprout a fruit-bearing tree.
The glory of justice gives such an impress on earth
That dust turns stone, and stone turns silver and gold.

As the sacred personality of this nursling of fortune's parterre was a shining and a glorious proof of this, and claimed as of right the sublime dignity, and as the good news of dominion and auspiciousness shone forth from the beginning of the morn of his birth, and as musky, world-cheering perfumes reached the olfactory nerves of the wise of heart from his opening years, and world-ruling greatness streamed from the tablet of his brow, and the glory of world-conquest shot from his far-seeing eyes, and the note of enthronement appeared in his mode of sitting, and the writings on the seal of sovereignty were read in the lines of his hand, and as the moment of time arrived which the heavens had been expecting for so many cycles, and as the revolution, which the stars had sought during so many conjunctions, became manifest, the marshallers of the world's progress raised a shout of joy, and the messengers of good tidings to celestials and terrestrials loosed the tongue of ecstasy with the news of peace and safety.

Fortune's jewel is on thy signet
Thine is the world's imperial cycle,
Heaven's ear opens to the beat of thy drum,
The throne is thy foot-kissing follower,
Thy sublime crown rests on the head of hearts,
Proclaim¹ thine own khuṭba, for thine is the Caliphate.

The Sultan of the spheres (the sun) had reached the auspicious House of Pisces, and had bent his sublime aspect towards his House of Exaltation, in order that he might make the four-pillared throne of Aries radiant with the auspicious Accession, and might refresh the dust-stained denizens of earth's domain by universal plenty. A canopy of trees threw a shade over the parterre which made the throne-chamber; and King Rose (Khusrau-i-Gul) sat on an emerald throne, wearing a diadem composed of the hundred-leaved rose, set with jacinths and rubies; and sweet voiced birds, like the heralds of an imperial accession, with scarves of long feathers (shahpar) on their bodies, and ermine robes on their bosoms, raised high the khuṭba of joy from many-pillared arboreal pulpits. The cypress and pine, who stood in respect's antechamber, bowed their heads in reverence, and the box-tree and juniper, who were feeble and needy seniors, put on the dress and the airs of youth. Glorious tulips and aromatic plants donned parti-coloured robes, and the young tulips and dog-roses could not for joy contain themselves in their vestments. The sound of the drums of thunder, set upon the heads of elephant-clouds, made uproar throughout the seven climes, and the pearl-dropping voice of early spring emitted a general invitation to the four quarters² of the universe. The winds of enduring bounty began to issue from the blow-holes of benevolence, andt he flower gardens of the Divine Caliphate blossomed anew. Meanwhile the moon was bending the brow of supplication in adoration and thanksgiving, and was gathering light by the hand¹ of Cassiopeia, and the Polestar was anointing the two eyes of the Calves² with white antimony from a pencil of golden rays. Astronomical observers, and heaven-conjoined interpreters of the Almagest, who watched the influential constellations with the astrolabe of science, cast the horoscope of world-sway from the pages of celestial tables. Assuredly there was help of glorious grace, and union of the hosts of fortune and dominion.

In an hour adored by the heavens. In the Īdgāh of heart-expanding Kalānūr.

May it ever be the goal of Fortune.

A great feast and great assemblage, such as might move the envy of celestial writers, were organised.

A heart-delighting feast was prepared
'Twas decked both without and within
In front of that verdant kiosk
They spread a carpet wide as a parade-ground,
Screens³ tipped with ornaments
Were drawn round the banquet hall.
The covering of the ground from end to end
Was silk of Tartary and Chinese brocade.
From the number of gold-threaded awnings
The air was like a screen inlaid with gold.
They inclosed the sky in pure gold
For a blue⁴ veil becometh not a feast.

The fumes of the banquet's far-reaching scents
Made heaven like a ball of musk.
The palace-grandees rose up.
They dressed a throne in bridal fashion
For now would the virgin of empire
Be wed to the Shah, the Prince Fortunatus;
Two worlds were conjoined
And made fast by an eternal bond,
Time thus sang strain upon strain,
“O Fortune¹ dally with dominion's throne.
A king seats himself thereon
From whom the throne shall gain fixity
He sitteth in the royal seat
With whom Fortune will take shelter.

At that place, in a felicitous hour (darsā'at faiz ashā'at), to wit, near noon of Friday, which was according to visibility² the second of Rabī'-aṯ-ṯani of the lunar year (14th February, 1556), but by calculation, the middle of the third (15th February), Isfandarmaẕ of the Jalālī year 477, Tīr of the Yazdajirdī year 925, Shabāṭ of the Rūmī (Syro-Macedonian), year 1867, that glory of his lofty lineage put on his person a golden robe, and on his head a dark (mashkīn) tiara, and sate with good auspices and prestige on the dais of sovereignty and the throne of the Caliphate. Congratulatory shouts arose from the six sides of the world, and the heaven-resembling pulpit was exalted by the proclamation (khuṭba) of fortune, and the stairs³ of exaltation were made venerable by praises and sublimities.

God now placed on the head of the world's Khedive
A burden heretofore laid on the top of heaven,
On him whose nature had such might,
The burden of two worlds could be laid.
When the world's burden reaches a world-king
He lays it on his head with thankfulness.

Though to outward sense the preacher was descending step by step, in reality he was ascending by gradations. When his speech became ear-enchaining by the holy titles, and his tongue grew pearl-strewing by the glorious name, gratulatory shouts arose from right and left, and there were cries of unlimited submission and surrender. The dressers belonging to the royal manufactories threw a golden robe over the preacher's shoulders and enveloped him in gold. The treasurers of the Court of the Caliphate scattered gold and jewels right and left.

They flung on one side gold, and on the other, jewels,
They scattered jewels in trays, and gold in bucklers.

On the same day the rescript of sovereignty was exalted by the titles of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and a world-pervading proclamation was adorned by the signet of the Lord of the Earth. All that world-enlightening day, which in truth was New Year's day for the spring-time of realm and religion, the coinage of sovereignty was being impressed by the noble name in fortune's Mint¹ and the various denominations of coins attained perfection by his just assayment.

When the coin was adorned with the Shāh's name
The moon's worth was lessened in the eyes of the stars

The dīnār¹ was lighted up by a rosy face
The dirham was adorned by a white one.

From time to time they poured from trays silver and gold into the lap of the world's hope, and cast varied presents into the bosom of the universe. The blare of the trumpets of joy and gladness burst forth, the drums of rejoicing beat high. Sovereignty laid the foundations of her dwelling-place. The Caliphate reached the goal of safety. The quadrangular throne of the assembly received elevation. The tiara was exalted by everlasting ascendancy. The signet-ring received a glorious motto. The o'ershadowing umbrella of dominion was opened out over the horizons. The refulgent standard received a lofty light. The lucky ball² of the Kaukaba came into the crook of the Caugān. The sword reposed in the closet of the sheath. The dagger rested from brandishing. The bow was relieved from the world's tension. The arrow was respited from the transfixing of (lit., the sewing-up) the livers of foes. Loftily seated Reason, which in its ascendancy had o'erpassed the sky, thus spake to the preacher³ of sovereignty's pulpit.

I hold the khuṭba-adorning roll of his praises
I've searched high and low for a reading-desk.
My priceless jewel is fit for a king's treasury
But not a jewel which can be bought for gold.

The world, a deer which had o'erleapt the snares of mighty hunters of the forest (i.e., former kings), became his Fortune's prey and exultingly sang—

When my star has tied me to his Fortune's saddle-straps
How can any think me worthless game.

Fortune, sovereignty's potent generalissimo gratefully recited her honours.

Taken up from earth (Khāk) I am grown a great Khāqān,
Drawn above the sky I'm a great ruler (Dārā-i-Akbar)
By his presence I am revered in public and in private.
And am strong inwardly and outwardly by his prestige,
From his bounty is this my rose-garden irrigated,
From his banquet is this my brimming bowl.

Dominion the variegated one of the world's picture-gallery became all of one colour (i.e., harmonious or unanimous) and spake thus:

My cheek is freed from the stain of particolour,
I'm a white diamond and a red ruby,
The beauteous garden of the king is my carpet
The ātr of his holy spirit is the smoke in my censer
Whilst my speech's jewel is heaven's earring
I'll laud his throne and invoke his diadem.

The sky girt with a baldric of stars came dancing and cried!

I wear the girdle of service and the torque of slavery,
In his presence let me not have other gem or jewel
My troops are victorious o'er hosts of foes
Because I'm of the clan of the slaves of the conquering Lord.

Felicity (S'aādat), the wellwisher of sovereignty's mansion described himself thus:

Each morn his threshold is my altar
From joy in the glorious sun I face eastwards

Perchance the key of grace may reach my pocket
With chain on foot I'm as a door on the threshold.

All the Signors and Sirdars (sirān u sirdārān), all the generals and generalissimos (sipahkashān u sipahsālārān), and the other pillars of empire and eyes of sovereignty, gave their allegiance to that lofty-lineaged one from the bottom of their hearts and with a sincere conscience, and ratified the compact and loyalty by an oath to God.

Bairām Khān Khān-khūnan I'tiẓād-i-daulat qāhira (the stay of victorious dominion), became by sublime favour Vakīl-as-sulṭanat. The binding and loosing of the affairs of the Caliphate, the gathering and despatching of the armies of victory, were committed to his plenteous science and the strong hand of his fidelity. The other territory-adorning officers and grandees of Caghatai lineage, whether those who had the bliss of serving in the Presence, or were stationed in the provinces or on the borders to hold territories or to subdue them, received, one and all, special marks of attention in addition to their being distinguished by royal favours, in accordance with their position and merits.

Scheme of the horoscope of the auspicious accession of H.M. the King of Kings.

It is now proper to construct the figure of the horoscope of the sacred accession with truthful compasses and righteous pen, so that awakened hearts may gain increased light and that the short-sighted may get length of vision; nay, that life may be given to the inanimate, and world-descrying life to the animate.¹

This is the kingly horoscope,
This is the roll of Divine mysteries.
Rays of might, and tablet of success
Sum of wisdom and list of equity
'Tis the star of the star (kaukaba-i-kaukab) of glory and greatness
'Tis tidings of joy to the universe
Open the eye on this eternal tablet
Rejoice for ever over both worlds.

Various delightful points arise from the consideration of this auspicious horoscope. The first is that in the tenth Angle, which is the house of sovereignty, the sun is showing increase of light. Now the main point for consideration with regard to the hour of an Accession is the propitiousness of the tenth house, viz., that there should be a propitiousness befitting the approach of a world-adorner.

Imām-Abū-l-Muhammad of Ghaznī, who was one of the great masters of astronomical prognostication, has laid it down that it is good to have the Ascendant in Scorpio so that the tenth Angle may be Leo, the house of the sun. God be praised! Here we have the sun come of his own accord into the tenth house and diffusing the rays of auspiciousness and fortune!

A Shāh who was the fulfiller of hope,
His heart shone with eternal light,
How can his ray not brighten the world
Who has the sun for a guardian?

The second house which is that of property, is Cancer, and the Moon, which is the Regent of the house, has attained in the eleventh house, which is that of hope, the position of fauq-al-arẓ (ascension above the earth). This is a proof that the keys of earth's treasures will without difficulty or effort come into the hands of the treasurers of his fortune.

The third house, which is that of kinsmen and connexions, is Leo, and its dominant, the Sun, is in the tenth angle. All the relatives will be obedient to orders and submissive to the commands of the Shāhinshāh.

The fourth house is Virgo, which is called the terrestrial angle, and is conversant with the final results of actions and with possessions. The dominant (Mercury) is in the ninth house which is that of travel. This is a proof of excellent eventualities and of the stability of conquests.

The fifth house is Libra, which is that of children, and enjoyment and presents. Its Regent is Venus who is in Pisces, which is her house of exaltation. This proves that auspicious children will be near to the king by affection and favour, and will grow up in the shadow of dominion and grace, that the cup of social joy will brim over, and that caravans of gifts from the four quarters of the world will unload at his threshold.

The sixth house is Scorpio, which is that of slaves and servants, and of diseases. Its Regent, Mars, is in the house of sovereignty (the tenth). This indicates equability of temperament, numerous faithful slaves and devoted servants. Though Jupiter is in Sagittarius, yet, by virtue of equal distribution¹ of houses, he is imparting blessings to the sixth house.

The seventh house, Sagittarius, is the western² angle, and the Nadir (Naẓīr) of the ascendant. It is the house of enemies. As by the equal distribution of houses it is void of an auspicious star, there is strong evidence that the enemies of the State will be overcome.

The eighth house is Capricorn which is conversant with heritages. As its dominant (Saturn) is in the eleventh house, this is a proof that hereditary blessings will be attached to the perfect condition of his personality.

The ninth house is Aquarius and has to do with knowledge, faith, and travel. Mercury who is the lord of the Ascendant (as Regent of Gemini) is there. He has a kind aspect to the Ascendant, and causes the acquisition of the lights of wisdom. He tells of sincere inquiry into the affairs of realm and religion, soundness of plan in matters of travel, and conduciveness thereof to the confirmation of dominion.

A king, whom, for his wisdom, we call Ẕū fanūn (Master of sciences)
We call him a guide of the road to God
Though kings be God's shadows
He's God's light, how then call him a shadow?

The tenth house, Pisces, is called the tenth angle, and is the house of sovereignty and of mothers. The Sun, Venus, and Mars are there. The days of sovereignty will always pass pleasantly, and the owner of the horoscope will have daily increasing sources of splendour and glory. Mothers of high rank will attain their desires through his good fortune.

The eleventh house, Aries, is associated with hopes and with sincere friends. It is the Sun's house of exaltation, and the swiftly-moving Moon is waxing there. Every hope that arises in the holy soul will be fulfilled quickly and thoroughly, and friends will become successful from being associated with his great fortune.

The twelfth house is Taurus, and is the house of enemies. It is void of stars, and Mars is in aspect from the tenth house. The enemies of realm and religion will drink blood from the sharp sword of Mars. The Moon is in Aries, the Sun's house of exaltation. The great men of this science have declared that in accession-horoscopes, the Moon, which is the intermediary for conveying light from the superior heavenly bodies to the inferior, should be in Aries. They have considered this to be a circumstance greatly to be relied upon. The Sun is in conjunction with Jupiter. The regent of the tenth (Jupiter) is in the seventh house. The house of the ascendant is aerial.¹ These things indicate that the victorious troops will be well-disciplined, and that there will be increase of the royal splendour and glory. The part of Good Fortune is strong, for it is situate in Leo which is the Sun's house, and its regent is in the tenth house. Jupiter, who is a strong evidence of loyalty, is in the seventh in his own house (Sagittarius), and is most auspicious. The regent of the tenth is ascending. The affairs of the State shall daily advance and prosper. And² a portion of the house of the ascendant is rising in the mansion of the Moon (?). Mercury has a friendly aspect to the Moon. All these are clear indications that things will turn out for the best, that fortune will increase, and desires be attained. The interpretation of the good points in this horoscope, and the wonders of it, are beyond the power of description. Acute scrutineers of celestial tables and conners of degrees on the surfaces of astrolabes know by the schedule of thought and the calendar of intelligence how few of such great and greatness conferring hours, in which so many everlasting blessings are infolded, have occurred since the time of the first motions of the heavens and the constellations and since the conduct of the world of mankind, which is the quintessence of creation, has been in the charge of the heavenly bodies.

One of the poets has said with respect to the chronogram of the glorious accession.

The pulpit was exalted by the king's khuṭba.
And by a just mintage deeds became golden,
By Akbar Shāh's sitting on sovereignty's throne
There came the accession chronogram Naṯrat-i-Akbar (great victory, 963).

And the hemistich “The accession of the world-protecting lord” also points to the year ending in bliss. And the words Kām-bakhsh also give the date of this time which is twinned with auspiciousness, and were written by the dedicatory pen of Maulānā Nūru-d-dīn Tarkhān.

It is not hidden from the minds of the inwardly lucid and right-thinking that the pen of Providence in making entries in the world's records proceeds upon the principle that the successive arrangements of the universe cannot attain coherence without regard being paid to times and to the determination of dates. The fixation of events and elucidation of occurrences receive precision and certitude from the dates of months and years, and so the eternal decree has gone forth that after the elapse of a space of time some great event shall be made the commencement of an era, and that commands and transactions, sacred and secular, shall be based thereupon. As the glorious Accession was of surpassing felicity and augmenting auspiciousness, it was worthy of being made the forehead-star (gharra) of unlimited successes and the preamble of endless felicities. By the Divine inspiration which had cast a ray of light on H.M.'s heart, and the consensus of lofty sages who had obtained his glorious assent, this rubric of the roll of months and years was made the foundation of a new era and the diffuser of comfort and repose. As the world-lighting New Year followed close upon the Accession, and as the latter is nourished by the quickening glances of the sun, the (intervening) fraction of time in whose folds thousands of victories were unveiling, was treated as the decorative border to the days of the New Year, and as the preface of glory and conquest; and the beginning of the great Era took effect from the coming New Year. The principle of the calculations rested on true solar months and years, and H.M. the Shāhinshāh, out of his fortune and greatness, and under the influence of a Divine inspiration, designated this grand epoch as the Tārīkh Ilāhī (Divine Era). Secretaries of a happy pen recorded it in rolls and rescripts. The names of the months of the Era were made identical with the famous names of the Persian months, but were adorned in addition by the title Ilāhī (Divine) e.g., Farwardīn, Divine month, Ardibihisht, Divine month. The names of the days were the same as those of the current thirty Persian days, viz.:—

1. Ormuz¹
2. Bahman
3. Ardibihisht
4. Shahriyūr
5. Isfandarmaẕ
6. Khurdād
7. Murdād
8. Daibāẕar (Dáí-ba-Āẕar)
9. Āẕar
10. Ābān
11. Rash
12. Māh
13. Tīr
14. Gosh or Gūsh²
15. Khūr (Dáí-ba-mihr)
16. Mihrgān (Mihr)
17. Sarosh
18. Rashn
19. Farwardīn
20. Bahram
21. Rām
22. Bād
23. Dai (Dai-bā-dīn)
24. Dīn
25. Ārād
26. Ashtād
27. Āsmān
28. Zamiyād
29. Mārisfand
30. Anīrān³

As in some months there were two days over thirty, they were called respectively Rūz and Shub (Day and Night). By the blessing of H.M.'s attention the intercalary days were abolished, and the months, like the years, became solar. The enlightened mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh also directed that there should be a duodenary cycle of the years of this Era, each year being named after a month, e.g., the first year was the year Farwardīn Ilāhī, the second, the year Ardibihisht Ilāhī.

The pillar of the founders of this sacred era was the Learned of the Age, the Plato of cycles,¹ Amir Fatḥ Ullah Shīrāzī whose title was Āẓad-ul-daula.

He it was who in a happy hour laid the foundation of this heavenward-soaring edifice. Although the foundation took place in 992 (1584), yet, as the position of events from the beginning of the sacred accession will be based upon the Divine Era, it appeared proper to enter the Era among the events of the year of the Accession. There is hope that, as the dominion and fortune of this line conjoined with eternity spring from a divine radiancy, the glory of the noble family will be for thousands of thousand years world-lighting and world-gripping, and that the number of years and months will continually surpass the dates and reckonings of calculators of celestial cycles. The copy of the world-obeyed Firmān, which was composed by Abūl Faẓl the writer of this auspicious preamble, and which was issued to the dominions after the establishment of this auspicious era, is as follows.

In this dominion-adorning time and auspicious epoch, when a cycle¹ (qarn) of the victorious session on the throne of sovereignty has elapsed, and the garden of fortune has begun² to smile, a world-obeyed firmān was issued (received a ray of exaltation) to the effect that the governors of the imperial dominions, and the other officers of state and of finance who, in accordance with their degrees and positions, are recipients of the royal favours, should know as follows:—

“Whereas the totality of H.M.'s lofty intellect is engaged in contriving that all sorts and conditions of men—who are fearfully and wonderfully made—may pass their precious days—which cannot be exchanged or replaced,—in cheerfulness and content, and in the shadow of happiness and hope, and in ways well-pleasing to God, and that they may withdraw the neck of submission from the collar of formalism (taqlīd) which all the teachers of religion and leaders of faith have struck at with the hand of denunciation, but which in all religions displays with effrontery its baseness and deformity; and that they may exercise themselves in gathering the materials of inquiry and not stay their foot in the paths of propositions (masālīk-i-matālib), without the guidance of proof, nor, while in the streets of their sentiments (mashāri'-i-maqāṣid), enter upon minute subtleties without the light of reason. Our mark-hitting mind (ẓamīr-i-sābat paẕīr) is ever paying full regard to the truths of science, and the minutiæ of wisdom, and through the Divine favour and guidance has from its lofty beginning been enriched and replenished by inspirations and visitations, and owing to beauteous mysteries and purity of intention has been endowed and blessed with the insignia of the past and of the future. In the course of such researches our eye fell upon the almanacs in common use among the people of India,¹ and which in their language are called patra.

We found in these almanacs (aurāq-i-kulpatra)² that they have calculated the beginning of the lunar month from the opposition (of sun and moon) that is, from the season of advancing darkness! In the Hindi language this is called Kishnpacc.³ So those darkened ones, out of pure formalism, ignorance, and excessive eccentricity and error, have based their month upon darkness! In addition to the fact that the folly of this empty and baseless arrangement is too clear for argument, it has been reported to us by orthodox religious teachers of this people, and has been shown by them from their old authoritative books, that in the time of the ancients the lunar month began with the lighting up of the side of the moon which is towards us, and which is called in their tongue Shuklpacc; and that this rational practice ceased from the time of Bikramājīt, on account of the prevalence of the heterodox and of the disorder and confusion which then existed. The propriety of making the first of the month coincide with the beginning of the emergence of light is one of the clearest first principles. Accordingly, an order has been promulgated that astrologers, almanac-makers, and casters of horoscopes, throughout our territories, shall base their calendars on the pure method of the Shuklpacc. As a precautionary measure, and in order to make things simple and easy, a calendar was prepared and sealed with the sacred seal, and was sent by us so that they might take it as a model.

Meanwhile the great officers of the Court have represented to us as follows: 'It is not hidden from the inspired mind, that the object of establishing an era is that the seasons of affairs and events may be known with ease, and no one have any occasion for alteration. Suppose, for example, some one makes a contract, or takes a farm or a loan, and the period of execution be 4 years, 4 months; unless the exact date of the beginning be known, it will be difficult, or rather, impossible to determine the date of completion. It is evident, too, that whenever an era has prevailed for a long time, the establishment of a new one opens the gates of ease and prosperity for all mankind. And it is known to students of history that, from the beginning up to the present day, it has been the glory of great princes and of pillars of wisdom to renew, by means of their own exertions, the foundation which has been handed down to them, and so to liberate business-men from the perplexity of difficulties. At present the Hijra¹ Era, which begins with a day of joy to foes, and of grief to friends, has nearly reached one thousand years, and the Indian Era (Tārīkh-i-Hind) has exceeded 1500 years. Similarly, the Eras of Iskandar and Yazdijird² have exceeded thousands and hundreds of years. All this is set down in almanacs. The writing and speaking of such eras in conversation and in business is very difficult for men of the world, and especially so for the commonalty who are the centre of business. It is also apparent that, within the imperial dominions, divers eras are followed by the people of India. For example, in Bengal the era dates from the beginning of the rule of Lachman Sen,¹ from which date till now 465 years have elapsed. In Gujarat and the Deccan the Sālbāhan era prevails, of which this is the 1506th year. In Mālwa and Delhi, etc., the era of Bikramājīt is current, of which there have now been 1641 years. In Nagarkot the era is counted from the beginning of the rule of whoever may hold the Fort.

The nature and dignity of each era are known to those conversant with history, and it is notorious that the beginning of no one of the Indian eras springs from the foundation of a great event. If out of general benevolence and comprehensive kindness a new era be established, such as will be at once convenient for the people, and subversive of the discrepant Indian eras, assuredly the benefits and beauties thereof will redound to your Majesty's present and future glory. In the authoritative books of the current tables, such as the Zīc Ilkhānī, and the new Gurgānī tables, it appears that eras were framed upon some great event such as the appearance of an established religion, or the acquisition of a great kingdom. God be praised! During this mighty sovereignty there have been in the visible world so many great events and shining actions, such as the subjugation of great cities, and the complete capture of impregnable forts and other victories, and Divine aids, any one of which was fit to be made the foundation of an era. But if your Majesty directs that the new era commence from the day of your seating yourself on the throne of sovereignty, which was one of God's great gifts and never-ending boons, and from which auspicious day this is the twenty-ninth solar, and the thirtieth lunar year, assuredly such a good deed will be at once a mark of thanksgiving and a fulfilment of the wishes of mankind. Moreover, there is not involved in this good deed any breach of the respect due to the glory of the Hijra era—which comes from the day when His Majesty, the best of men, migrated from Mecca to Medina on account of the predominance of foes. This is the supposition of worthless persons infirm of nature, and of mean understanding. Accordingly, in the time of Malik Shāh, though at that time the the Hijra era was not so old as it is now, nor were matters so complicated as at present, the Jalālī era was introduced for the sake of convenience, so that a multitude who were in practical matters¹ brought into difficulty, might by this means escape from their distress. It appears everywhere in the almanacs of the lands of Islām, such as Arabia, Turkey, Transoxania, Khurāsān, Īrāq, &c., and is used in the bonds of legal experts and by borrowers of every age.”

The repeated representations of this body of men, and a regard for their petitions, prevailed and were accepted, and an order was issued that the New Year, which followed close on the year of the accession, should be made the foundation of the Divine Era, and that the gates of joy and comfort should be opened. From the mine of wisdom there issued an order worthy to be obeyed, that compilers should in the almanacs current in Islāmic countries, and in which they enter the Arabic, Rūmī, Persian and Jalāli eras, enter this new era as a supplement to them, and so open the gates of prosperity. Also that in the almanacs of India they (almanac writers) should enter this new era instead of their discordant eras, especially of the Bikramājīt era which was founded upon deception² (talbīs), and that they do away with their various eras. And whereas in the almanacs current in India the years were solar, and the months lunar, we ordered that the months of the new era should be solar.

And whereas the sages of religions and sects have set apart certain days of the months and years, for the purposes of thanksgiving, in accordance with celestial phenomena and spiritual stations, and for the enjoyment of all mankind—which is the motive for so many charities and good works—and have given them the name of Festivals (I'yād). And have in those days of joy established thanksgiving, and have made good ordinances for the payment of the rites of submission and humility to God Almighty—which is the highest kind of devotion and obedience,—and whereas the rich and poor, the great and small, have to the extent of their ability spread the tables of abundance and opened the gates of joy and success for the afflicted and distressed among their contempories (the brethren of the age and the children of the time), and have shown them various kindnesses, (it is ordered) for these reasons that certain great festivals, a list of which is appended to this proclamation, and which have been current in countries for several thousand years, and especially have been for the last thousand years observed by just princes and righteous philosophers, and which have in this country for some causes fallen from their splendour, be made current for the sake of soliciting the Divine favour and of following in the footsteps of the ancients of those happy times. It is proper that in all our dominions they be fully observed in cities, towns and villages. Strict attention must be paid to this, and not the slightest neglect take place. The list¹ of the festivals is as follows:—

1. The days of the New Year.
2. 19th Farwardīn Divine month.
3. 3rd Ardibihisht Divine month.
4. 6th Khurdād Divine month.
5. 13th Tīr Divine month.
6. 7th Murdād Divine month.
7. 4th Shahriyūr Divine month.
8. 16th Mihr Divine month.
9. 10th Ābān Divine month.
10. 9th Āẕār Divine month.
11. 8th, 15th and 23rd Dai Divine month.
12. 2nd Bahman Divine month.
13. 5th Isfandarmaẕ Divine month.

Written in accordance with an order which must be obeyed.

At this auspicious epoch, which was the birthday of felicity and dominion, and the testing-time of loyalty and devotion's coinage, S.M. Sulaimān, son of Khān Mīrzā the son of Sulṭān Maḥmūd, the son of Sulṭan Abū S'aīd was peaceably in charge of¹ the territory of Badakhshān, while the country (wīlāyat) of Kabul, Ghaznīn and the other districts from the Hindu Koh to the river Indus, commonly known as the Nīlāb, were administered by the wisdom and skill of Mun'im Khān who was distinguished among the servants of the everlasting dominion for equity and justice. Through his excellent service, Muḥammad Ḥakīm and the chaste ladies lived in that country in the enjoyment of repose. Qandahār and its appurtenances, which were the jāgīr of Bairām Khān were in charge of Shāh Muḥammad of Qilāt, who upreared the banner of courage and daring and made those lands a station of peace, and kept them aloof from strife and misfortune. The administrators of Delhi, the capital of the country, have already been mentioned. Agra, the capital of the Caliphate, and the adjoining districts, flourished under Iskandar Khān Uzbeg; Sambal was in charge of 'Alī Qulī Shaibānī; Sarkār Kālpī was under 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg; while the servants of Tardī Beg Khān gave security to Mewāt;² Qīya Khān was in Kol Jalālī (Aligarh), and Ḥaidar Muḥammad Khān in Bīāna. Fresh rescripts of favour were issued to all the servants of the lofty Court, stating that “we have left all in possession of their estates as heretofore, so that the sincerity and good service of every one may be brought to light; hereafter they shall be advanced to high degrees and positions in accordance with the lofty intelligence of the Shāhinshāh.” For the present time the world-adorning judgment of H.M. the Shāhinshāh was insisting upon his remaining for some days under the veil of concealment, so that his world-illuminating beauty might be seen by no one but himself. Either the cause of this far-seeing and right-choosing design was that, by being in the guise of indifference to the world, he might make trial of men and fix in the antechamber of his holy mind the most accurate estimation of each individual; or it was the narrow capacity of those men, and their not possessing the power to appreciate his perfections, which compelled him for the sake of coming humanity to adopt this line of conduct; or it was that black-hearted and crafty foes might engage in their evil acts, free from any apprehensions of the eminence of the holy elements; or it was because the far-seeing glance of this bezel of the signet-ring of the Caliphate had fallen upon the unending world of reality, and so did not regard this dustbin (khāqdān) of an earth; or it was for some other design which the acute and discerning may one¹ day discover. (Be that as it may). This exoteric and esoteric king made² over all affairs of state and finance to Bairām Khān, and busied himself in things which acted as complete veils of his majesty, and were impenetrable by the superficial of this age.

When the world-adorning purposes of God, which arrange the succession of events, visible and invisible, will that the robe of sovereignty be bound with the skirt of perpetuity, and be embroidered with the hem of permanence, He strips makebates and strifemongers of their leaves and branches, and overthrows them, root and stem. Moreover, those evildoers and mischief-makers do of themselves certain things which prove the cause of their ruin and destruction. An instance of this occurred in the beginning of dominion's morning, and of the glory of the Caliphate, when fortune's diadem was exalted by the grandeur of H.M. the Shāhinshāh and the throne of sovereignty irradiated by his light (far). At this time the stupefying wine of thoughts and caprices overpowered Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī, whose brain had been ruined by the worship of his own beauty and the intoxication produced by the world, and whose foot of moderation had departed from the path of firmness, as has been here and there shown by accounts of his proceedings from the beginning of his service of H.M. Jahānbānī till the death of that lord¹ of the age. Now that the ruler of the age (Humāyūn) had hastened along the highway to the world of permanence, and the Cycle-lord of the Earth (Akbar) had by means of sundry veils of seclusion rescued himself from the contentions and the disturbed hearts both of ascetics and of worldlings, the blood of this crapulous debauchee and conner² of obsolete almanacs was made worse than ever by evil thoughts.

Black bile and melancholia augmented the brain-trouble and swelled the materials of phrensy. He was drunk, and a mad dog bit him; mad, and a scorpion stung him! Moreover, some old servants of the world, who from an evil nature looked to nothing but their own interest, nay, rather who thought of nothing but their own spite, and did not in their folly and blindness distinguish right from wrong, were the means of adding to his delusions, and were ever pouring the drug of inconsideration into the wine of his arrogance.

At this juncture, Bairām Khān Khān-khānān, who had taken into his skilful hands the bridle of the administration of the empire, and was putting order into distracted affairs, performed, as his first service after H.M. the Shāhinshāh's accession, the work of chaining up this drunken madman. The account of this is as follows: As the fumes of madness were circulating in the head of that firebrand, and the cap-peak of his understanding had been set awry by the wind of arrogance, the notes of seditious thoughts became visible, and disaffected imaginings came forth from behind their veil. On the third day after the accession a great assembly was organised in the same delightful spot. H.M. the Shāhinshāh sate on the throne of sovereignty, and the leaders and commanders respectfully stood around. Before this meeting had taken place, a message had been sent to that recalcitrant, announcing that a great festival had been agreed upon, and that affairs of state and finance would be brought forward, and that his presence was necessary. That self-conceited fool made excuses, which were worse than his offence, and among them were that he had not yet left off mourning (for Humāyūn), and that, supposing that he came, how would H.M. the Shāhinshāh behave to him, and where would he sit in the assembly, and how would the officers come forward to receive him? As they were urgent in sending for him, he threw off the veil and recounted the nearness of his relationship to H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī and the great consideration which the latter had for him. After making his attendance conditional on certain things which were of no value, he attended, for his megrim had not come to a head. He sate down on H.M. the Shāhinshāh's right hand. It was the time when the festive board was about to be spread, and when he put out his hands to wash¹ them, Tolaq Khān² Qūcīn, who was strong and nimble, behaved dexterously, and coming from behind seized both of Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī's arms, and made him a prisoner. Others who stood at the foot of the throne came forward to assist. Shāh Abū-l-M'aālī became helpless from astonishment, and surrendered. The men who were with him, being, many of them, old well-wishers of the dynasty, had intentionally assembled before him and on the same day became anew immediate servants (of Akbar), and received royal favours. This was the first head of game that fell into fortune's net.

In the institutes of sovereignty, and canons of justice, binding and imprisoning are commended for this reason that a trial should be made of ill-fated and contentious people. For man is a strange talisman, and a riddle hard of interpretation. It is not right to send him to the abode of non-existence for one displeasing act which he may exhibit, for this lofty foundation cannot be rebuilt except by the hand of God's power. Therefore, wise administrators have not approved of haste in demolishing and annihilating this high palace.

For the head of the slain cannot be joined on again.

Neither is it the part of enlightened persons to stain a prison with the existence of a man whose evil nature, sedition and strife-mongering, have been several times tested. But as the world-adorning God has made H.M. the Shāhinshāh a perfect revelation of his own ample compassion, he snapped the thread of counsel in the hands of well-wishers, and, granting life to this inexperienced young man, sent him to prison, so that in the beginning of the universe-adorning sovereignty there might be nothing which had the appearance of tyranny. Though to endeavour to annihilate the wicked is benevolence to all mankind, yet, as it is a benevolence which in semblance is tyranny, it should not appear at such a new-year-season of fortune. They put this mad sedition-monger in chains and sent him to Lahore, where those charged with the business put him in charge of Pahlwān Gulgaz¹ (the rose eyed?) the Chief-Constable, ('asas) of Lahore. That foolish man, either from carelessness or from an evil design, did not exercise proper caution in guarding that wicked intriguer, and so the latter escaped from jail. M. Shāh² and the other officers in Lahore imprisoned Pahlwān Gulgaz, and he from fear of disgrace took poison, and so freed himself from the prison of his body. Mun'im Khān, to whom Kābulistān was entrusted, was pleased on hearing the news (of Abu-l-M'aālī's imprisonment), and by stratagem sent for Mīr Hāshim,³ Abū-l-M'aālī's brother, who held in jāgīr Kahmard, Ghorband, Ẓuḥḥāq, etc., and imprisoned him. This too was a good proceeding.

One of the joyful events of this period was the sending a rescript of fortune to Kābul the abode of peace. When the imperial mind obtained respite from the necessary affairs of this region, it fixed itself upon the extirpation of Iskandar. He was passing his time in the Sivālik hills, and the expedition from Delhi had in truth been directed against him. But H.M. remembered their highnesses the Begums, and also he had promised, for the quieting of the devoted heroes who had recently come to India, that he would send all the old and trusty officers to Kābul⁴ to bring quickly, in the first place, their highnesses the Begums, and, secondly, the families of the servants of the household into the delightsome and extensive lands of India, so that men might become settled and be restrained in some measure from departing to a country to which they were accustomed. Accordingly, Muḥammad Qulī Khān Barlās, Shamsu-d-din Muḥammad Khān Atka, M. Ḥasan Khān, M. Khiẓr Khān Hazāra, Bābūs, Khwāja Jalāluddīn Maḥmūd Bakhshī, and a number of others were sent with materials and with valuable presents for the purpose of performing this honourable function. On the fifth day after the accession the troops were gathered under the shadow of the victorious standards, and proceeded towards the hill country of the Sivāliks which is also called Himācal.¹

As the world assumed splendour from the justice-illuminating sovereignty of this nursling of divine light, and the terrene and terrestrials uttered rejoicings with the tongue of speech and of ecstacy, and gratefully expressed a vernal joy, and the outward and inward world received a new glory and lustre, the spring-time of soul and body burst forth into invocations of blessings. Twenty-five days after the auspicious time of the accession, viz., on¹ Wednesday 28 Rabī'-aṯ-ṯānī 963, there was the world-illuminating New Year, and the Sultan of the East confronted Aries with his world-adorning banners.

The world was freshened by the spring-breeze
The rain increased the glory of the earth
The sun joyful of soul, and a lover of joy
Tore in his delight the sheaths (lit., skin) of the flowers.
The rose (gul) brought out of the clay (gil) Kāūs's throne
The violet put on peacock (Ṭāūs) plumes
A young spring burgeoned on every bough
And his scattering hand held every flower.

As the great luminary gave new spirit to the age's sorrowful ones, so did the joyful news of the Shāhinshāh's sacred accession give thousands of life-conferring messages to the discerning and to the expectants cognisant of mysteries. The outer world received happiness, and the inner world glory. The visible and invisible kingdoms harmonised and heaped radiance upon radiance.

Whoever¹ has received felicitations from those who have been nurtured in this light-increasing gathering of the spiritual and the temporal, well know what good wishes for long life, inward and outward prosperity, and spiritual and temporal balance are conveyed by them, and there are descriptions of them in ancient chronicles.² But who can tell the inner and outer bliss of a nursling of light whose felicitations are conveyed by Light in person, without man's intervention and by the effectual voices³ of action, to wit that of world-adorning spring?

Inasmuch as the wise of the past and the present are agreed that whenever some glorious event is made the foundation of an era, the latter should begin from the proximate New Year,⁴ without regard to a discrepancy either in previousness or in lateness; the sundry days before the New Year were reckoned as included in the New Year, and the latter was made the beginning of the Divine Era. Accordingly this has been recorded in the proclamation which has been set forth above. Whenever the Divine Era be referred to, it shall be understood as commencing from the heart-expanding Spring.

Among the great boons conferred by H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the beginning of this year was the remission of taxes⁵ (bāj u tamghā). How can the amount of these be estimated? Undoubtedly it was more than a clime's revenue. The Lord of the Earth prescribed those great blessings as a thank-offering for Divine favours, and thereby made glad the caravans of merchants' hearts, who bring abundance to the world of interdependence, and the minds of the crowds of men who are exponents of divinely fashioned arts. This excellent regulation drew after it bāj u tamghā blessings. Although the circumstance of the ruler of the age's being under a veil, and the cupidity of officials weakened for a while this excellent foundation, yet as the Shāhinshāh was determined on perpetuating the boon, though for some time it was not carried into effect, the blessings, that is, the good results thereof, were in a manner made manifest by the superintendents of fate. God be praised! At the present day, when the world-adorner of the Caliphate personally conducts everything, whether in whole or in detail, and when men are tested, and everyone attains success proportionate to his aptitude, this best of gifts has obtained currency throughout the dominions, and although eloquent servants have in seducing language represented to H.M. the advantages and profits of the tax, yet as the right-choosing mind of H.M. the Shāhinshāh is strongly attached to the acquiring of the Divine favour, and had therefore issued the order for the great boon, they have not been listened to, and have not withdrawn the classes of mankind from the obligation of returning thanks for this one out of thousands of benefits. May Almighty God grant to H.M. the Shāhinshāh increase of years, and of gradations of dominion and joy, in proportion to the fruitful blessings of this gift and to the gladdening of so many souls and hearts which have attained rest owing to this favour!

One of the occurrences of those fortunate days was that Mīr 'Abdu-l-laṭīf, the cream of the great men of Persia, and a mine of laudable dispositions came from Qazwīn and was introduced at Court, and became the recipient of various favours. His excellent son, Mīr Ghīāṯu-d-dīn A'lī, who received royal favours, and was exalted by the title of Naqīb Khan, accompanied him. Mīr 'Abdu-l-laṭīf was distinguished for science, eloquence, trustworthiness and other noble qualities. From his lack of bigotry and his broadmindedness he was called in India a Shīa and in Persia a Sunnī. In fact he was journeying on towards the serene city of universal tolerance, and so the zealots of each sect used to censure him.

When the world-adorning standard spread the shade of victory over the environs of the town of Dahmīri¹ the victorious heroes and rank-breaking ghāzis, who had gone as an advance-guard under Pīr Muḥammad Khān, reached the foe in the Sivālik hills. They went firmly forward and with proper precautions, but as they were relying on the Divine fortune, whereas Sikandar was only supported by rashness, he broke off without actual fighting and threw himself into the defiles. The victorious soldiers returned to the Court and were recipients of favours. The army in order to strengthen the foundations of caution spent about three months there in hunting. Many landholders came and did homage, and thereby acquired glory for themselves. Among them was Dharm² Cand, the Rajah of Nagarkot, who, on account of the high estimation in which he was held, and of the number of his followers, cocked the cap of superiority over his contemporaries. He by the destiny of eternal auspiciousness experienced the blessing of kissing the lofty threshold. By his alacrity in this service he made himself foremost in the hippodrome of obedience, and was exalted by attentions from H.M. the Shähinshāh.

One of the victorious things that happened at this time was Ḥājī Khān's siege of Nārnaul. The story of this is that, when the unavoidable event of H.M. Jahānbānī's death became known, Ḥajī Khān, a distinguished slave of Sher Khān, besieged Nārnaul with a large force. Rajah Bihārī Mal¹ Kacwāha, who by the favourable grace of the Shāhinshāh, became one of the officers of the Sultanate, and rose to a rank superior to that of all the Rajahs and Raises in India, and whose sons and grandsons and whole clan rose to high rank and great office, as will be stated in their proper places, was then with Ḥājī Khān. Majnūn² Khān Qāqshāl, the jāgīrdar, was shut up in Nārnaul, and the garrison had become straitened. The Rajah on account of his goodness and foresight interposed, and having got peaceable possession of the fort, he sent Majnūn Khān to Court. When H.M. the Shāhinshāh ascended the throne and Delhi was being governed by Tardī Beg Khān, the latter proceeded against Ḥājī Khān, and after delivering Nārnaul followed him into Mewāt. There he chastised many of the wicked and obstinate, and then returned to Delhi where he managed affairs with the courage of prudence. At the same time Shaikh Gadāī³ Kambū, of Delhi, came from Gujrāt and entered into service. As during the time of the sojourn in Gujrāt he had behaved well to Bairām Khān and shown him kindness, he was recompensed, now that Baīram Khān had the reins of power in his hand, by being promoted to honour, and by being made Ṣadr, and spent his days with respect among his contemporaries.

As the rainy season was near at hand, H.M., with a view to the repose and comfort of his people, ordered a return, and made the town of Jālandhar his camping ground. The rose-garden of the world was refreshed by justice, and for nearly five months the sublime army lived in enjoyment in that pleasant spot. The ambassadors of 'Abdu-r-rashīd Khān the ruler of Kāshghar came and did homage. They presented valuable gifts and received favours from the shadow of God.

The brief account of this is as follows:—

The brief account of this is as follows:—

'Abdu-r-rashīd Khān always kept up the ties of relationship, and sought a protection for himself by laying the foundation of accord with the noble family. H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī also always treated him with kindness and urbanity. One instance of this was that at the time the expedition to India was in his lofty contemplation he had sent Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Bārī, who was of the noble line of Naqshbandī Khwājahs, to Kāshghar. He now returned, and was honoured by saluting the threshold of fortune. The ruler of Kāshghar sent M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain along with him, both to offer condolences (for Humāyūn's death) and to express felicitations. Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Barī is son of Khwāja 'Abdu-l-Khāfī, son of K. 'Abdu-l-Hādī, son of Khwājagān Khwāja, own son of K. Aḥrār,¹ —may his grave be holy! M. Sharafu-d-dīn was son of K. Mu'in, son of K. Khāwand Maḥmūd, younger brother of K. 'Abdu-l-Hādī, son of Khwājagān Khwāja. M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain came on account of these connections along with K. 'Abdu-l-Bārī and entered H.M.'s service. The Mīrzā was also of high family on the mother's side, for his mother was Kīcak Begum, daughter of Mir 'Alā-al-Mulk of Tarmiẕ, and of Fakhr Jahān Begum daughter of H.M. Khāqān Saīd Sulṭān Alī S'aīd M. He² soon attained high rank, and became an Amīr-al-Umrā, for he added good service to his high rank, and, by passing off his outward show as a representation of his inner nature, made pretensions to the exalted dignity of sincerity.

This is a Court where people turn a grain of sincerity into a world. Let no wrong thought prove a stumblingblock to you (O reader), and do not say that to show this man (Sharafu-d-dīn) favour above his rank was to transgress the laws of justice. The place of justice is one thing, and the station of benevolence is another, though in matters of this kind an increase of trust on the part of this spiritual and temporal Lord (Akbar) is a means of applying a test, and of ascertaining character, by administration of the world's wine which o'erthrows the unmanly and sets up the virile. Extraneous³ nobility is liable to hundreds of molestations, and granting that these molestations (i.e., temptations) be avoided, outward associations and superficial relationships do not result in the attainment of the desired object. Inward links and intrinsic purity of soul are required in order that a true test may be applied by the touchstone of sincerity. How many members of the world's noble families come to the sublime court and make pretensions to loyalty and sincerity! But as the dust of the dominion-guarding threshold is a touchstone for human gems, their merits and demerits are soon revealed, and meet with their fitting recompense. Those who were pure within, and were endowed with real nobility, rose in rank day by day, and those who made an embroidered robe of outward purity the veil of inward nastiness, and sold barley while passing it off as wheat, were in the end involved in loss and ignominy and became disgraced for ever and ever. Accordingly, the case of M. Sharafu-d-dīn Ḥusain, and of hundreds like him, has been a warning to the wise and the reflecting. The relation of a small portion of the history of each in its proper place will open the path of auspiciousness to the generality of mankind.

During the time that the camp was at Jālandhar¹ Kamāl Khān Gakhar, son of Sulṭān Sārang, younger brother of Sulṭān Adam, warmly followed up the old loyalty, and attained the blessing of kissing the threshold. He became the recipient of princely favours, and was included in the list of officers. He did good service in the war with Hēmū and at Mānkot, etc., and became the object of special attentions from H.M. the Shāhinshāh.

During the auspicious time which the sublime army was spending in Jālandhar, news came of the rebellion of M. Sulaimān. Arrangements were made for sending succour. The particulars of this affair are as follows: When the terrible news of the death of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī reached Kabul and Badakhshān, M. Sulaimān and his son M. Ibrāhīm, whether because there is little truth or sincerity in that country, or whether because of their inexperience and ignorance, which degraded them from the rank of self-interest and made them seek their own harm, or because they out of an evil disposition sought their own advantage in the injury of others, or at the instigation of wicked, short-sighted persons who looked to nothing but their own interest, and the prompting of Ḥaram² Begum the Mīrzā's wife, without whose concurrence he could not conduct any of his state-business, and whom he, out of weakness (kūcakdilī) had made ruler over himself, from exceeding shortness of thought, and heedless of the fact that the throne of the Caliphate had received celestial elevation by the sacred accession, departed from their hereditary obedience and dutifulness to H.M. the Shāhinshāh, whose service is productive of greatness, and raised the head of rebellion. M. Sulaimān looked to the confusion of the time and to the apparent immaturity of the Khedive of the world, which was but a veil of world-adorning beauty, and laid claim to sovereignty. At a time which was the season for showing gratitude and for requiting favours, viz., the education and regard which had been bestowed on him by H.M. Getī Sitānī Firdūs Makānī and H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī, by performing good service and thereby winning the praise of mortals, and by proffering with a good intention and a firm resolve, the jewel of his fidelity to be tested by acute assayers, attaining to success, spiritual and temporal, he, from an evil nature and want of decency, passed beyond the omissions of ingrates, and washed the glorious rolls in the waters of sin and then flung them on the earth of rebellion.¹ He changed duties (ḥaqūq) into disobediences ('aqūq) and took the path of shamelessness. He gathered together his dispersed troops from the hill-country of Badakhshān and held out to his ungrateful heart the prospect of an attack upon Kābul.

Ḥaram Begum was the daughter of Mīr Wais Beg, and mother of M. Ibrāhīm, and was known by the name of Walī N'iamat (lady of beneficence). In early days, when H.M. Jahānbāni was meditating an expedition to India, she had come on a visit of condolence for the death of M. Hindāl in order that she might sympathise with the chaste ladies Gulcahra Begum and Gulbadan Begum who were the sisters of H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī. This was the Begum's ostensible design, but in reality her motive was a quarrel with her husband and son which had led her to leave them and to determine on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The cause of the disagreement was that as the Begum by her ability and planning managed the political and financial affairs of Badakhshān, and exercised full powers in favouring one part and depressing another, envious and narrow-minded people wickedly said improper things about her to M. Ibrāhīm and so made him displeased with her. So far did this go that that simpleton of a Turk lost his self-control and got hold by a stratagem of Ḥaidar Beg, the Begum's younger brother, and about whom men had their suspicions¹; and put him to death. The Begum was displeased at this and came to Kabul. For some time she was in attendance on the chaste ladies. After that, the Mīrzās (father and son) repented of what they had done, and sent men and induced the Begum to return. She in her little sense, and evil soul, had seen the outward state of Kabul, and resolved to get possession of it. She represented this to M. Sulaimān as an easy undertaking, but the prestige of H.M. Jahānbānī made success impossible to those short-sighted wicked people.

When the unavoidable event (Humāyūn's death) occurred this Wali N'iamat Kāfir-N'iamat (this so-called benefactress, but really forgetter of benefits) became in a roadless country the guide in paths of destruction. When Mun'im Khān learned the state of the case, he wisely did not engage in battle, but set himself to putting the fort in order, rebuilt what was broken, and repaired the bastions and bulwarks. He reported the matter to the world-protecting Court before the seditious Mīrzā could stir up the dust of strife in Kabul. The Mīrzā, looking with his shallow vision to his own numbers and the paucity of the imperial servants, went on, march by march, and arrived at Kabul in the beginning of the first Divine Year, that is, in the middle of spring, and besieged it. In the first encounter he showed his impetuousity and contentiousness and was prominent in fighting. There was a hot fight between the loyal Kabulis and the bold Badakhshīs. The fire of attack and defence burst forth. Each day the braves on the side of M. Sulaimān advanced to the foot of the fort and gave proof of courage, and made attacks on the gates. The loyal men of Kabul made every exertion to defend the fort, and disposed of those unmeasured assailants by firing on them with cannon and muskets from the walls. Gallant and active men also came out of the fort and fought courageously. As these experienced warriors were upheld by the eternal fortune of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, they were victorious in spite of superior numbers, and were never under any apprehensions.

When the state of the case became known from Mun'im Khān's representations, attention was given to sending an army. Many represented that the force which had left to bring away the chaste ladies was sufficient for the purpose, and before H.M., on account of sundry necessary matters in India, had arranged about sending help, Kabul and the Kabulis were by God's help delivered from the Mīrzā's troubling. Though the troops who had gone to bring away the chaste ladies did not take part in the affair, yet when they arrived at the Indus, and it became known in Kabul that troops were coming from India the courage of the besieged was heightened, and the opponents were disconcerted. The Mīrzā had recourse to wiles and stratagems, and sent as his ambassador Qāẓī Khān¹ Badakhshī, who was one of his special intimates, and was distinguished by his knowledge and wisdom, and who by his good fortune and innate auspiciousness spent the last part of his life in the service of H.M. the Shāhinshāh and became one of the constant attendants on the threshold of fortune. A short account of this will be given in its proper place. He used his talents on this occasion, but was not successful. Mun'im Khān knowing that the proper course was to keep him under surveillance did not give him leave to depart. He showed him great kindness and managed that he should get the impression that there was abundance of food and plenty of heartiness in the garrison. So well did he contrive that in spite of total want of stores this clear-sighted ambassador became convinced, contrary to the fact, that there was complete arrangement and plenty of provisions. By this far-seeing plan he carried out an excellent work. After some time Mun'im Khān dismissed the envoy and sent this message: “God be praised that I am upheld by such a Lord of the Age, and that there are so many brave and loyal men within the fort that I could sally out and give battle. But I am not going to let caution slip. Hundreds of thanks for this that there are provisions and stores for the garrison which will last for years, and that besides this the army of India, which is more numerous than ants or locusts, will soon arrive with a complete equipment. Give up this malign design, and do not make yourself one to be pointed at by high and low as an ingrate, nor put the stain of an evil name on the cheek of good fortune. You could not seduce mere men of courage by promises, how then could you succeed with this noble band who by help of good fortune have left behind this lowest of stages, and attained to the heaven of sincerity? How can you move from their place by deception and deceit this hallowed body of men?”

The Mīrzā who had vain desires in his head from the hope of the inhabitants becoming unfaithful, and of the garrison's want of supplies, at once fell into despair and sent the Qāẓī Khān back to the fort. As the latter had ascertained the distress of the populace from the long siege he knocked at the door of peace with onerous conditions. Mun'im Khān, whose heart had been set on being killed, took pity on himself and on the straits of the besieged and agreed to a peace. As the envoy was a capable man he made it the first condition of peace that the Khuṭba should be recited in the name of that disgrace to his name, that feeble of understanding, that disrespectful and incapable one! Here Mun'im Khān left the path of truth according to the plotting of sincerity-professing hypocrites and agreed to such an indignity. The next condition was that the other side of the Bārān should belong to Badakhshān, and be the property of the Mīrza. Mun'im Khān agreed to this outwardly, not inwardly, and gave permission to have the Khuṭba recited in the manner that had been agreed upon, in one of the mosques, and in the presence of a few persons. The Mīrzā left Muqdim Beg at the river Barān to protect the territory in question and returned to Badakhshān. The return of the Mīrzā and the ousting of Muqdim Beg, were one and the same thing. Owing to the loyalty of right-thinking servants Kabul was freed from the claws of so many ungrateful men, and received order again from the justice of Mun'im Khān. The ungrateful Mīrza went off to Badakhshān after having prepared the leaven of his own destruction.

Good God! the victorious imperial servants who had the charge of the Shāhinshāh's affairs, whether on account of the attractions of India, or from other worthless motives, did not chastise M. Sulaimān. But the eternal good fortune which waited on the stirrup of H.M. the Shāhinshāh took measures for giving him the recompense of his disrespect. Accordingly, defeats¹ and disasters befell the Mīrzā, stage by stage, and God the Avenger brought the overthrown Mīrzā, who had withdrawn his head from obedience to his liege lord, to kiss the threshold of the mankind-protecting Court. Though the ostensible managers of imperial affairs did not take steps to punish the Mīrzā, the real Stewards were at work and put his punishment into his bosom. This will be recounted in its proper place.

At length, when the Kabulīs, by being under the Divine protection, were released from the calamities caused by wicked men, it was decided that the litters of the chaste ladies, H.H. Miriam Makānī, Gulbadan Begum and others should, in accordance with the sacred directions, proceed to India. They all happily and auspiciously joined H.M. the Shāhinshāh and prostrated themselves in thanks to God for temporal and spiritual favours. A brief account of their journey and adventures will be given hereafter. (See infra, p. 54, of text).

As yet the arranging mind was not at rest about the doings of Iskandar, and it was watching the commotion at Kabul, when news came to Jālandhar on 31 Mihr, divine month—8 Ẕi-Ḥajja (13th October, 1556), of the arrival of Hemū, in whose brain the ambition of sovereignty was stirring, and of whom some account has been already given; of his engaging in battle with the great officers, of their want of steadiness, and of his having taken possession of Delhi. The short account of these events is as follows: Battles took place between Hemū and Ibrāhīm, who was a claimant for the Sultanate, and the former was always victorious. Sulṭān Muḥammad, who had assumed the kingly title in Bengal, was also defeated, and was made to tread the land of annihilation. Hemū also engaged in conflicts with Tāj Kararānī and Rukn Khān Nūḥānī and defeated them. He fought two and twenty battles with the opponents of Mubāriz Khān, and was victorious in all of them. His victories impressed him with evil ideas, and he did not perceive that the victory of a futile person over one more futile than himself is no reason for being bold enough to tilt against a mountain of iron. At the time when H.M. Jahānbānī, with the assistance of the armies of God, conquered India, Hemū was otherwise engaged, and his vain imaginings did not show themselves. Now that the masnad of the Caliphate was resplendent from the personality of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, he turned his attention from his rivals and, with a large force of men and war-elephants from the eastern districts, marched towards Delhi, leaving Mubāriz Khān, of whom some account has been already given, in Cunār. The officers who had been deputed to those provinces assembled at Delhi. Tardī Beg Khān became the arranger of the different bodies, and made preparations for giving battle. He heartened every man by language which might give comfort to the disconcerted. Many brave and zealous men came in from the districts, but 'Ali Qulī Shaibānī, who was engaged in Sambal in putting down some despicable Afghans, could not join the imperial servants.

The short account of this is that Shādī Khān, one of the chief officers of Mubāriz Khān, had many parganas of Sarkār Sambal in his possession. 'Alī Qulī Khan proceeded this year, which was the beginning of the Divine Era—may it for ever be conjoined with auspiciousness!—to put him down. He sent before himself several of his own officers such as Muḥabbat Khān, Laṭīf Khān, and Ghīāṯu-d-dīn, in order that they should cross the Ruhab¹ and wait for his arrival. The wine of courage withheld this force from plan and precaution, which are the first stage of prudence. Shādī Khān suddenly fell upon them and routed them. These incapable ones fought without method and let slip the reins of steadiness. Laṭīf Khān and a number of others were drowned. 'Alī Qulī Khān on hearing of this misfortune proceeded with a body of his troops, with whom were Mahdī Qāsim Khān, Bābā S'aīd Qibcāq, and Muḥammad Amīn Dīwāna, to attack Shādī Khān. On the morning of the day that he had determined on crossing the river, a letter arrived from Tardī Beg Khān stating that Hemū was coming with large preparation, that the crushing of that wretch was the most important matter, and that he should come immediately. 'Alī Qulī Khān withdrew his hand from his enterprise and marched towards Delhi, but before he arrived, the officers had fought and lost a great battle, and Delhi, the capital of India, had fallen into Hemū's hands, thus furnishing materials for his intoxication, and for the increase of his arrogance. This happened by fate for purposes known to God alone, or it was brought about by evil designs on the part of Maulānā Pīr Muḥd. Shirwānī. Away! Away! the cause rather was that the vaunting, self-praising officers might not lay the Lord of the earth under any obligation; or rather it was to show the supreme power of this Lord of the throne of fortune, and that the new conquest of India might be due to the arm of him who was helped by heaven.

The brief account of this instructive disaster is as follows: The victories of this wretch (Hemū) over the opponents of Mubāriz Khān —those giddy ones of the baiting place of destruction—had led him into evil imaginings, and when the news of the unavoidable event of H.M. Jahanbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī's death reached the provinces, he, out of short-sightedness, took into consideration the confusion of the time and had the audacity to determine that he would give battle to the sublime army of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, for whom the Divine aid is security. That shallow superficialist made the youthful years of the great one, over whose might a luminous veil had been cast, a cause of increasing his courage. The abundant wealth, and the numbers of soldiers and munitions of war, which had been left by so many rulers of India, added to his boldness and daring, as also did the evacuation by victorious officers of the cities and towns of the dominions. At length he set off on his evil enterprise with 50,000 cavalry, 1,000 elephants, 51 cannon, and 500 falconets.

Tardī Beg Khān prepared the materials of resistance in Delhi, and having called together the officers who had come in from their posts, made arrangements for battle. He both made his own heart strong in courage, and heartened those who were deficient. At length on 24 Mihr, Divine month, of the first year, corresponding to Tuesday 1 Ẕīḥajja 963, (6th October, 1556), Hemū the wretch arrived near Delhi with all his equipments and encamped in Taghlaqābād; the officers assembled and deliberated. Many of the brave men from motives of prudence, and some out of cowardice, were not willing to fight. They said that until the Shāhinshāh's army arrived they should by every possible means strengthen the fort and should seek an opportunity of making a night attack. Some recommended waiting till the arrival of 'Alī Qulī Khān and the officers of that country (Sambal). Some heroes who would give their lives for fame, and to whose loyal minds the battlefield was more attractive than the banquet-hall, were saying, “Let us regard the opportunity as a boon and engage.”

Fortune cries “quits” to him
Who does to-day's work to-morrow.

At length they all decided upon giving battle, and all girded up the loins of courage. On the day of Ārād 25 Mihr, Divine month, corresponding to 2 Ẕīḥajja, (7th October, 1556), both armies drew up. The centre was commanded by Tardī Beg Khān, Afẓal Khān, Ashraf Khān, and Maulānā Pīr Muḥd. Shirwānī, who had come there as Bairām Khān's agent to look after the affairs of the imperial servants, or with malicious intent and in order to confound Tardī Beg Khān's prosperity, were also in the centre. Ḥaidar Muḥd. Khān, Qāsim Makhliṣ, Ḥaidar Bakhshī, 'Alī Dost Khān Bārbegī, and a number of others were on the right wing, and Iskandar Khān and another body were on the left wing. 'Abdullah Uzbeg, Qīyā Khān, L'al Khān and a number of others formed the vanguard. On the side of the enemy also the troops were drawn up in martial style, and they came forward and made manful endeavours. The heroes on both sides cast the thought of life from their hearts, and did great deeds. The intrepid spirits of the vanguard and left wing of the army of fortune displayed valour, and drove off before them the vanguard and right wing of the enemy, and followed in pursuit of them. Their deeds and valour were such that the souls of Rustam and Isfandīyār sang their praises, and that the voice of the Age and of mankind extolled them a thousand times. Four hundred noted elephants were among the spoil, and Rai Ḥusain Jalwānī,¹ a leading man among the enemy, was overwhelmed in the ocean of annihilation. More than three thousand of the ill-fated foe descended in the fight to the dust of non-existence.

The proud Hemū, who joined extreme daring to craft was ever following feline stratagems. He collected 300 chosen elephants and a body of life-sacrificing men, and separated them from the rest of his army and awaited the moment for flight or for fight. At the time when the victorious army had gained such an advantage and were pursuing the fugitives, and while a body of them was busied in plundering and in carrying off the spoil, Tardī Beg Khān, who held the post² of honour on this field of bravery, was standing with a small force contemplating the scene. The cunning Hemū saw his opportunity and attacked them. The comrades of Khwājah³ Sulṭān 'Ali, who had the title of Afzal Khān, and of Mīr Munshī, who was called Ashraf⁴ Khān, and a number of others—altogether they⁵ were but few—did not behave with courage; and Maulānā Pīr Muḥammad Shirwānī¹ also chose flight in order to ruin the Commander-in-chiefship of Tardī Beg Khān. Tardī Beg Khān, the time of whose retribution for past disloyalty was near at hand, reckoned his life as dear, and chose the ignominy of flight. Thus when things were so far advanced, and such a victory had displayed her countenance, there came a catastrophe.

Whoever shall, out of a disordered intellect, enter upon such a no-thoroughfare (berāh), abandons his² own interest—let alone sincerity and loyalty—and shows a disregard for his own reputation, which substantially consists in guarding his master's sovereignty. Assuredly, there is no need for me to say that in this crisis his blood was spilt and that his honour was spilt. The fate of this lover of his life became a warning to the wise. I need not mention magnanimity in connection with this matter. Why should I search for that rare and priceless jewel in dust-bins? I'm not so inexperienced! But this I can say; it has been proved by a succession of utterances by sages, and is abundantly clear, that a runaway receives more wounds than the brave man who endures the stress of battle, and that lovers of their lives and fliers from death are trampled upon by the forces of destruction sooner than those who covet death and are intrepid in fight. If a man will exercise a little moderation, and not show depression in time of adversity, or intoxication in time of prosperity, he will never see an evil day. A number of the reckoners up of registers of deeds think that Tardī Beg Khān's coming to such disgrace is a kind of expiation for the disloyalty which he showed towards H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyānī in the beginning of the journey to Persia. Go to, could this be an expiation for disloyalty? And can a disgrace such as this be placed in the balance of justice as a counterpoise to the shameful act? Because he saw the Lord of the Age, who had been brought for the perfecting of the visible and invisible, in the disguise of boyhood, and did not pay regard to him, and wanted to show off his own greatness, the world-adorning God inflicted such punishment on this self-approver. Alas! Alas! What short-sightedness this was! Or rather the stewards of fate increased the arrogance and intoxication of Hemū in order to show the majesty of the Shāhinshāh, so that that self-conceited self-worshipper appeared great in the eyes of the short-sighted, of whom the world is full. Afterwards he was seized and cast down to the ground of overthrowal so that his disgrace might become collyrium to the eyes of the short-sighted, and that by drawing somewhat nigh to the glory of the Lord of the Age, they might be more careful to obey his commands, which compose the arrangements of the visible and invisible.

In fine, Hemū, who was seeing his own large army thrown into confusion and scattered, regarded this strange event (Tardī Beg's flight) as a trick of his enemy, and did not pursue Tardī Beg Khān, but proudly drew up his forces on the very field of battle. The rank-breaking heroes who had followed the fugitives were amazed when they returned, and hastened off in the same direction as Tardī Beg Khān. After this Hemū entered Delhi and increased his arrogance, so that his intoxication became madness.

When this unnatural occurrence was made known to the sublime Court, H.M. the Shāhinshāh in the strength of his far-seeing wisdom was not affected by it, and issued orders to the embroiderers of honour's carpet and the battle-field-adorners, that they should set forth in a propitious hour and chastise that arrogant blockhead. He lighted up the face of royal majesty with the colouring of submission and surrender to the Divine will, and cast the shadow of favour on the management of the affairs of world-government. As his mind was not satisfied about the matter of Sikandar, he left a force under the charge of Khīzr Khwāja Khān, who belonged to the race of the rulers of Moghulistān, and who having been oxalted by an alliance,¹ with the sublime family, was highly honoured among the Amīrs, to put order into the distracted affairs of the Punjab and to quell the disturbances caused by Sikandar. He then addressed himself to the overthrowal of Hemū.

As the festival of the 'Īd Qūrbān was near at hand, the preparations for holding it were made, and in an auspicious hour on the day of Bahman 2 Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday 10, Ẕī-l-ḥajja, which was the 'Īd Qūrbān, there was an assemblage in the 'Īdgāh, and after the rites of the feast had been performed, H.M. took up his quarters there. An order (firmān) was addressed to Tardī Beg Khān, and the other officers, directing them to keep up their hearts and to stand firm. The gist of it was that they should not despair on account of an occurrence which, in accordance with the Divine decree, had emerged into light from the chamber of secrecy; that the Divine Artificer of wonders uses a variety of colours; and that they should, as a matter of extreme caution, assemble at the town of Thānesar and there await the arrival of the imperial army. Next day he moved from there under the guidance of Divine wisdom and on Ābān the 10th of Ābān, the Divine month, corresponding to Friday the 18th Ẕīḥajja encamped at Sahrind. The defeated officers and 'Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī had come to the neighbourhood of Sihrind before the receipt of the imperial orders, and after paying their homage were favourably dealt with.

One of the occurrences of this time was Bairām Khān's putting Tardī Beg Khān to death. The account of this affair is as follows: Bairām Khān recognised Tardī Beg Khān as his rival and was always apprehensive of him. Tardī Beg too regarded himself as leader of the army and was lying in wait for an opportunity to overthrow Bairām Khān. Each, too regarded points of bigotry as of the essence of religion, and made them additional reasons for watching for opportunities to ruin one another. In spite of such mutual antagonism, the origin of which was want of understanding and envy, they from motives of feigning and deception stood in the relation of tūqān¹ to one another, and tūqān means in Turkī brother (hamzād). Bairām Khān thought that this occasion, when Tardī Beg Khān was defeated and ashamed, was opportune, and so renewed his friendship and affection and brought him to his house through the exertions of Maulānā Pīr Muḥammad Khān. Alleging a purpose of¹ purification (ṭahārat), he left him in his pavilion and went out, and his myrmidons entered and put Tardī Beg to death.² Khwāja Sulṭān Ālī³ and the Mīr Munshī,⁴ who were suspected of treachery and privity, were imprisoned along with Khanjar Beg⁵ who was nearly related to Tardī Beg. H.M. the Shāhinshāh from policy and wisdom had ostensibly withdrawn himself from the management of affairs and was engaged in hunting. Or his motive was to screen himself for a time from the evil thoughts of the short-sighted, and to observe the degrees of good service, and the stages of fidelity in men, and to fix them in his acute mind, and that the stratagems of the evil-minded might become clear to his heart without the intervention of others. On the very day that this thing occurred he, according to his usual custom, was enjoying the pastime of hawking in the pleasant plains of Sihrind.

When he heard the facts he, out of his plenitude of wisdom, expressed no astonishment. He left the retribution to God, and uncomplainingly contemplated the decrees of Providence. When he returned in the evening from the hunting-ground, the Khān-Khānān sent Maulānā Pīr Muḥammad Shirwānī to him and represented that “the cause of his presumption was solely his devotion to the throne. Tardī Beg Khān had knowingly and treacherously elected in this battle the ignominy of flight. His insincerity and hypocrisy were known to all, for from first to last he had behaved badly. If such offences were passed over, the enterprises which H.M. had in view would not be accomplished. He was much ashamed of his presumption in not taking permission. The cause of this daring was that H.M. was a mine of kindness, and a fountain of benevolence. Certainly he would not have agreed to his (Tardī Beg) being killed. Under these circumstances if an order forbidding the deed had come from H.M., it would have been presumptuous beyond all bounds to act in opposition to it, while to obey the order, would have caused disorder in the country, and sedition in the army. He hoped that he would approve of him with the glance of pardon so that other evil-doers might take warning.” The lord of the world, visible and invisible, graciously received Bairām Khān's messenger and accepted the excuses of the Khān-Khanān. He soothed him by marks of favour and confidence, and addressed himself to the extirpation of contention.

When the world-adorning standards cast the rays of victory on the plain of Sarai Karūnda (?),¹ an order was issued that a distinguished force composed of devoted heroes should be sent in advance of the main army. Accordingly Iskandar Khān Uzbeg, 'Abdullah Khān Uzbeg, 'Alī Qulī Khān Andarābī Ḥaidar Muḥammad Ākhta begī, Muḥammad Khān Jalāīr, M. Qulī Cūlī, L'al Khān Badakhshī, Majnūn Khān Qāqshal, and many brave men marched under the leadership of Āli Qulī Khān Shaibānī. Bairām Khān sent with them his own followers, Ḥusain Qulī Beg, son of Walī Beg, Shāh Qulī Maḥram, Mīr Muḥammad Qāsim of Nīshāpūr, Saiyid Maḥmūd Bārhā, and Auzān Bahādur, together with other zealous and experienced soldiers, that they might be the foremost of the advanced guard (harāwal-i-manqulā), might put warmth into the crisis of courage and self-sacrifice, and might test each other's skill and valour. Those lucky ones took charge of the marshalling of the troops, and distributed them, in accord with the rules of victory and the code of strategy, into right² and left wing, centre and vanguard, rearguard, reserve², flank, archers (ūqcī), and altamsh², and made each part illustrious by the splendour of devoted ability and sincerity, and strengthened the victorious troops by the gleaming swords of veteran lovers of battle.

Inasmuch as Trust in God (lit. in the foundation of fortune) is a profound mental habit, and is for supreme lords the best vanguard¹ of victory, the Earth's Khedive, after making the subsidiary arrangements, applied his mind to supplicating God, the Giver of life, the accomplisher of desires, the executor of causes; and with a tranquil mind, an open brow, a prayerful heart, a just intent, a right principle, a wide capacity, a strong hand, a firm foot, a high spirit, a lofty soul, a right plan, a shining countenance, and a smiling lip placed the foot of dominion in the stirrup of fortune and marched forward. At this season of youth and of natural impetuosity, this great Prince ever acted with far-sightedness and with submission to Reason the adorner of power, and by restraining himself within the veil of indifference, and under the screen of tender age, guarded the world-adorning beauty of his sovereignty. Without using the instrumentality of messages and messengers, and the elaborated speeches of interested meddlers, he continued to occupy himself in testing the loyal and true, and while making over the conduct of affairs to the lovers² thereof, was instant in supplication at the threshold of the Giver of life, and Creator of wisdom, knowing that the issue of events, spiritual or temporal, was with the incomparable Deity. The conventionally wise, and those who worshipped secondary causes, but ignored the First Cause, could not apprehend the exceeding greatness of wisdom of this sitter on the throne of the Caliphate, nor the sublime eminence of this Elect of two worlds, but thought themselves to be among the efficient causes—What shall I say ?—to be the real masters in sovereignty's workshop! But the achievements of this unique one of the True God became revealed day by day, and the nature of those imbecile truth-missers underwent the test for gilded copper, and departed into the ravine of darkness, as will become apparent to the acute and the reflective from this truthful narrative.

The sum¹ of the matter is: the² Light-Increaser of Creation's workshop commits to the keeping of His own sublime Grace, the charge of the affairs, whether in mass or in detail, of a nursling of light who shall have obtained deliverance from the darkness of creature-worship and have made his heart radiant by the splendour of the worship of God. He (that is to say, the Deity) does not distress him by narrowing his soul within external affairs, and He incorporates his aspirations with others which have not passed into the scope of his spiritual mind, and which cannot be comprehended by the world-spirit, and places them in the bosom of his Fortune. And having enthroned him in the kingdoms of the visible and invisible He makes him leader of armies temporal and spiritual. Every base and perverse one, whose fortune's flame has been extinguished by the winds of adversity, has an intellectual veil let down in front of his eyes of vision, and comes out into the darkness of denial, and the obscurity of opposition, and sinks into the slough of ruin by his own act. Accordingly the glorious status of H.M. the Shāhinshāh has become impressed in thousands and thousands of instances on the minds of the recalcitrants of the desert of wandering, who once had connexion with the dominion which is conjoined with eternity. These will be referred to in their proper place.

And let a little of the loss that befell M. Sulaimān who came with 10,000 men to conquer Kabul, and which was guarded, through the assistance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh's good genius, by Mun'im Khān, the Khān-Khānān with a small force, be known to the prudent, so that (it may be seen that) just as the blessings of the spiritual and temporal lord extend far, so it may be conjectured what will be the final condition of those nearly² placed miserable ones who out of an evil fate strive with the spirit of his Majesty and make war upon him. The fate of Hemū which occurred in the beginning of the career (of Akbar) is a whip of warning to the arrogant and self-willed.

At this time there was great scarcity in the cities and villages of India, and there was a terrible famine¹ in many parts, and especially in the province of Delhi. Though they were finding signs of gold, they could see no trace of corn. Men took to eating one another; some would join together and carry off a solitary man, and make him their food. Though this recompense of men's acts lasted for two years, the intense distress was for one year. Apparently it was the pain of the past coming out in evidence so that by the blessings of the holy accession to the throne of the Caliphate, the inequalities of the time, and the crookedness of the world might all at once be removed.

Great God! How varied are the decrees of fate, and how multiplex the marks of destiny! A blade of grass cannot spring from the ground without some designs being involved in it, nor a leaf stir on a tree without sundry purposes being infolded therein! How then can one estimate the mysteries and consequences which lie hid under events which are responsible for a movement of a universe? Among such was this battle-garbed banquet¹ (bazm-i-razmnamā) which was among the great causes of external order, and also the best means of guidance for those who had lost their way in the wilderness of error and destruction. The account of this great boon is as follows: The ill-fated Hemū was continually giving way to pride and arrogance, owing to his accumulation of incitements to infatuation, such as have already been briefly described. Especially was the Indian army encouraged by the catastrophe of Tardī Khān, and it was emboldened to contend with the hosts of Fortune. High and low were filled with pride and indulged in seditious imaginings.

When the news of the march of the standards of Fortune were spread throughout the hostile army, Hemū sent his park of artillery, great both in quality and in quantity, in advance of himself, and under the charge of Mubārak Khān and Bahādur Khān, who were chief officers of his, to Panipat, which is nearly thirty² kos from Delhi, and set about preparing for battle. It had not occurred to him that the victory-begotten troops would move with celerity. When the lion-hearted men of the advanced guard heard of the arrival of the artillery at that town, they equipped a force composed of active and battle-loving soldiers, such as L'al Khān Badakhshī, M. Qulī Uzbeg, and Samānjī³ Khān and sent them forward to make an attack. When this force wrote reporting the strength of the enemy, 'Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī joined the division, and the masterful ghāzīs, who were backed by the Shāhinshāh's Fortune, added feline skill to the deeds of tigers. It may be conjectured what deeds were done by tigers when thus supported! In fine, the artillery was captured, and the advanced guard of the enemy fled without fighting. When the moribund Hemū heard of this, he arrayed his army in three divisions. The right wing was commanded by Shādī Khān Kākar,¹ the left wing by Hemu's sister's son Ramya, who was distinguished for bravery, and he himself marched forward with consummate pride and great celerity. He took with him the mountain-like and dragon-mouthed elephants, which had been collected by so many Indian rulers, and which by Heaven's decree and for a warning to the superficial and the short-sighted had been brought together for this alien in form and substance. Among them were 500 palmary (sira) elephants, each of them a paragon for² swiftness and dexterity. In might and courage they were exemplars, and the running of those active athletes could not be called running, for though the race-horses of 'Irāq (Arabia) be swift, they could not outstrip those elephants. In truth each one of those famous elephants was capable of disordering a large force. They were especially calculated to confuse the onset of cavalry, as the horses had never seen such terrific forms. How can the attributes of those rushing mountains be strung on the slender thread of words. They ruined lofty buildings by shaking them, and sportively uprooted strong trees. In the hour of battle and contest they lifted up man and horse and flung them into the air.

They advance at a gentle pace, but when they encounter,
The strong are as powdered antimony under their feet.

How shall the multitude³ of his army be described?

The brief account is that he marched in excellent order with 30,000 practised horsemen composed of Rajputs and Afghans who, on many occasions, had by their exploits increased his pride and arrogance. Musketeers and cross-bowmen were placed on the mountain-backs of those enormous elephants, which were furnished with suits of mail (kajīm)¹ and defensive armour, and made ready for war. All the elephants had these war-panoplies, and had their trunks armed with spears and knives, and were intrusted to men of war and to courageous drivers. Every one had his place assigned to him. The elephant Ghālib Jang, which was one of the first-rate elephants, was assigned to Ḥasan Khān Faujdār; the elephant Gaj Bhanwar (?),² which was one in a thousand, was assigned to Maikal Khān; the elephant Jor Banyān, which was a powerful one, was given to Ikhtiyār Khān; the elephant Fauj Madār was assigned to Sangrām Khān; and elephant Kalī Beg, which had in many battles been ridden by Hemū himself, was on that day entrusted to a driver of the name of Cāpan. He conciliated these leaders, who were lions of the jungle of war, and were the confidants of Sher Khān and Selīm Khān, and other haughty ones, and made them zealous for battle. But warlike preparations are of use against the superficial, and those who are influenced by material causes. Of what avail are they against a worshipper of God, and an annihilator of ordinary causes, who has been brought for the arrangement and completion of the spiritual and temporal world? All these materials and apparatus became additions to the household of that beautifier of the world of sovereignty. The strange event that immediately followed was a proof of this.

The account of this wonderful fortune is as follows:—

The account of this wonderful fortune is as follows:—

On Dībādīn, the 23rd Ābān, Divine month, corresponding to Thursday, 2 Muḥarram 964 (5 November, 1556), when the advanced guard of the victorious army was encamped on the borders of Pānīpat, scouts came and brought the information that the enemy had arrived, and reported his strength and equipment; and it was made certain that the ill-fated scoundrel was boldly approaching. And before the above-mentioned town was reached, it was currently rumoured that Hemū had sent a large force in advance under the command of Shādī Khān Kākar. The imperial officers did not make much account of this, and having bound their hearts to the daily increasing fortune, proceeded to face him. When it grew certain that Hemū was coming with all that preparation, inasmuch as they had not looked to their real support (i.e., Akbar), perturbation found its way into the hearts of imperial servants, through the instrumentality of empty-headed babblers, from whom no army is ever free, or rather there are armies of such. The brave men of the army of fortune reported the facts to the victory-protecting court, and made themselves ready for sacrificing their lives. There were 10,000 soldiers in this force, but perhaps only 5,000 were men of battle. When the conquering heroes, and the loyal brave knew that the enemy was at hand they, out of wisdom and a large capacity, which on such occasions are greater incitements to victory than thousands of experienced soldiers, did not regard the apparent numerical superiority of the enemy, and their abundant equipment, for it is the way of the happy-fortuned and auspicious not to put off till the morrow the work of the day. Without a semblance of hesitation or delay they drew up their forces and sought for an opportunity to engage. Sikandar Khān and a number of veterans were on the right. 'Abdullah Khān and another body of devoted men were on the left. The centre received support from the valour of 'Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī, Ḥusain Qulī Khān, Shāh Qulī Maḥram, and a number of efficient young men formed the vanguard.

Now that the narrative has come so far it is proper to pause and to expatiate somewhat, so that there may be amenity of discourse. O thou who seekest for admonitory words and who watchest the thread of exposition give ear for a time to me!

From the time when H.M. the Shāhinshāh by dint of his world-conquering mind had sent on noted officers in advance, he did not for an instant disregard the arrangemeṇt of the main army, and marched forward, stage by stage, to victory. On this most excellent of days, which was the new year's day of victory and rejoicing, he marched from Karnāl, which is ten kos from Pānīpat; and halted at the distance of five kos from the latter town. There was no intelligence in the camp that the enemy had approached the vanguard, and the soldiers had not yet rubbed off the dust of the march or taken breath, when news of the enemy's having reached the vanguard, together with other disquieting information was received. It appeared that many had given way, but that fighting was still going on briskly. The order for battle was immediately given to the army, and preparations were made for the march. Commands were issued that the heroes should put their armour on their breasts, and trust in God in their hearts, and follow the victorious stirrup. In a short time they were equipped in a manner worthy of praise from masters of fortune, and began searching for a fight. H.M. with a kingly and tranquil countenance placed the helmet of Divine fortune on his head, and the cuirass of God's protection on his breast, and the foot of dominion in the stirrup of intent. Bairām Khān Khān-Khānān moved in front of the ranks, and round the divisions, and took measures for preserving the rules of war, and the protection of points. On behalf of H.M. the Shāhinshāh he distributed promises of favour and anger, and set in order the banquet of battle. After the troops had been marshalled, and their hearts encouraged, the giver of commands to the world incited them to rapidity and ordered a march. When the moon of the world-conquering banner cast the light of its approach on Pānīpat, the vanguard of victory appeared in front, and heroic men came and communicated the glad tidings of victory, and Shāh Qulī Maḥram brought Hemū a prisoner to his Majesty, and was the recipient of royal favours.

The brief account of this great victory, and grand boon, which was a masterpiece of good fortune, is as follows:—

When Hemū became aware that the standards of glory were far off, and that some of the officers had come in advance, he rapidly marched against them, thinking that if he dispersed these men, who were the choice troops, the rest of his task would be easy. He relied upon the numbers of his experienced troops, and on his many strong elephants, and advanced with immeasurable pride. In the drunkenness of infatuation, he could not understand that he who is supported by the driver of the elephant will assuredly prevail over him whose trust is in the elephant. How then can the superiority of him be denied who is in the confidence of the Creator of the elephant?; and what effect against him can be procured by calling upon elephants for help? However that moribund, ill-fated one carried on hot war, and the brave men on each side made noble endeavours and like Ra'd in Naisān,¹ and tigers in a reed-bed (nayistān) rushed upon one another with shouts. They served well with courage and devotion, and gathered glory.

Two armies so collided
That they struck fire out of water;
You'd say the air was all crimsoned daggers,
Their steel had all become solid rubies.²

Though the heroes of the victorious army did not fail in steadiness and devotion, yet the onset of the elephants shook the right and left divisions. Several tigers of battle's jungle, viz., tiger-hunting soldiers, who regarded the dust of the battle-field as the cosmetic of victory's bride, and as the rouge of fortune's cheek, and who sought for the water of life at the spring of the blood-drinking sword, quaffed their fill of desires. Such were Muḥd. Qāsim³ Khān of Nīshāpūr, Ḥusain Qulī Khān, Shāh Qulī Maḥram, and L'al Khān Badakhshī. When they perceived that the horses would not face the elephants they fetched a circuit⁴ and like famished tigers, sought their prey with blood-dripping swords and closed with the foe and overcame him. They hurled firmly-seated riders from their saddles and then despatched them by the dagger-hoofs of swift, fiery horses. Bands of devoted archers came forward on all sides and did yeomanly service. 'Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī whose command made the centre illustrious, had come to a spot which had a great ravine in front of it, such that even elephants could not cross. The brave seekers of battle and the lion-like men of the centre were compressed into a small space and stood firm, looking for an opportunity to attack. They showed such endurance that the elephants retreated from the sides of the centre. Thereupon the latter came out in the rear of the enemy and discharged their arrows and wielded their swords. Hemū the ill-fated rode proudly on an elephant named Hawāī (the rocket?), which was one of his best, and glanced from side to side at the brave swordsmen, and at the onset of the rank-breaking ghāzīs. He beheld with apprehension the combats of the warriors of fortune's army, and gathering together a band of fierce elephants he showed every stratagem which his powerful capacity could conceive, and every daring deed which lurked in his seditious soul. He made powerful onsets and performed many valorous acts, and dislodged many strenuous soldiers of the sublime army. Bhagwān Dās, one of his leading men, and who was distinguished for his bravery in the field of battle, was cut to pieces in front of him, and Shādī Khān was trampled under the feet of the swift horses of fortune's army. Suddenly, in the midst of the contest, an arrow from the bended bow of Divine wrath reached Hemū's eye, and piercing the socket, came out at the back of his head. Seemingly, the wind of the pride, and the arrogance of that black-fated, inwardly darkened one passed out by that window. When those who were fighting around him saw that fortune's arrow had hit the target, the arm of their courage grew slack, and they lost heart. They became handless and footless, and no more girded up the loins of courage. His army was defeated and every man strewed the dust of defeat on his head, and scattered the glory of courage on the ground, and turned to flee. Just then Shāh Qulī Khān and some brave men came up to the elephant on which Hemū was riding. He did not know that Hemū was on the elephant, and sought to kill the driver in order that he might make the elephant his spoil. The helpless driver, who had neither the helmet of loyalty nor the cuirass of courage, from fear of his life, pointed out his master. When Shāh Qulī Khān heard of his great fortune, he blessed his stars and tossed the cap of joy to the skies. He gave quarter to the driver and made him hopeful of a royal reward. He then separated that and some other elephants and left the battle-field.

When the breeze of victory was wafted to the victory-marked standards of H.M. the Shāhinshāh from the vent of Divine favour, the black-fated foe at once turned their backs and sought safety in flight. The tigers of the jungle of courage cast the elephant-drivers headlong from the summits of their mountains by arrows¹ and blows of battle-axes and made the hill-resembling elephants go like a strong gale. When daily-increasing majesty is in battle-array, lion-hearted, rank-breaking men have no resource but in flight; how then could unreasoning brutes withstand the glory of genius? The victorious officers after such a victory, which till the extinction of the world will be the inscription on the victory-proclamation of great princes, and the resplendent preamble of mighty world-rulers, engaged in returning thanks to Providence. The rest of the victorious troops occupied themselves in slaying the fugitives and in collecting the spoil, and made mounds² of the slain, and treasuries of the spoil. The number of those fallen on the field was calculated at 5,000. Who could count the numbers of those who were trampled down on the roads during their flight? 1,500 noted elephants fell into the hands of the imperial servants. A force of victorious heroes pursued the fugitives, and after putting many to the sword returned successful to the foot of the throne. The ruler of the age returned thanks for the great boon and distinguished the combatants by endless favours. Whilst every one of the heroes was being brought into the presence and was receiving rewards temporal and spiritual, Shāh Qulī Khān brought in Hemū bound. Though they questioned him, he out of uncouthness (jahālat) made no reply. Perhaps he was unable to speak, or he was overwhelmed by shame and indisposed to say anything. Bairām Khān Khān-Khānān begged H.M. the Shāhinshāh to slay with this own sacred hand this stock of sedition, and to acquire merit by a holy combat. That lord of wisdom and master of sages, who regarded his youth as the veil of his divinely-bestowed wisdom, and abode under the screen of incognito and so obtained a respite from the vexatious disbelief of infidels, and the faith of the sincere, replied in words that were the interpretation of truth and were for the instruction of the wise, that his lofty spirit did not permit him to slay a captive and that it seemed to him that in the justice-hall of the Only One there was nothing meritorious in such an act. Though simple loyalists importuned and pressed him, the Shāhinshāh showed himself more and more averse to the proceeding. I extol the lofty intelligence of which no trace is to be found in the contents of books or in the minds of supreme sages; but the wise of the great court well know that this is not to be met with save in the lucid home of the holy heart of a pure spirit who shall have received the light of true knowledge from the Creator without the intervention of human means or earthly aids. This is manifest in the brows of the sitter on the temporal and spiritual throne. It is plain also to the practical man and the exoteric that under all circumstances a lofty and God-fearing mind has arrived at the stage of being beloved by God. Such an one (the practical man) knows that to act contrary to His pleasure is to strike oneself with a sword, for without human effort the power of the Creator casts him on the ground of contempt and the abyss of destruction. Accordingly this is apparent at the present day to those who read the daily chronicle of this king who is based upon auspiciousness. Where has he leisure that, while attending to the inner realities, he should give heed to the meanness and nothingness of opponents? Granting that he has leisure and permission from his intellect, how shall his lofty spirit decide to stain the holy skirt of his mind with such dust, and if such an event occur, how shall he stain his sword with the blood of such a moribund, impure wretch? What comparison is there between that holy personality and the petitions of men of the world? At last Bairām Khān Khān-Khānān when he perceived that H.M. was not inclined to take his view, withdrew from the attempt, and under the influence of hereditary beliefs which take their place in men from imitation of fathers and teachers, himself became engaged in the acquisition of this fancied merit, and with his sword cleansed the world from the contamination of his existence. Would that H.M. had come out of his veil and given attention to the matter! or that there had been some far-sighted master of wisdom in that court, so that they might have kept Hemū in prison and made him desirous of serving the threshold of fortune. Certainly he was a most excellent servant, and he had a lofty spirit. If he had been instructed by such a great one (as the far-seeing sage, or perhaps Akbar) what works might he not have performed? In order to display the Majesty of the Shāhīnshāh, and to give a lesson to the superficial they sent his head to Kabul,¹ while his trunk was conveyed to Delhi and placed on the gibbet of warning. The world had rest from strife and tumult, and mortals obtained happiness and tranquillity.

Among² the wonderful events and unusual traits of H.M. Shāhinshāh which came forth from the ambush of secrecy and displayed their splendours in the theatre of manifestation, there was this that when H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshīyānī had come to Delhi after the victory over Sikandar, he (Akbar) there practised drawing in accordance with a sublime suggestion (of Humāyūn?). The skilful artists such as Mīr Saiyid 'Alī³ and Khwāja 'Abdul-Ṣamad Shīrīnqalm, who were among the matchless ones of this art, were in his service and were instructing him. One day this cyclopædia of Divine things was in the library of H.M. Jahanbānī and in order to sharpen his mind was employing himself in drawing. He drew with inspired pencil the figure of a man with all his limbs separated. One of the courtiers saw that strange picture and asked the meaning of it. H.M. with mystery-explaining tongue said that it represented Hemū. At that time the name and note of Hemū were unknown, and so the listeners did not comprehend the matter and refrained from further enquiry. On the day when Bairām Khān made his request and tried to induce H.M. to slay Hemū with his own holy hand, H.M. replied that he had dispatched that haughty one on a former day and had dismembered him, and then he referred to the incident of the picture. Good God! How and when in that year had the news of this dominion-augmenting occurrence been conveyed by the tongue of act and the lip of speech? Certainly, to-day, to-morrow, yesterday, the present and the absent may be revealed to ordinary compounds⁴ of human nature. But with nurslings of Divine light, disciples of the Truth and teachers of Reason, whose pure essences are manifestations of the Divine radiance, and are the rising of Reality's sun, the future and the past attend upon the present and the absent is like the present fully visible. What matters absence to him who knows the presence of God? Away, away! there can be nothing invisible there!

This traveller on devotion's highway, Abūl Faẓl to wit, the writer of this preamble of excellencies, one day asked H.M. the circumstances of this miracle. He enunciated in reply: “An invisible Inspirer had placed an intimation of it on our tongue; he best knows the secret thereof.” The effulgence of Truth's luminary, and its retirement behind a veil are similarly conditioned phenomena. Mighty is the capacity of a sublime nature which when placed amidst so many cellars full of varied senses-robbing wines, a mere sip of which will intoxicate heroes of the Path, viz., 1st. The wine of early youth. 2nd. The wine of temporal dominion. 3rd. The wine of spiritual supremacy. 4th. The wine of outward beauty. 5th. The wine of hidden favour; can retain its high sense and look not to itself, but to God! The wishes of such a soul are made its lovers, and Fortune is constituted the attendant on the threshold of its hopes. I, who am, night and day, a devotee of this gate of Fortune, do not call to remembrance that either when he has cast a gleam of favour upon anyone, or in familiar conversation, he has ever uttered a syllable which savoured¹ of arrogance, or that in his down-sitting or uprising, in his speech or in his audition in the company of his grandees,² he has exhibited any change of demeanour. Far-seeing sages well know how impossible it is to gauge the capacity of one who uses so many man-o'erthrowing wines, and yet daily increases in wisdom. But he who is linked to fortune and is wakeful-hearted, knows this much that the Divine Providence must be the Watchman over him, and that such great victories (over passions) come easily to him, and that such great gifts and noble deeds and wondrous works rarely appear in this world. (rūzgārān).

One great marvel was that at the time when the expedition started from Jālandhar for the conquest of India, and the extirpation of Hemū, an order was given one day to the master of the ordnance to prepare fireworks as a treat to the soldiers, and that among other things they should make an image of Hemū, fill it with gunpowder, and set it on fire. The workmen quickly prepared a pyrotechnic display (gulzār-ī-ātish, lit., a rosegarden of fire), and they brought the image of Hemū there and set it on fire. In appearance it was simply keen amusement, in reality it was extinguishing a malevolent life. Certes, it is fitting that one who does such great deeds under the guise of sport and fun should, men being what they are, retire behind a veil and not show his spiritual beauty and that in his work he should appear as if unconcerned.

Assuredly and incontestably there was no such masterpiece on the occasions when former great-hearted, nobly-born ones formed the design of conquering India and did great deeds. This will be evident on a little consideration to those who know ancient history. For on none of those former occasions was there a ruler of India, possessed of such courage, enterprize, and plan (as Hemū). On the contrary they were backward in the management of their own dominions. It was otherwise with this virile spirit, he was ever meditating the conquest of distant climes and kept hidden in his heart the designs of great expeditions. And in truth fortune had favoured Hemū in a way which the rulers of India had not attained to in those former days, viz., in the multitude of tried soldiers; the number of able officers, the plenitude of artillery, which had nothing like it except in Turkey, and the number of powerful elephants, any one of which was enough to throw an army into confusion. Maulānā Sharafu-d-dīn 'Alī Yazdī, in his account in the Ẓafarnāma of the fights of H.M. Ṣaḥib Qirānī (Timur) which took place in India, speaks of the warriors of India and of the greatness of its rulers, and boasts¹ that 120 war-elephants came into the possession of the imperial servants in that great war. To those that know history and are of sound brain, the condition of the ruler of that time as compared with Hemū is clear. On that latter instructive occasion, of which a small account has been given, 1,500 elephants were captured. The rest of the equipments may be conjectured from this. But how shall the amount of the ruler's¹ own treasures, etc., be counted? The plain of victory was the same fortunate spot as that where H.M. Getī Sītānī Firdūs Makānī contended with Sulṭān Ibrāhīm and raised the victorious standards, as has already been briefly related in its proper place.

On the same exultant day which showed by God's help so great a victory, Sikandar Khān Uzbeg was sent with a body of troops to pursue the fugitives and to protect the city of Delhi from the rabble. He acted with rapidity and delivered some of the malignant and useless from the prison of existence, and put the distracted inhabitants of the country in order. Much plunder fell into his hands. Next day the army of fortune marched out at an hour, which the astrologers had chosen, and cast the light of their arrival on the holy territory of Delhi. The noble, the distinguished in every science, and the skilful in every craft, came out in crowds to welcome the army and uttered shouts of blessing. Majnūn Khān Qāqshāl represented to H.M. the excellent loyalty of Rajah Bihārī Mal which he had shown at the siege (of Narnaul). A gracious order was issued for his attendance and the Rajah obeyed the command and was rewarded, by kissing the ground of obedience. On one day when robes of honour had been presented to the Rajah and to his sons and other relatives, and they had been brought to the Court to receive their dismissal, H.M. was mounted on a mast elephant which in its intoxication was rushing in every direction. People were all going to one side. Once it ran towards the Rajputs, but as they held fast to their loyalty they remained standing. This steadiness pleased the lofty glance of H.M. the Shāhinshāh, and he made inquiries about the Rajah and said with his mystery-interpreting tongue, “We'll rear you.”² This came to pass as will be described hereafter.

Thanks be to God that the Hindustanis, or rather all mankind obtained a head. Volumes are not sufficient to contain his greatness. By the grace of his justice the ever-vernal garden of India received special verdure and the truth-worshipping servants of God received a powerful support. In thanksgiving for this great boon, grand feasts were organised, and treasures of gifts were poured into the lap of the world. The Shāhinshāh's favour exalted by a variety of kindnesses a number of men who had trod valiantly the forecourt of devotion. High and low, small and great, were made fortunate by large rewards. Among them, 'Alī Qulī Khān Shaibānī was exalted by the title of Khān Zamān, and the Sarkār of Sambhal and other parganās of the Dūāb were assigned to him as jāgīr, and he obtained leave in order that he might go and manage those territories.

'Abdullah¹ Khān Uzbeg received the title of Shujā-'at-Khān and was appointed to the Sarkār of Kālpī.² Iskandar Khān received the title of Khān 'Aālam, and Maulānā Pīr Mūḥammad Shīrwānī was styled Nāṣir-al-mulk, and attached to the royal person. Qīyā³ Khān was nominated to the charge of the Agra territories. The dominion-adorning mind of the Shāhinshāh sent the officers of the court of the Sultanate to every quarter, and so gave order and tranquillity to the pleasant lands of India.

At this time it came to H.M.'s ears that Ḥāji Khān, a slave of Sher Khān Afghan, who was distinguished for courage, prudence, and skill in collecting troops, was acting independently in Alwar, and also that the father and the wife of the ill-fated Hemū, and his goods and chattels were in that Sarkār. Nāṣir-al-mulk was appointed to that service along with a number of trusty and devoted followers. Ḥājī Khān was frightened by the strength of the victorious army and fled before its arrival, and Alwar and the whole of Sarkār Mewat came into the possession of the imperial servants. From there they proceeded to Deoti⁴ Macārī, where was the residence and family⁵ of Hemū. The place was strong and there was much fighting, and the father of Hemū was captured and brought alive before the Nāṣir-al-mulk. The latter called upon him to change his religion. The old man answered, “for eighty years I've worshipped my God, according to this religion. Why should I change it at this time, and why should I, merely from fear of my life, and without understanding it come into your way of worship.”

Pir Muḥammad treated his words as if he heard them not, and answered him with the tongue of the sword. After being victorious there, he came away with much plunder and fifty elephants and did homage at the Court, and was the recipient of royal favours. Ḥājī Khān left the town of Alwar and went off towards Ajmīr in order that he might find an asylum for his family and leave soldiers there and make preparations for renewing the war. The Rānā¹ who was a great Zamindar and was son of the Rānā who had contended with H.M. Getī Sītānī Firdūs Makānī, as has been described, and had been defeated by him, demanded things from him and put him to intolerable troubles. Of necessity a great battle took place between him and the Rānā near Ajmīr. Ḥājī Khān and Muẓaffar Khān Shīrwānī who was his Vakīl, did great actions in this engagement, and at last the Rānā was defeated because he was uplifted by the number of his troops. Ḥājī Khān took possession of Ajmīr, Nāgor, and the surrounding country.

When the success of Ḥājī Khān came to the royal hearing, Muḥammad Qāsim Khān of Nīshāpur, Saiyid Maḥmād Bārhā, Shāh Qulī Khān Maḥram, Ṭāhir, Khān Kharram Sulṭān and a number of others were appointed to put him down. When the territory of Delhi and the Dūāb had been swept clear of the enemy, H.M. designed to cast the light of his presence on the eastern districts of India in order that he might cleanse that extensive country which is a pasturage of dominion and fortune, from the dust of sedition-mongers. Just then news was brought that Khiẓr Khwāja Khān had fought with Sikandar Sūr near Lahore, and that he had not stood his ground but had retreated to Lahore. The brief account of this is as follows:—

It has already been stated that when the army marched from Jālandhar towards Delhi to extirpate Hemū, Khiẓr Khwāja Khān had been appointed to repress Iskandar. Isma'īl Beg Dūldai, 'Alī Qulī Khān Mīr Laṭīf, Shāh Qulī Naranjī, Khāliq Bardī Beg and a large force were sent with him. The great officers went and took up their quarters in Lahore. At the time when the turmoil of Hemū was troubling the world, and such a defeat had befallen the officers in the neighbourhood of Delhi, Mullā 'Abdullah Sulṭānpūrī who by felino tricks and fox-like proceedings had received from the Afghans the title of Shaikh-al-islām, and from H.M. Jahānbānī Jinnat Āshiyāni the title of Makhdūm-al-mulk, and who from the sedition-mongering which was in his brain, and from the bi-coloured water in his constitution gave himself out as one of the servants of the eternal dominion, but who at heart was in league with the Afghans, wrote invitations to Sikandar and urged him to come out of the hills. Sikandar gathered to himself a number of vagabond Afghans and some land-holders of the hill-country of the Punjab, and came out of the mountains and proceeded to collect revenue in the Punjab. Khiẓr¹ Khwāja Khān left the city of Lahore to the charge of Ḥājī Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī and set out to oppose Sikandar. When Ḥāji Muḥammad Khān Sīstānī became certain of the improper behaviour of Mullā 'Abdullah² he punished him by imprisonment and torture. He put him in earth up to his middle, and brought out from the ground some of the gold pieces which his avaricious hand had³ buried. When Khiẓr Khwāja arrived near the town of Camyārī and was about ten Kos separated from the enemy, he detached 2,000 picked men and sent them on in advance. Sikandar did not lose the opportunity and met them with a large force. A great battle took place, and the 2,000 were defeated. Khiẓr Khwāja Khān did not think it was time to stand firm and set off towards Lahore. Sikandar pursued him for a little way, and then regarded the collection of the revenues of the country as a free gift from time. When the news of this reached the royal ears, Sikandar Khān who had received the title of Khān 'Aālam was hastily given Sīālkot as a jagir, and sent off with all speed to assist Khiẓr Khwāja Khān.