THE following are translated from a very numerous Collection of the Letters of the Emperor AURUNGZEBE, in three volumes, now in my possession, entitled ADAUB AULUMGEEREE, or, COMPLIMENTARY EPISTLES of AULUMGEER,a and were preserved by his Meer Moonshi, or principal Persian Secretary. They fully display the artful character of that emperor; who, under the cloak of zeal for religion, made his way to the throne of Hindoostan, by the deposition and imprisonment of his father SHAW JEHAUN, the execution of two of his brothers, and expulsion of a third.
It is probable, that success impressed his mind, as it has done those of fanatics in every part of the world, with a belief that he was peculiarly favoured by heaven. His zeal, however, at length impelling him to act towards the Hindoos with the severity authorized by the koraun against unbelievers in the Mahummedan faith, drove them to desperation. Hence arose the combination of Mharatta states, and the downfal of the once illustrious family of TIMOUR, which began at the close of his reign, and was very rapidly completed.b
CONFINEMENT AT AGRA.
AFTER offering the customary duty and regards, I represent to the sublime audience, that the sacred pages, (wholly written with the auspicious pen) which conferred their honouring arrival by the hands of Matimud Khaun, informed me on the several points contained in them, both in verse and prose. Their contents have induced me, overcome by shame, — though of justifying myself I sensibly feel the difficulty and hardship, and on account of which I have so long declined sending petitions, and shut the door against rumours and hearsay — to offer replies to the various allegations freely and plainly, in order that the real state of affairs may appear, and the necessity of writing again upon the same subjects be done away.
It cannot be unknown to your mind, enlightened as the sun, that I have repeatedly represented, if your majesty would discontinue writing letters to excite disorders which can have no good effect, it would be most beneficial for the country. As your majesty, notwithstanding your profound wisdom and judgment, neglecting the propriety of the request, indignantly declared I must not expect such concession from you, I judged it expedient to close the doors of contention, by ordering the stubborn-backed eunuchs,c the chief promoter of trouble, to my presence.
The verses, transcribed a second time by your pearl-shedding pen,d are just, and applicable to late events.e If your majesty had not in the beginning of the troubles supported the eldest prince,f (whose honour, ability, and piety are perhaps by this time known also to yourselfg) had not exalted him to the highest rank and confidence, and, to flatter and appease him, had not chosen to have disgraced your other children; parties would not have been formed among the courtiers, or despair have overcome hope. Most probably, in such case, the flames of contention would not have blazed to such a height, nor all this calamity have occurred. Ah me! my friend and my garments.h
Alas! that I should be accused of having in my former letters written in improper and disrespectful terms to your majesty! God forbid, that even an irreverent thought towards you should enter my mind. Probably, I may have used opprobrious epithets when speaking of my brother; and why should such be understood as disrespectful to your majesty? By what names does not your majesty still call Khoossroo and Perweze, who departed to the place of non-existence long before the days of your accession to empire, and from whom to you no injury or offence occurred?i If certain persons, whose enmity, past all bounds, who repeatedly opposed me in battle, heaping upon themselves the dishonour of flight, and the marks of whose wickedness are not yet expunged,k are mentioned by me in a way befitting their deserts, and I cease to name them with ceremony and respect, what crime can be attributed to me? The favoured of the Almighty cannot be disgraced. He is truly great whom God, according to his scripture, (He exalteth whomsoever He chusethl) blesseth under his auspices, endoweth with dignity above his contemporaries and equals, and having prepared for him by his sole bounty the requisites of distinction, rendereth him among mortals respectful and exalted.m
Your humble disciple hath already repeatedly declared to your august audience, that my object in marching towards Agra was not rebellion, or to depose the emperor of Islaum.n The Penetrator of all secrets is my witness, that this unworthy and unlawful idea had never glanced on the mirror of my heart.
As, during the extreme illness of your majesty, the reins of power had dropped from your hands, and the eldest prince, who had not even the resemblance of a mussulmaun,o having obtained arbitrary rule and authority, exercised unlimited controul, and revived the customs of infidelity and atheism throughout the empire; thinking it lawful, politic, and just to overthrow his designs, I advanced to these parts. My first battle was with wicked infidels, who had destroyed mosques, and erected on their sites temples to their idols.p The second engagement was against the evil-acting atheists;q and, as my intention was virtuous, in each, with an inferior force, I became successful, and preserved without a wound.
As your majesty, then regarding me as a criminal, endeavoured that the prince in disposition like Pharaoh, coming again into the field, should reillumine the countenance of atheism, and, in such case, the success of the treacherous would have caused the destruction of the subjects and the empire; I, from necessity, relying upon justice and truth, submitted myself to the heavy burden of government, the care of the people, and protection of the venerated faith of the prophet; than which objects, the wisest and most virtuous agree, there can be none more meritorious in this world, or which can be better guides to happiness hereafter.r
It was written by your majesty, that seizing the possessions of another was contrary to religion. Surely it cannot be unknown to your mind, expansive as the ocean, that the treasures of kings and rulers are for the good of the state and religion; not a personal property or inheritance. From hence it is, that the zukkauts of such property is not given in charity. The Most High commits them for a time to each of the accepted of his presence, for the support of mankind, and resigns to such chosen agent the reins of government; that dealing with all according to the rules of justice, and regarding the rights of claimants with fairness and integrity, he may consider himself merely as a trustee for the public good. Perhaps, the learned of this age, from fear or flattery, may not have informed your majesty, that no one can claim the public treasure as his sole property.
To conclude; as it is certain, that no occurrence issues from the concealment of secresy without a divine decree, (which truth is evident to all) what cause is there that this important event,t which certainly was by the will of God, and in which the force and power of individuals had no concern, should be to me matter of obloquy and reproach? It is clear that it could not have happened without the command of the Ruler of the Universe, and the agency of Providence was appointed for me, its forced and hesitating servant.
Your majesty is superior to all in wisdom and penetration; why then, disregarding the source of these providential events and divine occurrences, do you look for other causes? Why, submitting yourself to the acts of the Almighty, of whose power this declaration, “God will do what pleaseth him, and command what he willeth,”u is a striking testimony, do you not quit this unavailing path of complaint, full of danger,w that sorrow and mourning may give place to ease and satisfaction; resignation and patience be not lost; or your situation, which cannot be altered, pass away in vain imaginations. Your well known forbearance must be my apologist for this prolixity.
AFTER offering the accustomed duty, I represent to the most sublime audience, that the respectable firmaun, full of reproaches, which was issued on the ninth of the present month, conferred its honouring arrival, and what was written respecting the evil deeds of myself, who am overwhelmed in crimes, became known.
It is not concealed from your mind, enlightened as the sun, that I have never yet attempted to blazon the merits of my own actions; but have been always ready to acknowledge my faults, and am so still.
Since the period of my arrival at years to distinguish good from evil, I have not neglected my utmost endeavours to obtain the approbation of your sacred mind, though thro’ your partiality to my eldest brother, (who possessed no talents but an hypocritical flattery, a smooth tongue, and superabundant vein of ridicule, and whose heart, in attachment to his benefactor, accorded not with his professions;) I, at his improper instigation, experienced repeated affronts, of which your former firmauns are ample proofs. In the hope that unfeigned duty and submission would finally produce their deserved reward, I deviated not in the least from the path of loyalty and obedience. If your majesty did but express satisfaction at my endeavours, I was happy. However, as at such times no impression was made by my sincerity, nor falsehood distinguished from truth; as the purity of my intentions and firmness of my attachment were neglected, and the slanders of my enemies prevailing, the friend was not distinguished from the foe, nor right from wrong; so that I was not esteemed worthy of confidence or favour — now — that I have really been guilty of various affronts and disrespect, it is clear that your majesty will not expect good from me, nor in future rely upon my words or actions.
You mentioned the duty of children to parents. My patron, as in this world no event occurs without the divine will and decree, no one can oppose the commands of heaven. What you expressed in the firmaun, has happened to many in former ages.x What power have I, a weak mortal, to remove my head from the eternal order? “God acteth as he chuseth, and commandeth what he willeth.” From him every one obtaineth according to the purity of his intentions. As mine are just, I trust, while I live, to experience nothing but good.
What was written relative to my sister,y is merely slander and suspicion; for when I arrived at Agra, and events happened which gave your venerable mind anguish and displeasure, where was she then? Alas! that during these few days, since our meeting, rumour should have opened her mouth in scandal. We never boasted of our accomplishments and virtues, like others; but, God be praised! their true characters are now known.z Purity of intention is seen by the Penetrator of secrets, who knoweth best what rests in the hearts of his servants. What probability is there, that Shaisteh Khana should have written such a report, or given a hint of such suspicion? He is one of our household servants, the claims of whose ancestors are binding upon our family, which your majesty well knows, and there are few his equals. As I have favoured strangers, so have I also distinguished him. It is not probable he would represent false accounts; so that what has been told you respecting him, must be untrue altogether.
May your protecting shade be long extended over us!
AFTER presenting the customary offering of duty and affection, I represent to the sublime audience, that though it is long since, that sensible of my faults I have not, from much shame and diffidence, dared to place the foot of boldness in the path of petition, or to prefer requests; yet having lately been repeatedly honoured by presents of fruit from your majesty, I am become hopeful of your favour.
Having performed the prostration of thanks, I represent, that supposing your majesty did not at present feel pleasure in music, and there being no singers here, whose performances gratify my taste; I wrote to the eunuch Phûl, that having informed your majesty, he should send me the female singers of my late eldest brother, who are now idle and useless in the haram. It does not appear to me, why this should have hurt your gracious mind. If the cause is your wishing to retain them, I have others here, and they may remain with your majesty.
The verse of the koraun, with the interpretation, sent by your orders, arrived.b It is not unknown to your understanding, enlightened as the sun, (for I have repeatedly declared to your majesty, and now again, when the affair is concluded, assure you) that my assumption of my present perilous dignity, at the contemplation of the dangers of which any reflecting person must tremble with dread, was not through my own choice or ambition. How can the truly wise and virtuous, who believes in a future retribution, voluntarily accept such a power, and, notwithstanding the difficulty he finds of governing his own passions, consent to take upon himself the burden of a world, and answer for its management in the day of general account? As the affairs of the empire were fallen into disorder, the subjects of every rank ruined by innovations, and the canons of our religion disused; impelled by Providence, I with anxiety gave up myself to this important office, necessarily complying with the forms of royalty, without which, to transact affairs was impossible. As I have removed such a heavy burden from your majesty’s shoulders to my own, relieved your pure mind from care-encreasing business, set your heart at rest, and involved my own in such innumerable troubles and anxieties; — if you would look with the eye of impartiality, you would find cause for approbation in my conduct, instead of blame. Could another person have managed such affairs more ably than myself — alas! that I should become captivated in such a snare! I will not use further prolixity.
May the happiness of avoiding future punishment attend your majesty!
AFTER the accustomed offerings of duty and affection, I represent to the sublime audience, that, after much lapse of time, the sacred pages written in your honoured hand, having cast the rays of descent in the neighbourhood of Bhind,c gave me a portion of honour in the perusal of their contents.
Your majesty enquires the cause of my distance and coolness. It cannot be unknown to you, that at the commencement of the events which have occurred by the mandates of the most High, (as your majesty had spent most of the hours of your life in experience of the vicissitudes of fortune) I hoped, that, regarding such occurrences as the decrees of heaven, you would not have studied to overthrow my plans, and procure the success of those of other persons.d Having founded my conduct upon the most virtuous basis, I intended, after cessation of our struggles, to have studied entirely the satisfaction of your venerable mind, and by that means to obtain immortal reputation.
Though I heard that the cause of the prevalence of opposition, and the failure of my designs, was from the interference of your majesty, and that my brothers, acting by your sacred orders, sought my life, I attended not to reports, nor suffered my mind to swerve from the path of loyalty. At length, certain intelligence of your majesty’s unkindness repeatedly reached me; and finally, the note written by you in Hindooeh, to my brother Shujah, which proved the destruction of him and his family. I then was convinced that your majesty loved not me, and that, though the power was wrested from your hands, you studied that another should obtain rule, and my endeavours, calculated solely for the extension of religion, and the welfare of the state, be rendered useless. From this design you were not to be moved, and still remain obstinately bent upon it.
Driven to extremities, I was obliged to use the necessary caution; and becoming fearful of the arts of determined and powerful enemies, I could not execute what I intended.e To the truth of this declaration the Almighty is witness. As affairs have turned out, my mind can only be at ease when those two rebels,f who, twice consenting to the shame of defeat, have fled before me, shall have left the empire; or, by the blessing of God, being made prisoners, shall repose by the side of my brother.g “While the head of a rival in a kingdom rests upon his shoulders, that kingdom is full of disorder.”
If it is the will of God that the fate of my enemies shall end in either of the above ways, I shall no longer use caution, which will then be needless; but till then, as it is clear that to trust the professions of the treacherous, after having repeatedly experienced their inveteracy, can produce no effect but disappointment and regret; your majesty’s having your abdaur khanehh in the ghoossul khaneh,i now you reside entirely in the mhal,k cannot be permitted. The seal was placed upon your wardrobe solely on account of Mamoor’sl having sacrificed his life. Now another is appointed in his room, the usual raiment will be brought you without fail.
May grace to avoid eternal punishment be your friend!
AFTER offering the usual duty and affection, I represent to the sublime audience, that the sacred pages written in your gracious hand on the 18th of the present month, made their honouring descent, and also what you wrote thro’ the eunuch Wooffa out of extreme anger, became known.
Fully sensible of my faults, I know not what remedy to invent, that will preserve me from being accused of such matters,m if your majesty, notwithstanding my repeated and humble request that you would forbear issuing strife-exciting letters, will not cast the eye of assent on my petition. You have publickly exclaimed, “He must not expect from me what he should only demand from his own children. Let him forbear to desire what is impossible.” Of this, the writing brought me by Hoory Khanimn is a proof. In this case, if, acting with proper caution, I disperse not the causes of disorder, and remove not from the enlightened presence the treacherous eunuchs by whose interventions improper papers are spread abroad, what must I do? Alas! but that your majesty, pitying these people, would forbear employing them in a business which can have no end but trouble and danger, that you would regard good policy; so that at the instigation of necessity such proceedings might not become unavoidable to me, or punishment fall upon them. At all events, you must overlook the fault of Wooffa, and recall him to your presence, that he may attend you like the rest of the eunuchs. I have written concerning Mohirrum, that he be not prevented from entering your apartments; but if he too, under colour of fidelity, should act treacherously, he shall speedily be silenced.
Respecting the charge of your kitchen, I have already written that another be placed in it, in room of Mamoor, who has sacrificed his life. Your wardrobe will be replenished as heretofore.
May God, disposing your majesty to look favourably on me, who have been guilty of no crime, but obedience to the mandates of Providence, give me grace to avoid the judgments of the world to come!o
AFTER paying the usual offerings of duty, I represent to the most sacred audience, that the sublime firmaun, written altogether in your majesty’s own hand, which was issued on the seventh instant in answer to my petition, conferred its honouring arrival. From the perusal of the letters from the pearl-shedding pen, my eyes received immeasurable lustre, and my heart satisfaction and perfect gladness. God be praised that your majesty enjoys health and repose!
Health to my assisting benefactor! Of my own shame and regret what can be said by me? who, impelled by the decrees of heaven, through the divine will am fallen into such a dangerous whirlpool, and afflicted with external and internal troubles. They are already fully known to your majesty. I pray earnestly at the throne of the Eternal, that having found grace to study the approbation of your sacred mind, also opportunity to repair past errors, and obtain forgiveness of my crimes, I may perform such duties as will gain me your applause.p I also venture to hope, from the clemency and forbearance of your majesty, that such a criminal as myself may be remembered in your prayers.
In respect to public affairs, as I have already frequently represented to you, I am in perplexity, and what regrets do I not feel? Whenever the eunuch is wanted to write letters, issue orders, that he may attend to your sacred commands.q
LET the renowned in valour, of high rank, chief of faithful dependants, Mahabut Khan, supported and honoured by the imperial bounty—know—that from the instability of fortune, and the treachery of rebels,s fatal injuries have occurred to our authority, of which, probably, he has already heard; also of the unworthy conduct they have exercised, and still pursue.
My oppressed son, Dara Shekkoh, since his defeat has moved towards Lahore; and I know not in this vain world a faithful friend, who, regardless of personal advantages, consults only true honour, except yourself, the worthy son of the great Mahabut Khan. To you, therefore, I disclose the sorrows of my mind, and look for their cure.
When the Khorasauneest had surrounded my father Jehaungeer (now in paradise), and deprived him of power; from what distance, and with what rapidity, did not Mahabut Khan hasten to relieve him from the hands of his infernal enemies! Having kept him some time under his own controul, he gave him renovated power on the throne of empire, and rescued me from the cell of wretchedness and path of trouble, after my father’s death, conducting me to the capital.u
The present crisis of affairs is more difficult, and there is no nobleman, but yourself, of experienced conduct and valour, worthy to be intrusted with such important concerns. My beloved Dara will halt at Lahore, where there is no want of money, men, and horses. Can it possibly happen, that Mahabut Khan, at dread of whom mortals tremble, while his sovereign Shaw Jehaun is in the hands of traitors, will not fly to his relief, bring the two undutiful rebels (his sons) to the deserved punishment of their actions, and rescue his master from a prison? Surely he will feel that virtuous fame is superior to the treasures of Karoon,w and all the honours of an unstable world. I expect this from you, as heroes will thus act.
I have written to my son to trust himself with you, as the restorer of his fortunes, and my deliverer. This world is unsteady, and never was constant to any one; but a good name will always be recorded on the pages of time. How can it be, that Mahabut Khan should bear to see his sovereign in confinement? and the wretch, who spread the snares of treason, enjoying the throne of empire! If it be possible that you, so distinguished in the state, should connive at such treachery, remember, the day of judgment is near, and I shall be your accuser.
AT this period, our beloved brother, dear as life, (Moraud Buksh) out of unanimity and concord, has written to me on several points, requesting my opinion upon them: and I have sent by his messenger in reply, what appeared to my mind most proper.
As it is right you should be informed of the above circumstances, I send you the particulars of each question, and my answer; which if, on perusal, you approve, it is well; otherwise, you will write me what seems proper to your better judgment, that I may communicate it to him.
He writes first, that “we should not give the enemy (Dara Shekkoh) leisure to prepare; because, if the people become attached to him, and he obtains an influence, (may it never be his fortune!) to circumvent him may be difficult. On this account it is proper to fix a day of march towards Agra, so that we may all three join our forces at an appointed place; but if this motion is not at present in my opinion prudent, I should write him my reasons for so thinking.”
I have written in answer, that the ideas of our dear brother are just, and that I think we should act while our enemy is not completely prepared; yet as the news of the unavoidable event (the death of Shaw Jehaun) is not yet arrived, but, on the contrary, signs of his recovery daily increase, to move and engage openly in active measures, would be just now improper; that it would have been most prudent for our brother to have waited for certain intelligence, before he had excited the storm of insurrection;y that he should not have sent an army to Surat, or have besieged the fortress. However, as the matter had been carried to a point it ought not, he should reduce the place as speedily as possible, that all the forces levied might attend his stirrup, and that I would, when my determination should be made, inform him of the hour of my march.
Secondly he writes, “As from the reports of my agent it seems to be the plan of the enemy not to break immediately with us brothers, but, from views of policy, to court our friendship; if overtures of this nature should be sent to me, how shall I reply to them?”
In answer to the above question I wrote, that though no reliance should be placed on such professions, and it was scarcely probable they would be made at all now our dear brother had drawn aside the veil from his intentions; yet, should they come, not to give the reins of gentleness and moderation from his hands, but to write what might occasion the self-security of the enemy, and, by this soothing charm, to lull him into hare-sleep, would be most politic and prudent, and occasion no detriment to our settled purpose.
Thirdly he writes, “It has been agreed, that if the enemy attacks either of us, the two others shall assist in preventing the execution of his designs. Should an attack happen, what is to be the mode of succour, and how shall we support each other?”
I wrote in answer, that our treaties would remain as before; and, by God’s blessing, no departure from them could occur. If the impious enemy should threaten him, I would instantly advance by the way of Boorahaunpore, and that you would move from Patna; so that the chief of atheistsz should not be able to direct the whole of his force to one quarter. In like manner, should he turn the face of misfortune to other parts, the pillars of his security and confidence would be thus shaken.
Such are the particulars of the queries, and of my replies. I hope, that having considered them in your sublime mind, you will speedily inform me of the result of your judgment.a
YOUR affectionate letter, sent by Ruh Oollah, the friend of Alleh Ear, bestowed the pleasure of arrival in the moment of expectation, and informed me of its contents. My mind received infinite satisfaction from the knowledge of your intentions.
I have written a full reply to your separate paper, of which you will ere now be informed. Let not the least suspicion or distrust invade your mind, for, by the blessing of God, not the smallest point of the articles of agreement shall be neglected. Ruh Oollah is worthy of confidence. What can I write, that will express the ardency of my affection?
May the Almighty bless me by a happy meeting with my beloved brother! Health!b
AT this period, ushering in good fortune and promising an happy conclusion, which is as the dawn of the sun of prosperity and success, and the crisis of power and authority—when the lofty soaring eagle of the world-reducing genius has expanded his wings in pursuit of his object——namely, to exalt the standards of the true faith of the prince of prophets, upon whom be benedictions —our virtuous intent is wholly directed to the undermentioned points—that, by the exertions of our victorious champions, and the strong arms of our triumphant heroes, the thorns of atheism and irreligion being rooted out of the ever-blooming garden of Islaam, the chief of apostates (Darah Shekkoh) with his followers and corrupters may be annihilated. Also, that the dust of contention may be allayed among the natives of the extensive regions of Hindoostan, emblem of paradise, which have till now been preserved from the schism of infidelity, and secured within the pale of faith, by the auspices and pious warfare of our glorious ancestors; for which, may the most high God reward them with salvation, and the faithful bless their memories!
Our brother, dear to us as life, most wise, fortunate, and glorious, having acted by the inspiration of true wisdom, the consequence of divine favour, and joined us in this meritorious undertaking, has ratified the ties of alliance and concord with sacred oaths. He agrees, that after the overthrow of the enemy of our religion and authority, and the establishment and regulation of the imperial affairs, he will remain constant in the path of attachment, and at all times prove our friend and ally. Being a friend to our friends, and an enemy to our enemies, he will not at any time act contrary to our wishes; but remaining satisfied with that part of the empire which we now leave to him agreeably to his request, will not demand more.
Therefore, out of our abundant kindness and affection, and regarding the points he has engaged to observe, it is written with our august pen, that, by God’s blessing, as long as nothing is done by our good brother contrary to friendship, concord, and alliance, our affection towards him will daily increase; and esteeming our advantage and loss mutual, we will at all times observe our agreement of assistance, and the articles of mutual interest and unity, in the utmost extent.
The kindness and affection we now profess for him, after the attainment of our wishes and the destruction of the abominable atheist, (Dara Shekkoh) shall be continued, and even increased; nor will we neglect a single point of our declarations. To substantiate our engagements formerly stipulated, we will resign to our dear brother the provinces of Lahore, Cabul, Kashmeer, Moultaun, Bhukker, Tatta, and all those parts to the shore of the Persian Gulph, without reserve, after the completion of the overthrow of the wicked atheist, and eradication of the thorns and briers of contention and schism from the garden of our empire, bestowed upon us by God; till which period the accompaniment of that shoot of the tree of empire and good fortune is indispensible. We will then without delay dismiss him to those parts, nor make the least attempt to detain him.
To the sincerity of the above declarations, we call God and his beloved prophet as witnesses; and, for the greater satisfaction and reliance of our dear brother, have ornamented them with our seal, and the impression of our auspicious hand.c
YOUR affectionate friend, anxious for an interview, after offering his sincere respects, informs you, that your kind letter, written with the pen of favour in answer to my petition, having made its exhilarating arrival on Wednesday, the 2d of Ramzaun, afforded my friendly heart much satisfaction.
It was written that his majesty, besides the jaghire,e had given me Buggellana.f I have offered my grateful thanks for this mark of the royal bounty, and may God for ever keep extended over the heads of his dependants the heaven-like shade of his majesty! You tell me, that orders are issued for my having half my income in jaghire and half in money. My patroness, though to trouble his majesty, who knows all affairs, on such trivial matters, seems disrespectful and importunate, yet, as to provide the requisites of service is indispensible, I must unavoidably represent some particulars, on which, whatever the sacred judgment may determine must be right. You hint at some impediments in the fixing my jaghire; God willing, I will petition on that point after my interview; which, as it is the chief object of my wishes, will, I hope, soon take place.
To-night the worthy khan began his journey to court, and raja Jey Sing, with some other officers, accompanied him. I cannot express the greatness of my anxiety for a meeting; but this I know, that my heart is impatient.g
YOUR kind letter, expressive of regard, arriving at a most auspicious instant, gave me infinite pleasure. It was written that you had informed his majesty of my giving up the journey to Tatta, owing to the floods and tempestuous weather; and of my design to visit Bhukker, which also, as the weather was so indifferent, he desired might be deferred. My patroness, it was my intention to move on a hunting partyh towards Bhukker, and inspect the state of the country on my route; but as I heard the scarcity of grain was great in that quarter, and to have gone by water would have been hazardous, and by land, (though from the bounty of my father I could have had every convenience of khusskhanes,i &c.) my followers and cattle would have suffered much from extreme heat, I laid the journey aside.
It was written with the pen of kindness, that his majesty had said, “What he meant to give me, he had given, which if I could not keep, what could he do!” also, that he had commanded Jumlut al Moolk to present him a list of all the presents conferred upon me since his majesty’s accession to the present day.
Health to my kind patroness! The royal favours and bounties, like the blessings of heaven, are innumerable. “If each hair of mine was a tongue then scarcely could I express thy favour and kindness.” However, God be praised! I, like other dependants, have no pleasure in buying jewels or brocades;k but whatever has been bestowed upon me by his majesty’s favour, I have expended in supporting my army. Before and after the expedition to Candahar, I, agreeably to the royal orders, entertained five thousand horse at advanced pay, and never willingly let complaints of arrears reach the imperial ear. The present distress of my troops has been thus occasioned: formerly I received ten months pay in money, but the jaghire conferred upon me since, scarcely affords the amount of seven. Exclusive of this also, in the three last harvests calamities occurred. In the last spring harvest was a plague of locusts, and in the autumn a drought. The present spring crop is destroyed by rain and floods; yet is my force still the same as ever at every station.
As, in times both of ease and difficulty, dependants have no asylum or shelter but in the bounty of their lord, if I represent not my situation to the kiblehl of mortals, what must I do? It was hinted, why did I not give ashrefeesm to the troops? My benefactress, I have not sufficient after the discharge of my debts, which you well know, for only one month’s pay of my followers. I have already given a part To live in this manner is intolerable. I still perceive three modes for my relief; and, if thro’ your intercession either is adopted, it i possible my troops and servants may be paid, and rest satisfied; otherwise, their discontent and my unhappiness will daily increase.
First, if they will, in lieu of the grants allotted me in Sioustaun, confer upon me in jagheer the city of Moultaun, the product of which, except the customs, is regular, with the districts of Sukkir and Loheree in the division of Bhukker, for the expenses of the fort and palace of Tatta; and order the remainder of my allowance to be paid in money; I shall then be able to take with me about three thousand horse to Candahar. Secondly, if they chuse to take off the two corore of daumsn in Tatta and Moultaun, and pay me money instead, it would tend to my convenience. Thirdly, let them take into the revenue the soubah of Tatta, except the palace demesne and the pergunna of Hukkeralla, which are necessary for the expenses of the new seaport, and pay me money instead.
This latter measure his majesty himself once mentioned to me at Dhely; but as he had but lately granted the province, did not chuse to alter the arrangement suddenly, lest interested people, uninformed of the true reason, should make the measure a plea for disturbances.
My patroness, I make all these remonstrances merely because my force may not be broken, and thus the dissatisfaction of the sacred mind of our father be increased; for to myself it is equal whether my troops be many or few.
From my reliance on your goodness, I have presumed thus importunately to inform you of my affairs, in hopes that what is just will be done.o
YOUR affectionate friend, unfeignedly true, having assured you of his attachment, represents, that your kind letter, written after a long interval, having arrived on Thursday the 25th of Shaabaun, in the crisis of my impatient expectation, occasioned much joy and exultation.
It is written by the world-obeyed command, that, after my enjoyment of the royal interview, his majesty will dispatch me to Dekkan, and that I must therefore order my family from Moultaun to Lahore. It cannot be unknown to your generous mind, that, ever esteeming submission to the sacred orders as the means of my lasting honour, I have not an object independant of the approbation of his majesty; but viewing as my chief good whatever I am commanded to do, contrary to the sycophants of fortune, I consult not my personal interest.
However, as I have seen the statement of the jaghire allotted me in Dekkan by the royal orders, which has been transmitted to the chief of viziers, I cannot help being overwhelmed with astonishment and sorrow at my unhappy fate. If it is the royal wish that I should pass my life in privacy, Buggellana, which was originally granted me in perpetuity, is fully sufficient; but if, from favour to his dependant, he will exalt me to the government of an important province, let his majesty so support me, that I may not a second time be humiliated in the eyes of my equals, and of the rulers of Dekkan; or, by being unable to do my duty to the state, become liable to censure and reproof. “I say not, Shew to me generosity or bounty; I am a slave; do that which becomes thyself.”
My sympathizing patroness, a verse strikes me applicable to my situation, with which I trouble you. “If thou, O rose, art all attention to the notes of the nightingale,p hard indeed will be the fate of the dumb inhabitants of the garden.” In short, it is clear to you, my intelligent patroness, that the province of Dekkan is still the same, and I the same person that formerly governed it. I trust, that representing matters to his majesty, you will console me as speedily as possible with a proper reply, that I may send for my family.q
YOUR true and ardent friend represents, and you must know, that ever since his majesty from his gracious bounty distinguished me by employment, I have, on every service committed to me from the imperial court, exerted myself to the utmost of my capacity and the authority entrusted to me. I have not been neglectful in any point; but, esteeming submission and deference to my rightful guide as my real honour, have in every affair consulted only how to attain the approbation of his sacred mind.
I cannot guess of what crime or error I have now been guilty, that such conduct is shown towards me, as is undeserved by my sincere loyalty and attachment, and must degrade me in the eyes of all, far and near. In the first place, to Aseer,r formerly granted to me, then to my brother Moraud Buksh, and lately to me again, I have now by the royal orders been commanded not to send a commandant, after the gift had been made generally known. For this I cannot divine a cause. If it proceeded from my refusal of the marriage proposed to me, that objection is groundless; because, when that affair was agitated in the presence, his majesty left it entirely to my choice, and as on several accounts I had objections, I represented them fairly. If his majesty had resolved upon it, (though out of his justice he has never yet forced a marriage upon the least of his dependants) I should have had no remedy but compliance. If there has any thing been done by me undeserving confidence and trust, alas! alas! unhappy, disgraceful, and unfortunate are my stars, that after twenty years expended in service, regardless of my property or convenience, I should not be esteemed worthy of confidence equally with a brother’s son in the opinion of my patron!s Whatever is the cause of such slights, would they but acquaint me with my faults, I would stand reproved, and confess them, nor err again.
At this time my brother Dara, whose abundant regard to me is fully known to his majesty,t has sent a domestic of his own to convey certain welcome assurances and acceptance of his requests to the chief of Beejapore, which cannot but increase the insolence of him and his equals.
My gracious patroness, I never regarded myself as one of the favoured disciples, or servants, and claim only the attention of a slave, being content in any way they may chuse; yet, by his majesty’s goodness, I have hitherto passed my life in honour and credit, and in this quarter have for some time held authority; which lately too, without my desire or request, entirely from his own generosity, my rightful lord and guide conferred upon me anew. Such conduct as the present, however, is contrary to the protection due to trusty servants, and the occasion of their disgrace and degradation in the public eye. I am lost in the whirlpool of conjecture, and cannot guess what can be the intention of the sacred mind to this loyal dependant, who has no asylum (excepting almighty God) but in the pure person of my father. If, out of partiality to any individual, or from motives of policy, it is the gracious will, that of all his disciples I only should live awhile in disgrace, and finally be treacherously destroyed, I have no ability to struggle against submission to my fate. “Whatever may be my lot, as you approve, it must be just.” However, as to endure life in my present situation is difficult and unpleasant, and, for perishable things, to continue in vexation and trouble is unwise, I cannot commit myself to another’s will, it would be best if his majesty, to whose pleasure the heads and lives of his dependants are but reasonable sacrifices, would set me free at once from the dishonour of existence. Policy, then, would not be disappointed, and many hearts would rest from apprehension.
So long back as ten years, guessing at their designs, and knowing myself to be an impediment to them, I humbly declined accepting any employment. Merely to please my father, which has ever been the first of my desires, I resigned myself to my present office a second time, and have endured what I have endured. He should at that time have excused me, when I should have sought some secret corner, and have disturbed the heart of no one; while I myself should have escaped these indignities. Even still, the remedy is in the enlightened mind of his majesty. Let them command plainly what they judge adviseable respecting my fate, that, when informed of their pleasure, I may submit and obey.
The latest indignity shewn me, is the recall of Khan Jehaun from under my command to court, and conferring rank upon him and his companions, my servants. It is true, they are also the servants of his majesty, for whose use I entertained them; but yet, if this mode is continued, and my followers, quitting me without asking my permission, are honoured with the imperial service, and can obtain rank superior to their stations, it is clear that no person will remain with me. If my troops, which I have been forming for these twenty years, are dispersed in this manner, how am I hereafter to perform my duty in my employments? If there is an object in this, let the royal orders be issued for all my best servants to hasten to the presence, and assist the schemes of my enemies; but if his majesty has not yet cast me utterly from his confidence, and, regarding the claims of my service and obedience during so many years, still considers me in the number of his slaves, why does he approve such measures? Let him so heal the wounded and broken heart of his disciple with the balm of his kindness, that, being enabled to do the duties entrusted to me in a proper manner, I may be secure against disgrace or reproof. Since, in the service of the Almighty, his worshippers suffer not, is it possible that they can be injured in the court of the representative of the Godhead, who is endowed with the qualities of the Divinity? How can he justify actions towards his disciples and servants, which the Creator of the world would not impose upon his creatures?
I hope, my generous benefactress, that you will convey these points in privacy to the sublime audience; and inform me of whatever may on the subject of them pass the tongue of revelation, that, escaping from the sea of suspense, I may know how to excuse my faults. I trouble you no farther. May your days pass according to your wishes!u
THE meanest of disciples, having kissed the ground of obedience with the lip of respect, represents to the glorious and sublime audience, that the high firmaunw sent by Ameer Beg, mace-bearer, having made its honouring descent on the eighth of Shauban, exalted the head of your humble dependant above the firmament of the highest heaven.
It was written by the jewel-shedding pen, that, with such resources, it was wonderful the fort was not reduced. My benevolent patron, the supplies I had for the siege must be well known to your majesty, from the letters transmitted from Candahar by the most excellent prime of viziers; and all other particulars will be related by him, upon his arrival at court. It is clear to almighty God, that I, at all times impelled by my duty, and studying the accomplishment of your majesty’s commands, have to the utmost of my abilities left no point neglected. By God’s blessing, the circumstances of my conduct will be fully explained to your judgment, clear as that of angels, and the touchstone of truth and falsehood.
It was written in the world-obeying order, “We are not to be induced to give up Candahar, but will find means for its reduction;” also, that if this humble disciple wished to take Shawnowauz Khan with me to Dekkan, and he was willing, I should inform your majesty. Health to the kibleh and kaabax of both worlds! As the world-reducing genius of your majesty and your firmness are equal to the most difficult affairs, I doubt not that the reduction of Candahar, but that of all Persia, will be easily accomplished. It was my wish, whenever I could obtain proper force, by reducing this place, to attain the approbation of your majesty. At present, whatever your enlightened mind decides upon, must be just and proper, I have no choice, but to obey your royal orders. The favours bestowed upon me I regard as flowing merely from your bounty.
The world-obeying command was delivered to Shawnowauz Khan; who said, in reply, that as he should speedily be honoured by kissing the step of the throne, he would then esteem as his duty whatever might be the will of your majesty. Health to the kibleh of both worlds! The presence of a servant like him in Dekkan, is for the welfare of the state, and highly requisite.
May the world-illuming sun of your reign long shine from the horizon of conquest!y
IT was signified in the world-obeying orders, that the accounts of my jaghire had been sent to the noble lord, Shawnowauz Khan, from whom I should learn particulars; and that I must write to my children at Moultaun, ordering them to Lahore, that they may be ready to accompany me to Dekkan. Kibleh of my necessities, and kaaba of my desires, hail! To the fun-illumined mind of your majesty, which is a mirror reflecting the truth of all things, it must be clear, that the grand object of my wishes has ever been the attainment of your approbation. Always regarding every service to which I have been exalted as my sole glory, and obedience to orders as the means of honour, I have, without remonstrance or complaint, endeavoured with all my ability to perform it. At present, however, on the great difference between what I now hold, and the jaghire formerly granted me in Dekkan, I am much astonished and alarmed at what can have merited so great a diminution in my allowances as seventeen lacs of rupees,z or for what cause I have been displaced from the productive jaghire of Moultan and Bhukkir. If, from a wish to cherish and encourage me, the least of dependants, it has entered into the auspicious mind to exalt me to the government of an important province, let it be so granted, that I may be able to execute the office, and regulate the affairs of extensive and frontier districts involved in troubles, in such a manner, that I may not be exposed to shame among my equals, and that, failing not in my duty to the glorious presence, I may be secure from reprehension and displeasure. In privacy,a the soubah of Buggellana, already granted to me, is sufficient for my expenses. As the reins of power over your dependants are in the hands of your majesty, and your bounties at all times are greater than their merits; doubtless, what is determined in your gracious mind must be just, and for my advantage.
Health to my benevolent patron! Your majesty must remember, that when the reduction of Candahar was first agitated, I recommended after consultation, that my brother Dara should be sent upon this duty, and myself detached in front as his advanced general. Now also, that he has taken upon himself this service, and his eldest son is honoured with the government of Cabul, may he prove fortunate! By God’s blessing, the unfolding of this difficult knot will be accomplished by the steadiness of his hand, agreeably to the hopes of his well-wishers. I hope (for, notwithstanding the trouble of such a campaign, a wish for the government of Dekkan, or any other province, enters not into my mind) I shall be allowed to remain here, and, by assisting my brother in the siege, atone for past errors. By the divine auspices, I may, by performing some piece of service, perhaps attain your majesty’s approbation. As it is the design of your sacred mind, in reward of taking upon himself this service, to confer upon my brother the valuable province of Guzarat in jaghire, and the money in the treasuries here also; I represent, that there are districts of the khalsehb and the jaghiredaurs amply sufficient. Further, whatever your sacred judgment may decide upon, must be most proper.
My having summoned the household bornc from Moultaun to Lahore, will have been made known to your majesty in my letter to the retired in purity, the navob Begum.
It was written by the honour-tracing pen, that if your majesty had judged I could have taken Candahar, the troops should not have been recalled. Health to the cherisher of his dependants! I wrote of my intentions, which must have been conveyed to your sacred ear. As an order arrived, peremptorily commanding the retreat of the army, which was quickly reported to the troops, the advanced parties came in, and the men withdrew from the trenches; so that to execute the second command for a delay of one month, became impossible. On this account, by the advice of the vizier and all the other nobles, a retreat was begun; but had the countermand arrived in time, I think that, through the divine aid, we should in this month have succeeded.d
AT this time Seeree Rung Royeel, grandson of Ram Raaje,e who is the most honourable of the zemindars of Carnatic, and whose grandfather was celebrated in that country for the extent of his power, has by a confidential bramin sent me by the way of Golconda a petition, with an elephant, at present very weakly, which, when in proper case, shall be sent to the glorious presence.
With much humility he sets forth, that for some years past Adil Khan and Koottub al Moolk, relying on your majesty’s protection, have extended the hands of usurpation on the districts of Carnatic, and possessed themselves of the greater part, with immense sums of money, innumerable jewels, and elephants, and that their intention is to expel him from his hereditary dominions.f
As it is clear to the world that the khans have no power of themselves, and whatever they possess is from the favour of the court, asylum of mortals, which has been vouchsafed to them; he therefore seeks protection at the auspicious footstool. He hopes, that the kibleh of the desires of mortals, lending him support and lifting him from the abyss of degradation, will add his country to the imperial dependancies; that the royal orders may be issued to the rulers of Dekkan, that observing the treaties of their ancestors, they pass not over their ancient frontiers, and withdraw their hands from his hereditary dominions. Out of gratitude for this protection, he will send to the royal court, as an offering, fifty lacs of oons,g two hundred elephants, and many valuable jewels, and will remit yearly double the peshcushh they have engaged for, with the accumulated rarities and valuables of ages. Lest, through disgust at infidelity, the ray of protection may be witheld from him, whenever the sublime firmaun, assenting to his petition, shall be issued, he will enter the congregation of the faith, with his family and dependants, and, through the auspices of his submission to the sublime court, enjoy spiritual and temporal welfare.i
The above particulars have been translated from his petition, which I have thought proper to state to your majesty, and have kept the royeel’s vakeel; deferring an answer to Adil Khan till the arrival of the sacred orders, that I may act in this business as the judgment enlightening the world shall direct.
Kibleh and kaaba, hail! As the royeel from firm reliance has turned his face to the court, asylum of the world, for protection, promises loyalty and attachment, and, to make the profession of Islaam the medium of refuge from persecution, it is incumbent on the defenders of the faith to extend the lights of religion, and to invite the misled by error from the path of mistake into the right way. By this no treaty can be broken; and if his requests meet acceptance, it will be attended with political and religious advantage.
Further, whatever may inspire the sacred mind, source of divine lights, must be most proper, and implicit obedience to its dictates binding on your dependants.k
Conqueror of the world; which title AURUNGZEBE assumed on his accession to the throne.
↩A full account of these events is detailed in the translation of FERISHTA’S History of Dekkan, and of the Reigns of the later Emperors of Hindoostan, from other authors, by JONATHAN SCOTT, published by Mr. STOCKDALE.
↩It is probable, that Shaw Jehaun, after his deposal and confinement in the palace of Agra, employed the eunuchs of his harain (generally the most faithful and attached among the domestics of an eastern prince) to convey letters to his old courtiers, inviting them to rise and deliver him from captivity, and the usurpation of his hypocritical son.
↩That is, in the emperor’s own hand-writing.
↩The verses here alluded to were probably the following, which appear in a letter to Shaw Jehaun, inserted in the history of his reign by Mahummud Saleh. They begin the letter.
“God only is mighty, and sovereign without a partner. Seest thou another exercising authority; he is only deputed.
“His are the keys of the gates of conquest, and of treasures. By the strength of his own arm no one has opened them.
“Art thou truly wise? consult futurity, and not the perishable goods of this world, which is full of trouble.
“This world floats on water, and the wise know, that the stream has no fixture or stability.”
After upbraiding Aurungzebe with his rebellion, Shaw Jehaun concludes his epistle with the following verses.
“Ah! thou who once wert an embryo in the womb, and next appearedst an endearing infant;
“Gradually thou startedst up into youth, straight as the cypress, and of aspect like silver;
“At length, thou becamedst of celebrated fame, leader of the field, and hero of the combat;
“Yet, what thou hast seen has passed away, and what thou now beholdest, will not remain.
“Ere the vicissitudes of the world shall wrest the reins of ability from thy hands, be grateful for benefits, for God regardeth the grateful.
“Let thy conduct to thy benefactor be grateful, that the Almighty may grant all thy desires.”
↩Dara Shekkoh, who was intended by Shaw Jehaun as his successor in the empire. Being betrayed, after several defeats, into the hands of Aurungzebe, he was condemned as an apostate to the Mahummedan faith, by an assembly of zealots, and beheaded. A most affecting, and, I dare say, true account of this unhappy prince’s misfortunes is given by the physician Bernier, who saw him in his distress. Vide Bernier’s Voyage to Surat, in Churchill’s Collection from Lord Oxford’s MSS.
↩Ironically meant.
↩I cannot explain this proverb; but doubtless it is of force in the Persian.
↩Khoossroo was the eldest brother of Shaw Jehaun, by whom it is strongly suspected he was put to death. Perweze was the second brother, who, when Shaw Jehaun rebelled against his father Jehaun-geer, commanded the armies sent against him, and was successful.
↩By this expression it is certain that this letter must have been written before the expulsion of sultaun Shujah from Bengal.
↩Quotation from the koraun.
↩Sad proof this, of the effect which the fanatic tenet of predestination among the Mahummedans has upon the mind. Instances equally baneful have not been wanting of the operation of the same principle on the breasts of Englishmen, and other Europeans. Cromwell’s cant, and that of his partizans, is not unlike that of Aurungzebe.
↩The mussulmaun religion.
↩Dara Shekkoh had prevailed upon Shaw Jehaun to allow great indulgences to his Hindoo subjects, adopted several of their customs, and even composed a book called Mujmeh al Bharain, or Confluence of the two Seas, in which is attempted a union of the Mahummedan and Hindoo religions. This gave great offence to mussulmaun zealots, among whom Aurungzebe was, or pretended to be, most zealous.
↩Jeswunt Sing, the powerful raja of Rhatore, commanded in this battle; which was fought near Oojein, the capital of Malwa, A. D. 1658.
↩Meaning his brother Dara and his friends, whom he defeated, about twenty miles from Agra, in the same year.
↩Is there not some resemblance between this cant, and the language which Shakespeare gives to our Richard the Third? also that of the manifestoes of a lately deceased northern empress upon her accession to the throne?
↩The fortieth part of all private property, required by the koraun to be given annually in alms.
↩The deposal and confinement of his father.
↩Quotation from the koraun.
↩Here seems to be conveyed a threat of death.
↩It is probable, Shaw Jehaun’s own rebellious conduct against his father is here alluded to.
↩Rooshun Raee Begum, second daughter of Shaw Jehaun, who espoused the cause of her brother Aurungzebe.
↩Meaning his brothers.
↩Son of Asoph Jah, and brother in law to Shaw Jehaun, who married his sister. In the struggle for empire, he embraced the cause of Aurungzebe.
↩Most probably some denunciation against undutiful and rebellious children.
↩A town about twenty-four miles south-west of Agra.
↩Aurungzebe’s brothers.
↩That is, give Shaw Jehaun his liberty.
↩Sultaun Shujah, and prince Mahummud, the eldest son of Aurungzebe, who had joined his uncle.
↩Dara Shekkoh, who was beheaded.
↩Literally water-room; the apartment in which water, sherbets and ices, also fruits and confectionary, are kept and used.
↩Bathing apartments.
↩The ladies apartments; to which, from the above, Shaw Jehaun must have been restrained when this letter was written.
↩The eunuch’s name who had charge of it, and was put to death for conducting the private correspondence of Shaw Jehaun above-mentioned.
↩Probably Shaw Jehaun had accused him of intending to shorten his life, by the strictness of confinement.
↩Some lady of the haram, so called.
↩This letter must have been written in consequence of the imprisoned emperor having angrily complained of some new restrictions laid upon him, and of the removal of some faithful domestics from his person, occasioned, probably, by Aurungzebe’s detection of correspondence between his father and the old courtiers.
↩This reminds us of Cromwell’s seeking the Lord.
↩From this it appears, that the use of writing materials was prohibited Shaw Jehaun, except in presence of this eunuch, a confidential servant of Aurungzebe’s.
↩This nobleman was at that time viceroy of the province of Cabul, and frontier districts between Persia and Hindoostan.
↩This appellation here means the emperor’s two sons Aurungzebe and Moraud.
↩This appellation means the celebrated Noor Jehaun, empress to Jehaungeer, and her dependants, who were inimical to Shaw Jehaun.
↩An interesting account of these transactions, and the conduct of Mahabut Khan, father of the nobleman addressed in this letter, may be seen in Dow’s History of Hindoostan, Vol. III, and reign of Jehaungeer.
↩A rich miser, mentioned in the Koraun.
↩This and the following letters were written by Aurungzebe to his brothers, sister and father, before his usurpation of the empire; and may serve to shew the dissentions and jealousies which led to the dethronement of Shaw Jehaun.
↩Moraud Buksh had now thrown off his allegiance, and besieged the citadel of Surar.
↩Dara Shekkoh.
↩It is probable, that before this letter arrived, Sultaun Shujah, wishing to be beforehand with his two brothers, had marched towards Agra, under pretence of rescuing his father from the controul of Dara Shekkoh.
↩Most probably this was written immediately before Moraud’s march from Guzarat.
↩Among the Moguls, and, I believe, over all the mussulmaun world, it is customary to stamp the impression of the hand on solemn treaties. It is made by an infusion of saffron, or turmerick, rubbed on the palm and fingers. This stamp is symbolical of the five members of the prophet’s family, namely, Mahummud, his daughter Fatima, her husband Ali, and their sons Hassan and Houssein being called as witnesses.
By this treaty it appears, that Aurungzebe was to possess the supreme power, and Moraud to hold the provinces mentioned in it under him. Most probably it was ratified on the junction of the brothers near the Nerbudda river, the day before the battle of Oojein, which was fought on the 22d of April, 1658. The treaty fully contradicts the reports which have crept into European history, of Aurungzebe’s promising to acknowledge his brother as emperor. They do not appear in the relations of any native writer that I have perused.
The cordiality between the princes, however, did not long continue; and soon after the deposition of Shaw Jehaun, Moraud Buksh was surprized by his brother, and confined in the fortress of Gwalior; where, after some years imprisonment, he was put to death by the sentence of the law, for the execution of a treacherous officer many years before, when he was governor of the province of Guzarat. The apologists of Aurungzebe say, that Moraud intended to have dethroned him.
How happy this country! where the laws of primogeniture prevent the evils to the subject, and crimes of the children, from partiality in a father, and jealousy in his offspring.
↩The eldest daughter of Shaw Jehaun, who enjoyed his full confidence, and by her influence over him directed, in the retirement of the haram, many of the measures of the state. Dara was her favourite brother. She remained with her father, during his confinement, till his death; after which, Aurungzebe treated her with the greatest affection and respect.
↩A temporary grant of lands.
↩A district in the province of Khandeshe, bordering on Dekkan, the southern part of Hindoostan.
↩This letter was evidently written at the time when Aurungzebe was appointed to the command of the army against Candahar, from his government of Dekkan.
↩The hunting parties of the princes of Hindoostan consisted of their whole court, and an attendint army through particular provinces, during the cool season from November to the end of March. In the well-ordered days of the Mogul empire, they were not parties of mere amusement, but progresses of examination into the state of the districts visited, and the conduct of their governors. Ample allowance was always made the farmer for the mischief done by hunting, and frequently exemplary instances of punishment were inflicted on the oppressors of distant subjects, who, but for these occasional visits of their chief governors, could not have had redress.
↩Curtains, or skreens, woven of the roots of a sweetly-scented grass. They are placed at the openings (doors and windows) of a tent or house. On these water is constantly thrown on the outside, which, by evaporation, renders the space within delightfully cool; while without doors, any person but the water-carriers, who are kept cool by their leathern bag and its exudation upon their naked bodies, (so they are, with the exception of a cloth round their loins) would be parched even to the peeling off of the skin. Europeans, on their first acquaintance with India, from ignorance, despised this convenience, and fell martyrs to their obstinacy. The use has for the last twenty years been adopted, and saved many thousand lives. The khusskhaneh is properly a small tent, made entirely of the sweetly scented grass roots, and only to be enjoyed by the rich. It affords perfume, as well as coolness. From these roots a favourite ottir or essential oil is extracted. At a much less, nay a trifling expense, the desired coolness is obtained, by covering very slight lattice frames of the common bamboo with a species of furze, (these are called tatties) on which the water is sprinkled, as above-mentioned. They are sitted to the doors and windows of a barrack or tent. Our common soldiers now enjoy this delightful accommodation in cantonments and camp. Bengal, and the lower parts of Bahar, do not require it. North-west of Patna, the capital of the latter province, the hot winds, which constantly prevail from April till nearly July, make it necessary. The rains then set in. This hot wind is always from the west. Water or wine, in this season, is in a few minutes made frigidly cool, by a wet cloth tied round the vessel or bottle. The breeze generally arises about eight o’clock, and blows sharply till sun-set. After that it grows calm, and all is sultriness and lassitude, till the burning, yet cooling zephyr rises again.
↩This seems to be a satirical remark upon his brother Dara.
↩The point of prayer.
↩By Europeans called gold mhors, worth about two pounds sterling.
↩A daum is the fortieth part of a rupee, worth, as a remittance to England in bills of exchange, from two shillings to two and three-pence.
↩It is evident this letter must have been written when Aurungzebe was ordered against Candahar, from his government of Moultaun, in 1649.
↩By the nightingale is meant Dara, to whose interest Jehaunara was attached.
↩The similarity of complaint with that contained in one to Shaw Jehaun, proves this letter to have been written at the same time, viz. when Aurungzebe was recalled from Candahar.
↩A strong fortress in the province of Khandeshe.
↩The above must allude to one of Dara Shekkoh’s sons having been appointed to the important fortress of Aseer, after it had been promised to Aurungzebe.
↩This is meant ironically.
↩The contents clearly shew this letter to have been written when Shaw Jehaun, in his severe illness, had committed all power to his intended successor and eldest son, Dara Shekkoh; who, fearful of Aurungzebe, had ordered many noblemen then with him in Dekkan to repair to court.
↩In the margin of this letter it is written, that the firmaun, to which it is a reply, was the original cause of the enmity between Dara Shekkoh and Aurungzebe; who justly attributed his supercession in command of the army before Candahar, and the coolness of his father Shaw Jehaun, to the jealousy of his brother, who was appointed in his room.
↩The holy house at Mecca, being the point to which the mussulmauns turn in prayer.
↩This letter must have been written in 1652, when Aurungzebe was superseded in command of the army before Candahar by his brother Dara.
↩Upwards of 170,0001. per annum.
↩That is, without public employment.
↩Lands immediately under the officers of the imperial treasury.
↩His children.
↩This letter must have been written in 1652, immediately after the recall of Aurungzebe from Candahar.
↩Defeated and slain A.D. 1568, in opposing the allied sultauns of Golconda, Ahmednuggur, and Beejapore, who divided the greater part of his territories among them. Since that period the title of Ram Raaje, or great King, has been disused by the family; the representative of which still, as in Aurungzebe’s time, is styled Royeel, or little Prince. The present Royeel was allowed by Tippoo Sultaun to possess a small district in his dominions, called Aniconda, not far from Beejanuggur, or, as our old voyagers write it, Bisnagar, once the capital of the Hindoo sovereigns of the southern peninsula of India, ancestors of the royeel. The degraded rajas of Calicut, (Zamorin) and Mysore are of the same family; and doubtless many others in the upper and lower Carnatic. Seringapatam, as we call it, is properly Seerree Rung Puttun, or the City of the illustrious Rung; who, probably, was the personage and raja of Mysore, who thus complained to Aurungzebe. No attention was paid to his offers. Since the defeat and death of Tippoo Sultaun, a prince of this family, named Kistna Raja Oodiaver, has been seated on the musnud of Mysore, by the English and their ally the nizam of Dekkan, who have allotted him a considerable portion of the territories taken from the usurper.
↩At this period Sahjee, father of the celebrated Sewajee, founder of the Mharatta states, in the service of Beejapore, and the celebrated Meer Jumla, (who was afterwards of such eminent use to Aurungzebe’s ambition) in that of Golconda, were destroying the remains of the sovereignty of Beejanuggur.
↩Rather more than one million five hundred and seventy five thousand pounds.
↩The offering or tribute paid by the sultauns of Beejapore and Golconda.
↩That is, by becoming a mussulmaun.
↩It appears in future letters, that Shaw Jehaun would not attend to the royeel’s petition.
↩