Čāč-nāmah - The Čachnamah

There is a real need for a good history of Sind. As it requires an abler hand to write such a history, I thought of furnishing materials for it, in the form of bare historical facts, collected and translated from some Persian manuscripts, which are mostly unknown to the public, and often difficult to obtain.

Commencing with the ancient history of Sind, which consists of the Hindú period down to the Arab conquest, I could only find three books of some importance on the subject, viz.,—the Chachnámah, the Táríkh Maasúmí, and the Tuhfatulkirám. As the last two books were written after the first book and were partly based on it, and as they did not give much detailed account of the period, I preferred the Chachnámah as my text book, and commenced translating it. At first I intended to give as many facts on the same subject as I could collect from different books, in my own words, but I was advised by a learned friend of mine to confine myself, in the beginning, to one book alone and give a faithful translation of it, leaving the future historian as well as the general public to form their own judgment about the verity of the facts from the style, the tone and the cheracteristics of the original author. Accordingly I took in hand the literal translation of the Chachnámah.

But in doing that work I experienced many difficulties. There were so many mistakes and gaps in my copy of the book, that I was obliged to collect as many copies as possible from different quarters, in order to compare my copy with them and to fill up the blank spaces and correct the mistakes. I succeeded in securing seven or eight copies from Hyderabad, Tatta, Sukkur and Shikárpur, through the kindness and indulgence of some of my friends. After a deal of trouble and patience, and with the assistance of some Arabio scholars, I corrected the mistakes and filled up the gaps as far as possible.^0-1 Then I translated the book, keeping as close to the original words as possible.

I have given numerous notes, both explanatory and referential, which, I hope, will prove useful to the reader. I have also given comparative extracts translated from the Táríkh Maasúmí and the Tuhfatulkirám, about the same events. I have given references to chapters and parts of the Koran for the verses quoted from it, often using Sale's translation. I have given equivalent years of the Christian era for those of the Muhammadan era from Mr. Richardson's Chronological Tables. In writing proper names I have followed the Hunterian system of transliteration, except that for the letter ?? (ain) I have used the letter A.

In doing the translation, I have been obliged occasionally to use a few words and phrases, for the sake of idiom or style, that are not in the original book. These will be found in parenthesis.

A word now about the Chachnámah itself and some other histories of Sind. It will be seen from the book that the Chachnámah is a Persian translation of an Arabic manuscript on the conquest of Sind by Arabs, written by Alí son of Muhammad Kúfí, originally of Kúfah (in Syria), but subsequently a resident of Uch, in 613 A. H. (1216 A. D.) About the year 991 A. H. (1583 A. D.),^0-2 Mír Muhammad Maasúmsháh, a Sayad of Bakhar, wrote a history of Sind in Persian and called it the Táríkh Maasúmí. It gives the Hindú as well as the Mussalman period down to his own time.^0-2a Then in the reigns of Emperor Akber and his son Jahángír, other books were written on the subject, as for instance, the Arghún námah, the Tarkhán námah, and the Beglar námah, which treated chiefly of some particular rulers in whose periods their authors lived. Later on in 1187 A. H. (1773 A. D.) Sayad Alí Sher Kánea, a resident of Tatta, wrote a book on universal history in three parts, the last of which treated of the history of Sind. It contains a concise history of Sind up to his own time, i.e., up to the reign of Mian Sarfráz Kalhórá.

KALICHBEG.

Hyderabad,

20th November 1900.

I have to offer my hearty thanks to Dayaram Gidumal, Esq., B.A., LL. B., C.S., Sessions Judge, Shikarpur, for the trouble he has taken in going through the manuscript and seeing the proofs of the book, and in writing a learned introduction for it.

K. F. M.

The Chachnámah is the oldest history of Sind. It was at one time thought a romance, but ever since Elphinstone rehabilitated its real character, there has been no doubt as to its being a history. There have been, however, conflicting opinions as to the weight to be attached to it, and, it was, therefore, thought desirable to translate the whole of the book, as literally as possible, in order to enable historical students to settle this question for themselves.

The so-called translation by Lieutenant Postans in the Journal of the Astatic Society of Bengal (No. LXXIV, 1838 and No. CXI, 1841) is really no translation at all, as Sir H. Elliot has pointed out, (vide the History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. I, p. 137); and Elliot's own extracts, though copious, are a very small part of the book. The present translation, therefore, is really the first, and in order to make it completely independent, the translator has not even looked at Postans' work or Elliot's.

The Chachnámah is a valuable record for various reasons. It shows us, in the first place, that Buddhism was the dominant religion in Sind, in the 7th century. The word Samání (originally Shráman) occurs several times, and we are told of Buddha temples, Buddha monasteries, and even of Buddha extremists, who considered it against their religion to take up arms in their own defence against the Mussalmans. We, moreover, read of Buddhia “a district conterminous with that of Siwistan on the North” (vide Haig's work on the Indus Delta Country, p. 57), and a village in the Sukkur Taluka is still called Buddhia. We see also that the Buddhists and the Brahmans lived in amity, and the importance of this fact cannot be overestimated.

The Buddhistic records now available to us show that Asóká did not make Buddhism a State Religion. “There never was such a thing as a State Religion in India. Asóká certainly extended his patronage, formerly confined to Brahmans only, to the new brotherhood founded by Buddha, but there was nothing in India corresponding to a Defender of the Faith.” (Vide “The Six Systems of Indian Philosophy” by Max Muller p. 34). The testimony of Megasthenes, who visited India in the third century B. C.—that is the century in which Asóká lived—points to the same conclusion. (Vide “Ancient India” by J. W. Mc Crindle 1877, p. 97, et seq.)

The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hian was in India from 399 to 414 A. D., and the celebrated Hiouen-thsang was there from 629 to 645 A. D. The fourth century of the Christian era has been called by Max Muller the century of the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature, under Buddhist kings. The 7th was the century which saw the decay of Buddhism. But even in that century, Shiládtya Harshavardhana, (called also Harsha) of Kanyakubja, was a patron—according to Hiouen-thsang—alike of those who adhered to the Vedas and of those who worshipped Buddha; and his religious assemblies were attended not only by Shrámans but also by Brahmans.

Hiouen-thsang is corroborated by the Harsha-charita of Baná who was not a Buddhist, and by the original author of the Chachnámah, who was an Arab. We have thus Brahman, Buddhist, Greek, and Arab testimony as to the amicable relations subsisting between the followers of the two religions, upto the 7th century; and the testimony of the Arab, now given to the English-knowing world, for the first time, is, to my mind, of the greatest value.

The Chachnámah further bears out all that has been said by Muir, in his History of the Khalifate, as to the principles followed by Mussalman rulers in the government of conquered nations. One of the most remarkable edicts mentioned in this book is that in which Hajjáj informed Muhammad Kásim that, the subject population were not to be interfered with, in the exercise of their own religion, even if they worshipped stocks and stones. The Muhammadan rulers welcomed converts, but if any person chose to follow his own religion, he had merely to pay the usual poll-tax (Jizia), and, on such payment, was free to follow it. Of course it not seldom happened that this law was not loyally carried out, but Muhammad Kásim at least appears to have been true to it.

The Mahabharata and the ancient Smritis show that, in Hindu times, whatever wars took place, the tillers of the soil, were never injured; and it is pleasing to find that Muhammad Kásim also, in his memorable campaign, made an exception in favour of the peasantry and of artisans. He, moreover, re-employed the Brahman revenue-collecting establishment of his Hindu predecessor, and allowed them a liberal percentage of their collections as their remuneration. The Brahman Prime Minister of Dáhar was installed as the Prime Minister of Muhammad Kásim, and several Hindu chieftains, whose principalities had been guaranteed to them, became Muhammad Kásim's allies and counsellors.

It is extremely doubtful if Sind could have been conquered at all, had these chiefs remained true to their king, and, curious as it may seem, it was ostensibly astrology that made traitors of them. For they said: “Our wise men have predicted that Sind will come under the sway of Islam. Why then should we battle against Fate.” They thus indulged in that “excellent foppery of the world,” by which “we make guilty of our disasters the sun, the moon and the stars, as if we were villains on necessity, fools by heavenly compulsion, knaves, thieves and treachers by spherical predominance; drunkards, liars, and adulterers, by an enforced obedience of planetary influence; and all that we are evil in, by a divine thrusting on.” The result of course was disastrous.

But though these chiefs were very much to blame, the king hims If was undoubtedly a greater sinner. It was he who, by the advice of a credulous minister, solemnised his marriage with his own sister, to prevent the working of a prediction. The marriage was not intended to be consummated, and, as a matter of fact, it was not consummated; but the impious ceremony nevertheless alienated from Dáhar not only his brother but all the best and bravest men in the land. The act was one of crass stupidity, and we have now in Sindhi, thanks to Dáhar, a word, Dáhiri, which signifies an unmitigated fool. The “juggling fiends” did not even “keep the word of promise” to his ear, and it was a just retribution that the very astrology which made him violate the sacred law, was pleaded by his faithless feudatories as a justification for deserting his cause.

It was, however, not merely the king and his nobles who failed to keep to the strait path of duty: the masses appear also to have degenerated. We have only a few passages in the Chachnámah which give us a glimpse of the people, but these few record nothing creditable to them. At Debál, a Brahman came forward to betray his countrymen; the Samání of Nirankot, to save his precious head, entered into a private treaty with Hajjáj, and helped the Mussalmans, without the least compunction; and other Samánís persuaded the people to submit, because, forsooth, the religion of Buddha was a religion of peace. We also read of a very large class, I mean the Lohana Jats, labouring under extraordinary disabilities. General Cun-ningham has identified the Jats “with the Xanthii of Strabo and the Iatii of Pliny and Ptolemy,” and even fixed their parent country; but whether they came from the Oxus or from Kandahar, or from the steppes of Central Asia, and whether they and the Meds were descended from Ham the son of Noah as Muhammadan historians allege, or were the Jartikas and Madras of the Mahabharata, or the Dasyus of the Rig-Veda whom the Aryas called niggers in their day, it is certain that there were very large numbers of them in Sind, the Panjab, Cutch and Rajputana. In the 7th century, Sind and the Panjab formed a single kingdom, and the Chachnámah records that, Chach, the great Brahman king, planted deodar and poplar trees on the northern frontiers of his dominions near Kashmere, and that Muhammad Kásim saw those trees and planted some more. We also read that, the deceased husband of the fair but false Suhandi, the predecessor of Chach, had relations in Rajputana; and the ancient ballads of that country as well as Gujerat tell of many Rajput Chiefs who had kinsmen in Sind. There appears, indeed, to have been an ancient federation of Rajputs, a remnant of which we still have in the Kathiawar States. The attitude of Rajput Princes towards the Jats and the Meds does not appear to have been hostile, but Chach who was opposed by these tribes not only disarmed them but degraded them. They were not at liberty to wear silks or satins, or to ride on saddled horses, or even to wear shoes or a turban. They were to work as hewers of wood, and as spies and caravan-guides, and were always to have a dog at their heels. Under such treatment these tribes waxed so unruly and turbulent that Muhammad Kásim compared them to “the wild men of Fars and of Mount Payeh.”

As to the condition of women, we learn from the Chachnámah that Chach married the widow of a Lohana Prince whom he had subjugated, that Suhandi, though she was the wife of a Rajput, kept some sort of pardah, and that Dahár's sister and other women of his family burnt themselves to death, in the good old fashion introduced by Rajput heroines. We are also told of a sorceress, who could “put a girdle round about the earth” in somewhat more than forty minutes, could b ing fresh nutmegs from Ceylon in the twinkling of an eye, and, by means of her weird second sight, discover whether a person was alive on the face of the earth. The story of the tragic fate of Dáhar's daughters, after they wreaked their vengeance on Muhammad Kásim, is well known. It has been considered apocryphal, but I do not propose to go into such debateable questions, in this introduction.

The Chachnámah tell us next to nothing of the daily life lived in those ancient days, though we can gather from its pages that, besides Shrámans and Brahmans, there were rich merchants, at least at Alor, that there were workers in marble who could make life-like statues, even equestrian statues, that the very powerful discus used by Dáhar with signal effect was probably of home manufacture, that there was a large class of artisans, and that the bulk of the population lived by agriculture. We read of a Buddhist monk who apparently knew the art of war, and there is little doubt that almost all the officials were Brahmans, even before Chach usurped the throne. There were also numerous temples, Buddhistic as well Brah-manic, which were frequented by the people, especially, on holidays, and which had large revenues. There was not a rack left behind of them, when the English assumed the government of the country.

The geographical information given by the Onachnámah is of great value. But it would require a volume to do justice to that information, and to discuss the various theories that have been advanced as to the situation of the numerous places mentioned in this book. For the same reason, I do not propose to discuss the historical accuracy of the various events narrated in the Chach-námah, or to choose between the conflicting versions of one and the same event occasionally given by the author, or, rather by the authors: for there can be little doubt that the original work in Arabic was composed by the Sakifí family, which settled down at Bakhar, and the pedigree of which is given in the Persian Translator's preface.

The Sakifí family appear to have been very industrious in collecting information about their kinsman Muhammad Kásim's campaign. The sources of their knowledge may be classified as follows:—

1. Arab historical lays, and ballads.

2. Family traditions of the Sakifís, recorded and unrecorded.

3. Stories told by individuals whose names were forthcoming.

4. Stories traceable to individuals of a certain class, e.g., Brahmans.

5. What may be called the Flotsam and Jetsam of hearsay.

In addition to these, they probably had some memoranda of the correspondence between Muhammad Kásim and Hajjáj, and perhaps the whole correspondence. All these materials appear to have been worked up into a consecutive narrative in Arabic, and that narrative was placed at the disposal of Ali Kúfí in the begining of the 13th century, by the Sakifí family. Ali Kúfí dealt with the narrative, to a certain extent, in the way in which the author of the Anwári Suheli dealt with what are called Pilpay's fables. The story of Suhandi's love-making is an instance in point; and, perhaps, the analogue to the story of Potiphar's wife, in connection with Jaisiah's adventure is another. But if we except these two instances, and the metaphors used to describe sunrise and sunset, the language of Ali Kúfí is very simple, and I have little doubt that, though he paraphrased some passages, and added a few Persian “purple patches,” he has faithfully rendered into his vernacular the bulk of the old Arabic manuscript.

Ali Kúfí's embroideries have the great merit of being transparent; and the historical student is, therefore, not likely to be misled by them. It is quite likely that he amplified the memoranda of Muhammad Kásim's correspondence into long letters, but he could not have invented the Arabic verses which form an important part of the book. It may be noted here that, with the exception of the verses in the tale of Suhandi's courtship, which are in Persian, all the rest are in Arabic, and but for Mufti Sachedino's help could not have been translated at all. Ali Kúfí has besides preserving these memorabilia, stated fully who were responsible for certain stories. He has also indicated, in many places, by the heading “tradition,” what I have called the Flotsam and Jetsam of hearsay. The natural bias of the Sakifí family and the inaccuracies almost inseparable from hearsay are, thus, the two great drawbacks, for which the fullest allowance must be made in appreciating the historical evidence now placed before the public.

Like many an old history, the Chachnamah is a “chronology of selfishness and pride.” The only sturdy and earnest persons we come across are Muhammad Kásim and Jaisiah. It has been said: “Time and space are but physiological colours which the eye makes, but the soul is light; and history is an impertinence and an injury, if it be anything more than a cheerful apologue or parable of my being and becoming.” The Chachná-mah, most certainly, does not come up to this high standard, but it does enable us to see how “the whirligig of time brings in his revenges.” It shows also that eventually we get the government we deserve.

DAYARAM GIDUMAL.

Dhulia, 20th November 1900.

In the name of God, the most merciful and compassionate.

Unlimited praise and gratitude are due to that One all-nourishing, all-powerful, all-forgiving, and compassionate Being, Who is the protector of the earth and the heavens, and the guardian of the world, and its inhabitants, and Who has brought so many thousands of concordant and discordant forms of creatures from the plane of nonentity to the plane of existence. He allotted to every one a distinct shape and motion and calling, to every one He gave a different colour, and a peculiar habit; and for every one He appointed a different art and a different profession. And He made every one pleased with his own line and his own lot.

And boundless blessings and innumerable praises are due to the dauntless leader and chief of all the prophets and saints, and the intercessor for the host of sinners on the day of judgment; to whom praise is accorded by the blessed and holy God in His sacred Word and glorious Book (where it is said “Muhammad is really an apostle¹ ”), and whose honour and dignity are confirmed by the greatness of the Great Being with the sublime decree: “T. H. We have not sent down the Koran unto thee that thou shouldst be unhappy.”^1a According to a tradition, the angel Gabriel once brought the following message from God to the Prophet: “O moon of the fourteenth night,^1b by your coming into existence all (future) apostleship has come to an end. All your wishes and requests are complied with by the eternal Being. Why, then, are you troubled at heart and anxious? Say what burden lies on your heart, so that I may relieve you of it, by bringing you good news.” Thereupon the leader of the way and the guide to truth unlocked the casket of thought and uttered words, precious as pearls, saying: “O brother Gabriel, verily, he was a grateful servant² : inasmuch as I have received so many marks of favour and (so many) encouraging words from the great and august court of God, Who in one place has conveyed tidings of mercy to the people of the world by saying ‘We have not sent thee, O Muhammad, otherwise than as a mercy unto all creatures’;^2a in another place, has favoured my companions by my apostleship, by saying ‘Muhammad is the apostle of God and those who are with him (are fierce against the unbelievers, but compassionate towards one another);^2b ’ in a third place, has made secure the treasury of prophetship with the stamp of apostolic seal, by declaring ‘Muhammad is the apostle of G d and the seal of the prophets’^2c ; and in a fourth place, has issued the decree of happiness to the pious and the true, and of solemn threats to the (spiritually) poor, the wicked and the refractory, by saying ‘O prophet, wage war against the unbelievers and the hypocrites, (and be severe unto them)’^2d ; and inasmuch as I have been charged with the control of religion and have been made the crowning end of apostleship, it is but meet that the darkness of error and heresy he displaced by the light of Islam and faith, the foundation of hypocrisy and ignorance be destroyed, the standards of Islam be raised high, the duration of this religion and the laws of this faith be made permanent and everlasting, as in the primeval days of the world, and not liable to any kind of injury, and the rose of righteousness be preserved unimpaired by the thorn of heresy and dissent.” Gabriel (peace be on him!) departed with the above message and immediately returned, and said: “O Muhammad (on whom and on whose descendants be peace and the blessings of God), the great God has given His greetings and blessings to you. I am to obey the immutable command of God, that has been issued afresh, viz., ‘Verily (O Muhammad), thou canst not direct whom thou wilt, but God directeth whom. He pleaseth; (and He best knoweth those who will submit to be directed)³ O Muhammad, on whom and on whose children be the blessings of God, and peace, whenever We call any person to Us, he will come to our court by your calling him, and whenever We drive away any person from Our court, no being will be able to call him back to Us. When We created man, We exclaimed ‘Am not I thy Lord’?^3a The appointed souls with the excessive desire of fulfilling the words, “They answered yea,”^3b bent low on their knees, and acknowledged Our unity. We shall shine eonspicuously on the servants of the kingdom of Muhammad (on whom and on whose descendants be the blessings of God and peace), and in the reign of that favourite of ours, in order that, through his intercession and importunity, they may be invested with the honour of Islam, while all those who would disobey Us and make excuses and pretexts for (such disobedience) will be denounced as infidels and misguided beings, and in accordance with Our order, ‘Wage war against the infidels and hypocrites,’^3c and in obedience to Our hint,— ‘Kill the idolators wheresoever ye shall find them,’^3d will be made the food of blood-thirsty swords and heart-piercing spears and arrows. The accounts of the conquests of Khurásán, Ajam, Irák, Shám, Rúm and Hind^3e will be entered in records, and the memory of these will, for ever, remain on the margins of time; and God knows best the right thing.”

The occasion for writing this exquisite account, and for recording this pleasant history, happened to arise at a time when the kingdom of the august prince, the martyr, the king of Islam, the sovereign of a great empire, the monarch of the territories of God, the supporter of the servants of God, the helper of the creatures of God, the destroyer of the foundation of heresy and error, the strengthener of the laws of religion and true faith, the defender of the saints of the world, the conqueror of the tribes of the children of Adam, the glory of secular and religious worlds, the supporter of Islam and the Moslems, the chief person in the world, Abul Muzaffar Muhammad son of Sám Násir,⁴ the Commander of the Faithful (may God pardon him and make paradise his resting place and his habitation!), had just been adorned with the honour of the empire of the glorious and the powerful king, the greatest sovereign, the agent of God, the chief of mankind, the founder of the seat of the Khalífat, the helper of the world and of religion, the glory of the standards of Islam, the vanquisher of enemies and rebels, Abulfath Kabácha-tussalátín, the Commander of the Faithful.^4a On his succeeding to the throne, the tent curtains of his greatness were pulled up and firmly fixed with the ropes of constitutional sway (and the strength of strong) tribes, and his positive and negative commands were strictly and absolutely obeyed in various parts of the world and countries inhabited by the children of Adam. (In his reign) all the rebellious and refractory people drew their heads into the collar of retirement (and disappeared); and the abstinent and the pious brought their feet within the skirts of the garment of tranquillity and safety. Thanks to the great God, the constitution of the kingdom and the administration of the empire are excellent to such a degree that in every direction the sublime heavens make a firm resolution to co-operate with him, and the bride of empire puts her arm on his neck with willingness and pleasure.

Verses—“O king! may the kingdom be lucky to you; and may the whole world be granted to you. By your existence, tyranny and injustice have disappeared; by your assistance may the foundation of justice and equity be firm. Public orations have become prominent and exalted by your name being mentioned in them; may years and months be long honoured in the same way. Whatever could not be found or procured in the reign of King Jamshed,⁵ may that be made subject and continue subject to your signet, may the auspicious crown of your glorious magnanimity remain under the shadow of the great name of God. Every heart that entertains evil thoughts towards you, may all its affairs be in confusion like the ringlets of beautiful charmers. As long as ‘much’ and ‘little’ are brought into calculation in this world,^5a may your friends be many and your foes few

May the great king make firm and strong the constitution of this kingdom and the splendour of this empire, by giving it permanence and perpetuity, and may he always preserve the structure of this state and protect the fortifications of this affluence from the accidents of time and the mishaps of nature. May publíc orations adorn the pulpits, and his impression adorn the coins, with his great titles and appellations, till the end of the world; and may the sun of his world-encircling greatness and the moon of his royalty rise glowing from the horizon of glory and the eminence of perfection, as long as the earth remains fixed and the heavens revolve, for the sake of Muhammad and all his children and friends.

Alí Kúfí,^5b the writer of this book on the histery of Hind and the recorder of the conquest of Sind,^5c the household slave of Muhammad ⁶ son of Alí, who was a son of Hámid wd. Abíbakr Kúfí, had spent a period of his life in leisure and repose, and obtained a good deal of pleasure and enjoyment in this world. But subsequently, owing to the vicissitudes of time and changes of fortune, he left his dear native place and took his residence in the sacred town of Uch,^6a where he rested for some days. Again, the divine o der “We cause these days of different success interchangeably to succeed each other among men”^6b was received, and the wine-server of destiny changed the drink of joy into the poison of sorrow. During the stay of the writer at the above place, he had to experience pleasures successively, and again, owing to the hardships of the revolving heavens, he had to taste many adrink of poison and to bear many a blow of calamity. In 613 A. H.,^6c at the age of 58, he put aside-every other occupation and busied himself in reading exquisite books He began to reflect (and to wish) that, as something of every science or branch of knowledge and other miscellaneous subjects had been already inscribed on the mind of the writer, and as learned men and erudite philosophers of the time have, in their respective ages, written some history or other book, with the help of their patrons and masters, and thus left behind them a relic of their memory; [as for instance, the conquest of Khurásán, of Fárs (Persia), of Rúm (Turkey), of Shám (Syria), the account of which has been given, both in prose and poetry, with full details, by the writers of the past]; and as the conquest of Hindustan by Muhammad Kásim and the chiefs of Arabia and Syria, the spreading of Islam in that country, the building of mosques and pulpits from the sea to the limits of Kashmír and Kanúj; the death of Rá?? Dáhar Chacb, son of Seláij, who resided at the capital city of Alór, at the hands of the great Amir, the pillar of state and religion; Muhammad son of Kásim son of Ukail, Sakifí (may God have mercy on him!), and the transfer (of that) whole territory together with its dependencies to him, had not yet been known to the world, a history should be written by him⁷ describing all those events. With this object in view, I began to trouble myself, in obedience to what had then become my ruling passion, and I started from the blessed town of Uch for the towns of Alor and Bakhar,^7a the leading men of which places are descended from the Arabs. When I arrived at that city (Alór), I visited my lord and master the Kázi, the great Imám (or leader in prayers), the learned man excelling in virtue and science, the paragon of religion and religious belief, the chief of rulers, Ismáil son of Alí, son of Muhammad, son of Músá, son of Táí, son of Yákúb, son of Táí, son of Músá, son of Muhammad, son of Shahábuddín, son of Usman Sakifí^7b (may God perpetuate his excellence, and pardon his fore fathers and ancestors in the name of Muhammad and all his descendants), who is the type of superiority in eloquence and the very soul of wisdom in oratory, and who has no equal in the Persian arts and sciences, and no sharer in the trea ures of rhetoric. He informed me that an account of this conquest had been written in the Arabic language by his ancestors in a manuscript which had been handed down as a heritage from one to another to his time, and that as it was covered under the veil of the Arabic language, it had not come to the notice of the people of Persia and other countries.

When I became acquainted with that book, (I found it to be) a book adorned with jewels of wisdom and embellished with pearls of morality. Various deeds of bravery and valour of the people of Arabia and Syria were depicted in it, and various sorts of courage and wisdom were described in it. (It was clear from it that) every fort that was conquered was the cause of a number of victories, and was (the light of) morning to the night of error and depravity; and every district that in those days was ennobled with the honour of Islám and secured, was illumined with pulpits and mosques, and enlivened by religious and devout men. Even down to our own time, every day in that country has marked an increase in the beauty of Islam and righteousness and the excellence of knowledge and conscientiousness; and every period has resulted in the acquisition of a firm footing on the throne of sovereignty and power, through (the exertions of) the State servants of Muhammad (may the blessings of God and peace be on him and his descendants!). Ever afresh, the rust of error and ignorance is being rubbed off from the face of the mirror of Islam.

When this religious record was taken out from the curtains of the Arabic language and covered under those of the Persian language, and when it was translated into prose and adorned with chains of style and ornaments of virtue and religiousness, I began to ponder in my mind, and came to the conclusion that such a wonderful new present and elegant book on conquest was worthy of the servants of the Minister, as thereby prosperity would guide my steps, and good fortune would smile on me. I said to myself: “For a long time, since the lapse of many a day and year of the past, I have been laying foundation for securing the favour and patronage of the master of the people, the Minister of the world, the Wazír of Sahib Kirán,⁸ the honour of kings, the helper of the State and of Religion, the might of ministers, and the professor of both the pen and the sword (may God brighten his resting place and sanctify his earth), and I have been trying to shape the object of my soul so as to deserve his generosity and protection. And as his obligations as well as those of his descendants (may they be perpetually exalted and their ancestors absolved) are clinging to my neck, let me bring this book to his notice, since it is a book of conquest, which is based on spiritual rectitude and temporal excellence, and of which learned philosophers and generous kings would be proud, because all men attain advancement to perfection by acknowledging as true the belief of the people of Arabia and professing the faith of the possessors of sound principles.” (1 was thus anxious to dedicate) this book of conquest, which treats of the acts of valour and bravery of the people of Arabia and Syria, to this great and noble family which is by descent and lineage an Arabian family, because in former years the conquest of Khurásán and Ajam had been completed by their noble grandfather, the great Amir, the glory of the chief men of Arabia, the administrator of religious affairs, the supporter of mankind, the pride of the children of Kuraish, Abú Músá Ash-harí. There are several books and detailed accounts written about his being the leader of armies and the conductor of forces. Wherever the unbelievers have been defeated and routed, the banners of Islám have been carried by their and his ancestors, as if this was a hereditary monopoly of theirs. This record of their successes goes up to the Commander of the Faithful, Umar son of Khattáb⁹ (may the great God be pleased with him!), who, in addressing the true believers publicly, used to speak highly of the valuable services of this family. It is, therefore, but proper that this book be dedicated and presented to the exalted audience-hall of my lord, the best of masters, the possessor of the sword and the pen, the great and the glorified one, the victorious and brave, the chief of the country, the pride of the State and of Religion, the administrator of (many) regions, the glory of the ministers, Husain son of Abí Bakr, son of Muhammad Ash-harí. May God redouble his greatness and honour, as long as the day and night succeed each other, and the stars shine above, and diversity of ways continues, so that he may honour it (the book) by condescending to look at it and peruse it, and graciously accept it, as thereby it will be counted among the great things of the time.

Although it is beyond my ability to dress myself in the clothes of learning and knowledge, and appear conspicuously before the Court, which is the fountain of excellence and the resort of the wise, still, when good luck called out my name, and universal generosity came to my assistance, and the sun of prosperity guided my way to this auspicious rising place, I prepared myself to bless and to praise that Chief, in whose eulogy the great and the learned men of the time have plied their tongues, and to bless whom the sages and the philosophers of the age have raised up their hands, This servant Alí Kufí, in order to perform the duties of service incumbent on him, sincerely prays: “May the garden of prosperity of this seat of happiness and power be refreshed with the sweet and pure water of beneficence and benignity, and may it become green and fruitful with the moonlight of greatness and glory. The intrinsic truth and justice of the saying: ‘Verily God is to be found among His servants, and the best provision is to be found in the next world’¹⁰ is applicable to the subject of which the writer has been speaking, and of which he cannot express the importance sufficiently, not even in the proportion of one to a thousand or a particle to a heap. He has ventured to offer what he has been able to secure, in the hope that his trifle will find admittance to his august presence, and be honoured with acceptance, (as thereby) this book on conquest will remain permanently on the pages of (monumental) records, as long as the world lasts, and God is the lord of grace.”

The reciters of stories and the authors of histories have related as follows. The town of Alór¹¹ was the capital city of Hind and Sind.^11a It was a town adorned with various kinds of royal buildings, villas, gardens, fountains, streams, meadows and trees (and was) situated on the bank of a river called the Mehrán.^11b In this beautiful and splendid city, there lived a king whose name was Sahiras son of Sáhasi Rai. This king had innumerable riches and immense buried treasures. His justice was well known in the world, and his liberality and bravery (were) widely spread. The limits of his dominions extended on the east to the boundary of Kashmir, on the west to Makran, on the south to the coast of the sea and Debal, and on the north to the mountains of Kurdan and Kíkánán.^11c He had appointed four Governors (Maliks) in his kingdom: one at Brahminabad; and the fort of Nerun and Debal, Luhánah, Lákhah, Sammah and the river were left under his management; another at the town of Siwis-tán; and Ladhia,^11d Chingán,^11e the skirts of the hills of Rojhán^11f up to the boundary of Makrán, were given into his charge; the third at the fort of Iskandah; and Báhíah, Stwárah, Jajhór,¹² and the supplementary territories of Dhanód were given in his possession; and the fourth at the town of Multan; and the towns of Sikkah, Karnd, Ishthar and Kíh up to the boundary of Kashmir were entrusted to him. The king himself had his head-quarters in the city of Alór, retaining Kurdán, Kíkánán, and Bar-hamas directly under his sway^12a Each of these Governors was called upon by the king to keep in readiness troops and arms, and accoutremeats for horses. He ordered them to protect the interests of the country and the people, to look after the repairs of the (State) buildings, and to keep the feudal assignees and estate-holders happy. In his whole dominion, there was not a single refractory or rebellious head who perversely opposed the measures passed by him or (transgressed) the boundaries fixed by him.

As the great God willed it, all of a sudden an army of the king of Nímrúz^12b made an invasion on his country, and entered Kirmán. When King Sahiras^12c got this news, he issued from the fort of Ráoi^12d with his main army, with the steadfast purpose of meeting the enemy by advanced marches. He soon came up to them and the battle commenced. After a number of brave soldiers and illustrious warriors was slain on both sides, the people of Fars, placing full trust in the direction of the All Powerful God and resigning everything to him, made a vigorous assault. The army of Rai Sahiras, completely overpowered and overthrown, took to flight. Sahìras, however, to prevent ignominy, stood there fighting with the enemy till he was killed. The King of Fars returned to Nimruz, and Rai Sáhasi son of Rai Sahiras ascended the throne of his father and was confirmed in his kingdom. All the four governors who had been appointed by his father made obeisance to him, and behaved obediently and agreeably towards him. They surrendered their countries together, with their treasures to him, and did not attempt to swerve from their fealty. Owing to his excellent policy and majestic dignity, Rai Sáhasi brought the kingdom under his firm control. The subjeets and original residents of the country enjoyed much respect, and lived a happy life. He had a wazir, by name chamberlain Rám. Rám was well acquainted with the various departments of knowledge, and his administration was in every way absolute and supreme, inasmuch as there was none to interfere in his work, or to oppose him. The Council of State was entirely committed to his care and wi??e policy.¹³ Rai Sahiras had also a firm belief in his eloquence and good logic, and he (the Rai) never overstepped his counsel or suggestion.

Once, when the chamberlain Ram,^13a the Brahman wazir, had come to his office, a Brahman came to visit him. He (that Brahman) began to praise (him) and speak highly of him in beautiful language. The chamberlain Ram asked him: “O Brahman, whence do you come and for what purpose have you taken the trouble of coming (here)” The Brahman replied “my name is Chach son of Seláij, Brahman My brother Jandab^13b and my father live in a temple in a rural place att ched to the town of Alór, and pray for Rai Sáhasi and the chamberlain Ram. It occurred to me that I should pay a visit to you; and as eloquence is the origin of good fortune and the solver of difficulties, I thought of showing you my readiness to serve you.” The chamberlain Rám said, “No doubt, (in the matter of) eloquence and rhetor??c, your speech is fluent enough, but are you acquainted with law and morals?” Chach replied: “I have all the four books of the Hindu religion on the tip of my tongue; if Your Excellency be pleased to give the word, I will recire some of those master-pieces of eloquence and rhetoric, on which I have been working so long. I shall thereby (also) show my sincerity and truthíulness.” While they were thus conversing with each other, some despatches were received for consultation and disposal, from the direction of Debal. The chamberlain gave those letters to him. Chach read them out in his very best manner, and wrote a reply in the most chosen words and in an excellent hand-writing. When Rám acquainted himself with what he had written, he greatly applauded Chach for his consummate wit and cleverness. He extended his patronage to him by respecting him greatly and giving him rich presents He told him: “I have many important affairs for disposal. As I am the secretary in attendance at the Royal palace and have to do my office work, I am so busy that I have hardly sufficieat time to discharge my duties properly. You will therefore be of some assistance to me.” Chach accepted the offer and entered on his duties. In a short time, he became prominent in the correspondence department of the Council.

One day, Rai Sáhasi came to the public audience hall, and the great men and chieftains of the city were all present there. Some letters from the district of Siwistan¹⁴ having arrived, the Secretary Rám was called. But he had not yet come to the Council office; so Chach sent word, saying, “I am the Assistant of the Secretary Ram. If anything is to be written, I am ready to write it and to dispose of the work in hand.” King Sáhasi called him. Chach read out excellently the letters that had been received, and explained their purport with full details. He then wrote a reply in a sweet style and in a beautiful hand, and submitted the same to the king for perusal and approval. The king had a great liking for excellent penmanship. He went over the letter of Chach, and was much pleased with the style. He invested him with a robe of honour and ordered that he be confirmed in his post of Assistant Secretary.¹⁵ When, (shortly afterwards,) the chamberlain Rám met the king in his palace, Rai Sáhasi asked him: “This assistant of yours is a very clever fellow; he is an eloquent speaker and a good writer. Whence have you brought him? Treat him kindly.” The chamberlain Rám said: “He is a son of Selaij Brahman, and is an honest, straightforward and experienced man.” When the chamberlain Ram found the king favourably inclined towards Chach, he asked him to do the work of the Secretary, too, for him and to carry on the whole business of that office during his presence or absence. Thus Chach began to perform important business, and disposed of State affairs and political matters in a business-like manner. Every time that he had occasion to go into the presence of the king, the latter rewarded him and patronised him by giving him a dress of honour or some other present, and advised him to persevere (diligently) in that course of employment, telling him that, by means of such employment, the affairs (of State) would be well transacted and he would be entitled to a higher post. In this fashion, the king went on encouraging him and giving him good hopes by making pleasant promises. (Eventually) as the great God willed it, the life of the chamberlain Ram cam-to its close and the hand of death tore the collar of his garment.

After this event, Rai Sáhasi called Chach to himself and conferred on him the office of Chamberlain and Secretary. Chach behaved towards the people with courtesy and kindness, so that (in a short time) he held firm sway over the whole kingdom and was obeyed by all. He was at one and the same time doing the work of Chamberlain and Secretary in an excellent manner.

One day, the king Sahasi Rai was sitting in a private apartment of his palace with his queen Suhandí. This lady had great influence over the king and had lived happily with him. (Just then) the Chamberlain Chach came to the door of the palace. He sent a message to Rai Sahasi, through the private Chamberlain (who had the privilege of going to the interior of the private apartments), to the effect that Chach had come to the door of the palace on an important business, and wanted to relato to the king what had happened, and that if the king had leisure the whole matter would be haid before him. The king asked his queen to go behind the curtain as a stranger was coming. (Hearing this), the queen Suhandi observed: “So many inferior people and menials come in; if a Brahman comes in, what inclination am I likely to have towards him and why should I feel shy and conceal myself from him? May a thousand lives of mine be sacrificed to the dust of Sáhasi's feet!” It was usual with the king not to act against the wishes of that lady whenever she pressed a point or insisted upon a thing; and often he was led away by her ar ifices and submitted to her cajoleries. So the king called Chach, who explained the State business that had brought him, and expressed himself on the subject very well.¹⁶

The Brahman Chach was a young man with a beautiful face and fair complexion. He was of a tall stature, and well proportioned with an argent person and ruby cheeks When she looked at his handsome features and cypress-like stature, she fell in love with him a thousand fold with her heart and soul. She was fascinated and infatuated, and was struck dumb by his beauty, his form and his vesture. She was overpowered by his striking delivery and marvellous handwriting; and love for Chach obtained an abiding place in her soul, and the tree of affection found a firm footing in the land of her heart. The king had no offspring. The queen had no issue by him. She therefore sent a message to Chach through a cunning go-between in the following words:—“O Chach, the arrows of your eye-lashes have pierced the target of my heart and wounded it, and the chain of separation from you has been fastened on my neck. You will therefore be kind enough to administer some medicine from the dispensary of your union, and to remove the chain from my neck with the hand of your society. Adorn my neck and ears with the necklace of your love and with the ear-rings of your devotion. If you will not comply with my request, I shall kill myself. Quatrain—May it occur to you to make this my heart happy and to free it from the pangs of your separation. But, O beloved, if you turn your face away from me, I shall raise a cry, that you are doing injustice to me.”

When the old woman delivered the above message Chach expressed his abliorrence, and thought it proper to reject the proposal. “Disloyalty,” said he, “in the seraglio of monarchs means (immediate) danger to life, punishment in the next world, and a bad name in this world. When the wrath of kings reaches its climax, it cannot be checked or resisted with any screen or any medicine. Therefore, let this alone. We, moreover, are Brahmans and my father and brother are ascetics, and are still sitting in their praying place resigning every thing to God. I do not approve of such infidelity. I am in the service of the king, and I should live between hope and fear. Such a thing is disapproved by wise men. One should not place any confidence in four things, viz., a sovereign, fire, wind,¹⁷ and water. I would not bring this contempt on my head. You will never gain this object from me.”

When this message was brought to the queen, she became calmer and quieter and sent back the following reply:—“If you shrink from familiarity and intimacy with me, at least give me my due by showing your face to me every day, in season and out of season, so that the thought of your beauty may remain fresh in my mind and I may console myself by cherishing hopes of your union with me. Verse—Happy shall I be if I see you year in and year out, or even if I see you in imagination one single night in the whole period of my life. O my idol! I shall never be despondent in thinking of you; I shall see at least the night of your union one day.”

When the eye began to play its part in the affair, and the heart was seized with (desire for) union of the beloved, a sympathy ultimately sprang up between them, which reached its consummation in morning meetings; and their love and intimacy increased beyond measure, and was confirmed by a solemn compact of permanent union. The king had no knowledge of their relations. There was indeed a party of their opponents who entertained evil suspicions regarding them, from the glances of the two, but as no one had observed anything (more suspicious), their secret was maintained. Some of the (said) enemies did inform the king and divulged (all that they knew), but he refused to accept their word, (saying) that such things were not likely to happen at his palace, and that the Chamberlain Chach was not likely to allow himself to be so ungrateful or do such an iniquitous thing.

Thus, in the course of time the entire kingdom came under the sway of Chach. Whatever he did was to the liking of the king, and king Sáhasi Rái did not dispose of any important business without first consulting him. In this way, every order issued by Chach, whether positive or prohibitive, came to be strictly obeyed throughout the dominion.

At length, the divine decree burst into light from the curtains of mystery. The king fell ill, and his illness took a lingering turn. (By and bye), the signs of death changed the face of his life for the worse. The king's wife became very anxious. She called Chach and told him:—“ The king's life is about to come to its close, and the signs of the cessation of his breath have already appeared. If the king dies, there is no issue of his to inherit the kingdom. His near relations, therefore, will secure all his property and his country. There is no doubt that they will disinherit and distress me, owing to their estrangement (from me). When even during the life-time of the king, they called me ugly names, they will at such a time as this deprive me of my life and property. One plan occurs to me, and I think it will turn out the right one, and if it is so destined, our wishes will be perfectly gratified and this kingdom will devolve upon you. My opinion is that, if we show our courage, the great God will hand over this kingdom to you, and its honour and glory will long remain with you, and all the people will pay allegiance to you.” Chach said: “I am ready to obey you with all my heart, and whatever you propose must be very good. But it is a wellknown maxim that consultation with upright servants is a duty. You must therefore acquaint me with what you have in your mind.” Queen Suhandí said: “Issue an order that fifty chains and fetters be made. Bring them secretly at night, conceal them in the house and keep them ready for use when required.” Accordingly, under the orders of Chach, some heavy chains and fetters were made. They were brought into the innermost apartments of the palace under cover of night, and kept secure in a corner. When the king's last moments arrived and the death agony ensued, the physicians rose to leave. (But) Queen Suhandi asked them to wait in the house for a short time. At the same time, she directed a confidential servant to remove the king to an inner apartment and to close the gate, so that no one in the city should come to know that Sahasi was dead. She then asked him to bring a large number of her followers and dependents into the house. When these men were all brought in, she ordered her servant to call those near relations of the king, who were claimants to the throne (and whom she named one by one). In this way, every one was brought in separately, on the pretext that the king was better that day and wanted to consult him. When each came, he was sent to the appointed apartment where the queen's confidential men put each into chains. Thus, all of her rivals were imprisoned and secured in irons. Next, she sent for those relations of the king who were poor and in want. Each of these, as he came, was told: “To-day, the king is annoyed with such and such a relation of yours, owing to whose ill-treatment and misbehaviour he did not sleep soundly, and has imprisoned him. If you wish to be free from poverty and hunger, and acquire strength by means of wealth and property, go to that prison-room and remove the head of your enemy. Then put yourself in firm possession of his house, his property, his followers and his estates.” In this manner, every one went to the room, and killed that relation of his who was on bad terms with him, and made himself master of his house, cattle, riches, and domestics. Thus, in one single night, they (Suhandí and Chach) made all their troublesome opponents the food of the blood-thirsty sword, and their heart was at ease in regard to their enemies. No competitor now remained in the kingdom to claim the inheritance.

After the friendly followers and dependents were thus pledged, and after the poorer chiefs did the bloody work of the sword, they ranged themselves in a line in front of the palace, and stood there ready with their arms. All the merchants and the artisans, the plebians and the nobles (were also) brought by them, and the royal throne was well adorned. Then queen Suhandi came behind a curtain, and sent the following message to them through wazir Budhiman: “Speak to the peers and nobles of the State and convey to them the wishes of their sovereign. Tell them that, though His Majesty is much better and his illness is fast disappearing, still owing to the shock caused, by (the recent) vindictive disturbance, he is unable to come to the public audience hall, and the affairs of the people, high and low, rich and poor, who have not received justice, will remain pending. He is therefore pleased to appoint the Chamberlain Chaeh, in his life-time, as his vireg??ent to carry on the administration in his name, so that no mischief may find its way into the country, owing to injustice done to the people, whose destinies have been committed to his care by the Creator.” (Hearing these words), all those who were present bent low respectfully and rubbed their heads on the ground, and said with one voice: “We are ready to obey the command of the king. The Chamberlain Chach is in every way qualified for such a great office, and possesses many good qualities and virtues, as he has already put the State affairs on a firm footing.” Then queen Suhandí Devi presented costly dresses of honour, adorned with ornaments inlaid with jewels, to a thousand of her faithful dependents and friends, who were among the heads of tribes and leaders of armies. At the same time, she placed the crown of the country on the head of Chach, and seated him on the throne. The whole assemblage felt much gratified, and bound themselves to do the service required of them. She then ordered the wazir to be elected anew for the same post, and the chief officers were encouraged in their faithful service with plenty of rewards. New orders about the grant of estates were (also) passed in favour of several nobles. And thus the whole kingdom rested entirely on Chach for its administration.²⁰

Six months elapsed in this manner. After that period, the news of Rai Sáhasi's death coming to the ear of his brother Maharat, the king of Chitór, the latter prepared an expedition, and with a large army and followers, and furious elephants, and brave warriors, marched out to fight with Chach. He encamped within a league of Alor, and sent a number of his private servants and favourite domestics to Chach with the following message:—“ I am the rightful heir to this kingdom, and this country is the property of my fathers and grandfathers. It is but right that I should have for my own my brother's heritage: to you that same post of chamberlain and lieutenant will be awarded, and every endeavour will be made to trent you liberally.”²¹

Thereupon, Chach came to the queen and said:—“This enemy is come to the door of the honse and claims the kingdom and the inheritance; what is your counsel”? Rai Sahasi's wife laughed and said:—“I am a woman, living behind a curtain. If I am to go and fight, put on my clothes and sit here, and give me your garment that I may go forth (to battle). Have you not heard what the wise men have said, (namely) that when a person is elevated to a responsible post, he conducts it efficiently and ably, only when he acquires the skill and intelligence required for it. When the kingdom has fallen to your lot, what for do you require my advice? Gird up your loins and spring up like a roaring lion. Advance like a hero to the fight, and endeavour to defeat your foe. For death with honour and glory is better than living despised by an equal. Verse—You have elephants as well as armies; you have horses as well as followers. Put confusion into the ranks of your enemy and step forth like a man”

Chach was shamed by this her reply; and wearing weapons of war, and drawing up his army in a line, he faced the enemy. He also brought out of prison those of the (adverse) party who still remained there, gave them rewards and encouraging promises for the future, and advanced to meet the enemy. The king Maharat divided his army into the centre. The right wing, the left wing, the advance guard and the rear guard. (Then) valiant warriors from both armies met in fight, tili aiarge number on each side was killed. When the king Maharat saw that brave soldiers on both sides had been mowed down by the blood-thirsty sword, he addressed Chach in the following words: “I and you are the only two rivals for the kingdom; let us fight with each other, and let him who survives have the kingdom.” Chach confronted him and said: “I am a man of the Brahmin class and am unable to fight on horseback. Fight me (therefore) on foot and lay my head low, if you can.” I he king of Chitor had complete confidence in his own bravery and strength. He thought within himself: “How can a Brahmin dare to measure arms with me in battle? I will pick up his head like a bird and tear it from his body.” He immediately dismounted and advanced on foot. Chach also came down from his horse and instructed his stirrup-holder to bring up the horse behind him. When the two came almost to close quarters with each other, Chach jumped upon his horse, made a sudden attack on him and with one blow severed the head of king Maharat from his body. (Seeing this), the army of Chach made an assault on the opposite army of Chitor, and (that army) took to flight. Some of them, seeing the king Maharat slain, asked for quarter and surrendered themselves, and some were put to the sword. Chach returned to the fort of Alor with joy and victory.²² He ordered triumphal arches to be raised in the city, and he sat on the royal throne, and ordered public feasts to be given, and formed a fresh band of warriors. No stubborn rebel now remained in any of the four divisions of his country.

The author of this narrative and the writer of this fragrant book states as follows:— When that victory was gained, queen Suhandi ordered the chief men and nobles of the city to be called together, and when they all met, she said to them: “As king Sahasi is dead, and I have by him no issue to inherit the country, and as the kingdom has devolved on king Chach, you must give me away to Chach with proper matrimonial ceremonies and a distinct settlement.” The chiefs and nobles agreed to the proposal, and they all came to the royal palace and married queen Suhandi to Chach.²³ (In course of time), Chach had two sons by her one was named Dáhar and the other Dahar-siah. He had also one daughter whom he called Bai.^23a At their respective births, astrologers consulted the predominant star of their nativity, and by desire of the king cast their horoscopes, and inscribed the position of the several planets in the different constellations under the influence of the ascendant star, and marked out the beneficent and malignant aspects of the stars and their ascent and descent. They declared that both the sons would become kings, and, for a time, would have the entire kingdom of Sind in their possession. Their forecast as to the daughter was that she would not have to go out of the capital to any other place, and that whoever became her husband would become the sovereign and would rule over the length and breadth of the kingdom of Sind, and live on the fat of the land. When the astrologers thus foretold the fortunes of the princess, the king enjoined them to keep the forecast a secret and not to disclose it to anyone.

Chach now resolved to appoint his brother Chandra^23b his deputy at the city of Alor. So he sent a trustworthy person to him with the following message:—“Our nearest relations are ascetics, and have always been faithful worshippers of idols in their temples. Their custom of worshipping fire and devotion to God are widely known. Our father Seláij acts on the saying,—“But we saw our fathers doing the same,”^23c and this is approved by all our learned men ?? philosophers. But it is so written in the books of Hind, that, whenever a person, who has trained his soul to abstinence and austerity, dies, his soul, on its separation from the body, and, in return for his good deeds, transmigrates to the child of a king or a great man, in whose body it enjoys perfect rest owing to (the presence of) creature comforts and the affluence of fortune. And the God of Selaij has given us sovereignty this time, and a spacious empire has come under my command. Now my judgment demands that I should appoint you as my agent or vicegerent in the city of Alor and make you my heir-apparent. You can assist in the administration of the country by practising religiousness, faithfulness, abstinence and piety here also.” Although Chandra showed great reluctance, he was ultimately brought and appointed to the royal court. The entire administration of Alor was absolutely left in his hands by Chach, who entrusted also to his care his own private as well as State affairs.

(When appointing Chandra to the new post), Chach told him: “When the God of Seláij has made us worthy of the crown and the chrone, and has destined us for rulers of a nation, it is incumbent on us to endeavour, in the highest degree, to treat kindly the innumerable subjects under our sway, who are a trust (committed to our care) by the Creator, and to keep them contented and happy by administering justice and equity in such a manner that the strong should not oppress the weak, and we might not be reprehended in the august court of God for lack of judgment or denial of redress. My brother Chaudra, the crown of all the ascetics, is hereby appointed to this great and delicate office, and he is directed to carry it on whether we are present or absent, and all the people, nobles, commons, and soldiers should render him obedience and in no way deviate from his commands or his guidance.”

Then Chach called the Tákí²⁴ wazir Budhiman, and questioned him about the limits of the kingdom of Sahiras. “O able wazir and wise counsellor,” said he, “do you know what the boundaries of the country of Sind were when it was under the rule and sway of the senior Rai Sahasi? What are those four divisions which formed its limits in every direction? Give us all the information you have about them, so that I may go to those limits, and ascertain whether the people there are disposed to be obedient or adverse to me, and, if anyone is refractory or disobedient, I may take measures to remove him, and see that all bring their heads under my yoke, and no opponent or rebel finds his way into my kingdom, or sets my authority at naught.”

Wazir Budhiman bowed his head to the ground and said: “Long life to king Chach ! May it be known to him that this metropolis and the whole kingdom were under the dominion of one king, and his chieftains were obedient and submissive to him, and were always attentive to his orders, and ready to do his bidding. When this kingdom came into the hands of Sahiras son of the senior Rai Sahasi, who was a son of Dewáij, and he was defeated ??nd killed by the army of Fars, the kingdom devolved upon Sáhasi, (the younger,) and he appointed each of the four chiefs to each of the four divisions, in order that they might try their best to collect the revenue for the treasury, and to protect the country. Now that Your Majesty is anxious on this point, and wishes this anxiety to be removed from his mind, the only desirable and final arrangement necessary seems to be to prevent the very POSSIBILITY of any unpleasant occurrence. For, otherwise, owing to the vicissitudes of time, such a terrible disaster might take place as could not easily be suppressed. When (by these precautionary measures) the government of the country is firmly established, and Your Majesty's heart is at rest, the chiefs of the different divisions, and the kings of the bordering provinces would be favourably inclined to you and render service to you. It is certain that, when by means of a brave army and furious elephants, tranquillity and stability are secured, God, the great cause of causes, will enable you to achieve victory and success, and to overcome your enemies and opponents. I am sanguine that the great God will strengthen the members and quarters of the kingdom; that all the four tributary rulers wil place the chain of subjection on their necks; that all disorders will cease; that all the opponents will, from fear and awe of the sharp and well-tempered sword of Your Majesty, bring their heads to the halter of submission, and that this great and extensive kingdom that you have acquired with renown will abide with you to all eternity, and each day see its expansion. The king should, under all circumstances, fix his assiduous attention and desire on that end, and place full trust in the decrees of the Almighty, in order that He, with His august will and wisdom, may fulfil his wishes and realise his hopes.”

Chach heard this discourse of the wazir Budhiman attentively, and what the wazir said, made an impression on his mind and produced comfort and joy in his heart. He praised him highly for his counsels and took his gladdening communication as a happy omen, and hastened to act accordingly. He sent trustworthy men to different directions and called upon the rulers of divisions to join him in his undertaking, which was to lead an army up to the limits of Hindustan, where it adjoined the country of the Tartars. Then, at an auspicious time, found out by astrologers after carefully consulting the stars, he gave marching orders. After doing many a day's journey and passing several stages, he arrived at the fortified town of Babiah,²⁶ which is situated on the southern bank of the river Beas. The governor of that fort commenced hostilities with him. (But) after a great and bloody battle the ruler of Babiah fled, and threw himself into the fort, and Rai Chach was the victor. He made a halt there, (laying siege to the fort,) for some time, during which corn became scarce, and the cutting of crops, grass and firewood impossible. When the people in the fort were reduced to this strait, the ruler of the place, one night, after the world had put on the black g??ment of night, and the king of stars had gone behind the dark curtain of night, left that fort, and went to that of Iskandah, and encamped in the suburbs of that town. This fortified town, too, belonged to him, and it was stronger than the first. When he bivouaced on a meadow attached to the town, he sent some men to gather information from the enemy's camp. A spy soon came back and said that Chach had enterd into the fort of Bábiah and was staying there.

When Chach learnt that the ruler of Babiah had gone to the fort of Iskandah, he appointed an upright man out of the nobles of the country to be in charge of the fort, and himself started in the direction of Iskandah, and fixed his camp in the outskirts of that town. Now, there was a brave chief in the fort of Iskandah, who had always been obedient and well disposed to Chach. He had great influence over the residents of the fort, both nobles and plebians, who always acted under his guidance and never went against his wishes. Chach sent a messenger to him, and offered to make him sole governor of the fort, and directed a royal order to be inscribed, containing a solemn promise to bestow the governorship on him, and also to hand over Bábiah to him, as soon as he killed Jetar (or Chitra), the king of Bábiah, or took him prisoner. The chief accepted the promise and the condition, and sent his son as a hostage to Chach. Then he took to visiting the ruler of Bábiah so frequently, that he was never prevented from going to his presence either by night or by day. All of a sudden, one night, finding a favourable opportunity, he killed king Jetar and sent his head to Chach. Rai Chach showed him great favour, and granted him a robe of honour, with many other presents, and ordered the castle to be entrusted to him as its governor. Then all the nobles and chiefs of the town came to his presence, and delivered into his treasury many rich offerings. The king honoured them by receiving them well, and giving them an audience. He instructed and enjoined them to look upon the brave chief as their governor, and to consider it their duty to obey him, and never to contravene his behests.

After settling the affairs of Iskandah, Rai Chach moved in the direction of Sikkah and Multan. In Multan, there was a prince by name Bachhera,²⁷ who was a near relation of Sahasi, and ruled over an extensive kingdom, and was a man of great ability. When he received the news of Chach's arrival, he collected a large army, and came to the banks of the Rávi. His nephew Sabhól (or Sahewal) was the governor of the fortífied town of Sikkah, opposite Multan, towards the east, and he with Bachhera's cousin Ajaisen advanced with overwhelming numbers to meet Chach. Chach stationed himself at a ford on the Beás, and remained there for three months, till the floods subsided and the water went down. He then selected a village a little above his encampment, where there was no obstruction, and crossing the river, came to the town of Sikkah and met Sabhol in battle. He then invested the fort for some days, and when (its defenders) were pressed hard, and several of their brave comrades were killed and numberless kafirs went to hell, Sabhol quietly withdrew and went to the fortified town of Multan, and stood on the bank of the Ravi, equipped with the weapons of war and ready to fight. Chach Rai took possession of the fort (of Sikkah), and killed 5,000 warlike men who were in it, and made the other residents of the town prisoners, and secured a large booty and a great number of slaves. Chach appointed the greatest of the nobles of the State to be emporarily in charge of the fort of Sikkah, and himself crossed over to Multan. There, the two armies met. King Bachhera came to the field with a numerous army, warlike elephants and brave soldiers, and confronted Chach There was a great deal of hard fighting, and there was much bloodshed on both sides. Then Bachhera sought the fort, and sent letters to the king of Kashmir, informing him about Chach. “Chach son of Seláij Brahman,” wrote he, “has become the king of Alor, and has come with a large army. He has taken absolute possession of several forts, and we are unable to oppose him. He has brought many impregnable fortresses under his command, and no ruler has been successful in fighting with him. He has (now) come as far as Multan. (In this emergency) it is due to yourself that you should assist us, and send an auxiliary force to the border.”

Before the messenger arrived at Kashmir, the king of that place had died, and his son, a minor, had succeeded to the throne. The ministers, the counsellors, the courtiers, the nobles and chief men of the State thought over the matter and gave the following politic reply to the above letter. “The king (Rái) of Kashmir has gone to his permanent abode, and his son is a child yet, of tender years, and an inexperienced prince. His own soldiery are rising in mutiny and revolt in different parts of his country; and the affairs of these parts should be first set straight. At such a juncture (therefore), we cannot afford to help you or furnish you with the means of assistance. You must help yourself, as best you can.”

When the messenger returned, and Bachhera received this news, be despaired of getting any aid from the king of Kashmir, and sued Rai Chach for peace, with solemn promises and covenants, and prayed for an assurance of protection in writing, in order that, quitting the fort in safety, he might proceed without being molested by any one, with all his followers, dependents, and adherents, to a place of refuge. Chach agreed to this proposal, and gave him the assurance of protection asked for. Bachhera (then) came out of the fort, and with his followers and dependents proceeded to the mountains of Kashmir. Chach occupied the fort, and became absolute master of the country.

When the fort of Multan was taken, Chach appointed a Thakur²⁹ as his lieutenant there, and he himself went to an idol temple, which stood in a retired and solitary place, prostrated himself before the idol, offered sacrifices, and then proceeded on his forward journey. The govenors of Brahmapur, Karúr and Ashahar paid their homage to him, and from these places he came to the borders of Kíh (or Kumba) and Kashmir. During the whole of this journey, no king opposed him or put any obstacle or impediment in his way. So true is it that, whenever the Great King (of the Universe) makes a man great, He makes all his difficult undertakings easy for him and gratifies all his desires. Every place where he arrived surrendered to him, and (thus victorious) he reached the fort of Sha-kalhar, higher up the town of Kíh (or Kumba), which is said to be the boundary of Kashmir, and where he stayed for a month. (During that period), some of the rulers of the surrounding region were coerced into submission, while others voluntarily paid homage to him and tendered their allegiance. He imposed definitive compacts on the nobles and rulers of those parts, and the stability of the kingdom was completely secured. He then ordered two young plants to be brought; one a maisir, or white poplar, and the other a deodar, or fir tree. He planted both of them on the boundary of Kashmir upon the banks of a stream called the Panj Máhiyát,³⁰ which is close to the hills of Kashmir, and takes its origin from the springs of that mountainous region. He remained there till the branches of the two trees interspersed with each other. Then he bade farewell to the spot, and declared: “This is the boundary line between us and the Rai of Kashmir, and there will be no passage beyond it.”

The recorder of this conquest states that, when the eastern boundary was fixed, Chach returned from there and came to the capital city of Alór. He stayed there for a period of one year, and rested from the fatigues of the journey, and his chiefs collected a large number of the appliances and weapons of war. Then he told the wazir: “My heart is free from anxiety in regard to the eastern boundary; now we ought to acquaint ourselves with the south.” The wazir said: “Indeed, one of the best habits of kings is that they should constantly enquire about the affairs of their country. It is possible that, owing to your long absence in the upper divisions, the nobles and rulers of those (southern) parts may have a haughty notion in their heads that, after Rai Sahasi, there is no one to exact revenue from them. Truly transgression and disorder have found their way there.”

Then, in an auspicious hour, Chach started for the fortified towns of Mudapur (or Budhápur) and Siwistán. In the fort of Siwistan, there was a governor whose name was Mattah. Chach, with a firm resolution, crossed the waters of the Mehrán at a village called Wahtáet (or Diháyat), which forms the boundary between Sammah and Alor. From there, he proceeded towards Budhiah. The ruler of this latter place, at that time, was Basar Kotad son of Bandar Kóbhkó, and his capital town was Kákáráj. The natives of those parts called it Siwís (or Sawis). Chach marched against them and conquered the fort of Siwis. Kátah (or Kaba) son of Kákah came forth and asked protection for his father³¹ and his followers. They imposed a tribute upon themselves and they all submitted.

From that place, Chach marched towards Siwistán. When he approached that city, Mattah, the Governor, advanced with great pomp and largenumbers and gave him battle, in which Chach was victorious. Mattah fled with his forces and shut himself up in the fort. Chach laid siege to it and stood ready to fight. After a week, the garrison became disspirit-ed and asked for quarter, and on receiving a solemn promise (of safety), they came forth and handed over the keys of the castle to the officers of Chach, who gave them protection and showed kindness to them. He entrusted the rulership of the place to Mattah, and appointed a superintendent (Shahnah) out of his own confidential men (to represent his interests at the place). He stayed there for a few days, till the affairs of that part of the country were satisfactorily settled, and peace was re-established in that town.

When the affairs of Siwistan were completely put in order, he sent a mandate to Agham Lúhánah the Prince of Brahmanabad, that is to say, the ruler of (the tribes of) Lákhah, Sammah and Sahtah, calling upon him to submit to him. After a few days, some guards whom be had placed on the high roads in the direction of Makrán happened to seize a man, bearing letters of Agham addressed to Mattah, the ruler of Siwistán, the purport of which was shortly this:—“I have always behaved towards you as a friend and well-wisher, and have, on no occasion, acted against you or quarrelled with you. I acknowledge the receipt of the letter which you sent to me by way of friendship. You honoured me therein by the assurance that, as long as our union and friendship lasts, no enemy will approach us. I am ready to do your behests, and to carry out completely every one of your orders. You are a king and the son of a king. There exists perfect harmony between us and you. Misfortunes like these have befallen many persons and compelled them to seek refuge. You are at liberty to fix your residence at any town you choose in the territories dependent on Brahmanábád, down to the sea, and to Debal. And if you intend to go somewhere else, none will obstruct you or molest you. I shall be helping you till you are safely settled somewhere. I possess sufficient troops and followers to be able to assist you.” But Mattah preferred going in the direction of Hind to the kingdom of Nirmal, ealled Bhattí (or Bhetti).

Then Rái Chach sent the following letter to Agham Lúhánah:—“You consider your. selves kings of the time, from your power and grandeur, origin and lineage. Though I have not inherited this kingdom and sovereignty, and this wealth and affluence, this power and dignity, from my father and grandfather, and though this country has not been ours before, still my elevation and my improved fortunes are due to the grace of God. It was not by my army that I won them, but the One God, the Peerless, the Incomparable, the Creator of the world, has given me the kingdom by the blessing of Selaij³² ; and it is from him that I receive help in every thing. I do not depend upon any other person for assistance. He is the Accomplisher of my undertakings and the Giver of help in all my movements. He is the Bestower of victory and success in all contests and oppositions. We have been graciously javoured with the blessings of both the worlds. If (you think) your power and prestige are the creation of your own bravery, courage, resources, and splendour, then, without doubt, your fortunes will decay, and the vengeance of death is but the legitimate due of your soul.”

Then Rai Chach marched against Agham Lúhánah. Agham had gone from Brahman-abad on a tour in his territories. When he heard of Chach's coming, he returned to Brahmanabad, and began to collect soldiers and arms. When Rái Chach arrived at Brahmanabad, Agham, ready for battle, came forth to meet him. After several renowned warriors were killed on both sides, Agham's army was put to flight, and he betook himself to the fort. Chach laid siege to it. For a period of one year this warfare went on between them. During that period the king of Hindustán, that is, Kanúj, was Sayár (or Satbár) son of Ráil Rái (or Rásal Rái). Agham sent letters to him, applying for assistance. But before the reply came, Agham died, and his son succeeded him. Agham had a monkish friend, whose name was Samani Budhgui (or Budh Rakhú), that is, one protected by Budha. He was supposed to bear a charmed life. He owned an idol-house or temple, which was called Budh Nawwihár.³³ It contained several idols. He was the chief monk of the place, and was well known for his devotion and piety, and all the people of that part of the country obeyed him. Agham professed his faith, and had taken him as his spiritual guide.^33a

When Agham betook himself to the fort, the Samaní^33b co-operated with him, but did not join in the fight. He was busy reading his books in his temple. When Prince Agham died, and his son was established in the government of the country, the Samaní became anxious and afraid lest the principalities, property and estates should pass away from his (the Samaní's) hands. In that perplexity, he consulted his books in order to ascertain the decree of fate, and he learnt that the kingdom was destined to fall into the hands of Chach, whether he himself was favourably inclined towards Chach or not. Agham's son (eventually) was sore pressed, and his army withdrew from the fight, and the fort fell into the bands of Chach, who kept a strong hold on it.

When Chach had come to know that Agham and his son had a compact with the Samani, and that it was owing to his sorcery, enchantments, magic and counsels, that the war had been prolonged for a year, he had sworn: “If I succeed in taking this fort, I shall seize the Samaní, take off his skin, give it to low-caste people to cover drums with it and to beat them till it was torn to pieces.” When the Samani had received information of this oath, he had laughed and said: “It will never be within the power of Chach to destroy me” When, after a time, the garrison in the fort of Brah-manabad, after battling hard and losing a large number of men, stopped fighting, sued for peace and asked for quarter, peace was made through the intervention of chiefs and heads of tribes between the two parties, and the fort was given up to Chach. Chach entered it and told them: “If you wish to go away, no living creature will oppose or prevent you; but if you make up your minds to stay here, then stay by all means.” When Agham's son and dependents found him favourably inclined towards them, they preferred dwelling there. Chach remained in the town for some time in order to ascertain their disposition.

(During his stay at Brahmanabad), Chach sent for the mother of Sarhand (Agham's widow). He made her his own wife, and gave the hand of the daughter of his nephew Dahiyah (or Dharsiah) to Agham's son, and bestowed many-coloured robes on him. He remained there for one year, and appointed officers to collect Government dues, and brought the chiefs of those parts into complete subjection to himself. He then enquired where that sorceror Samani was, in order to see him. He was informed that he was a monk and lived with other monks. “He is,” it was said, “one of the philosophers of Hind, and is the keeper of the Nawwihar³⁴ temple. He is considered by the Samanis as having attained sublimity and perfection. In magic and enchantments, he is so clever that he has subdued a world of men and made them submit to his will. By means of his talismans, he can provide himself with all he wants. He has for many days co-operated with Sarhand, owing to his friendship with his father; and it was by his encouragement and support that the forces of Brahmanabad carried on such an obstinate and protracted war.”

Chach then called all his armed men, and gave them the following instructions:—“I shall converse with him (the Samaní). (But) when I have done speaking and look towards you, you should draw your swords and sever his head from his body.” He then came to Budh Kanwibar and repaired to him. He found him sitting on a chair busily engaged in prayers, and with some hard clay in his hands with which he was making idols. He fixed a sort of seal on the idol, and the image of Budh appeared on it. The idol being now complete, he placed it on one side. Chach stood above him, but the Samani paid him no attention. After some time, when he finished all his idols, he turned up his head and said: “The son of the ascetic Seláij is come!” “Even so, O priestly Samani,” answered Chach. “What business has brought you here?” asked the Samaní. “I came to know of your fidelity,” replied Chach, “and so I came to see you.” “Come down,” said the monk. Chach came down. The Samaní spread a handful of straw and made Chach sit on it. Then he asked him, “O Chach, what do you want?” Chach answered, “I want you to become my friend and to come back to the fort of Brahmanabad, so that I may put you in charge of a high office, and entrust you with important affairs and responsible duties. You will be there with Sarhand,³⁵ and you may co-operate with him by giving him (the benefit of) your counsels and your judgment.” The monk said “I have no need of your kingdom. I do not feel inclined to have any civil employment, and I do not wish to have anything to do with worldly affairs.” “Why did you leave the fort of Brahmanabad?” asked Chach. “When Agham Lúhánah died,” said the monk, “and this boy, his son, gave way to grief, owing to the loss of his father, I admonished him to have patience, and I have been praying to God most sincerely that he may bring about peace and friendship between both the parties.” “For me,” continued the Samaní, “the service of Budh and the seeking of salvation in the next world are better than all worldly employments. As, however, you are the sovereign of this kingdom, I will at your supreme command shift to the vicinity of the fort, although I fear that the people dwelling in the fort would cause injury and mischief to the sown fields of Budh. To-day, Chach is a great and wealthy personage.” Chach said: “The worship of Budh is an excellent thing, and it is right to hold it in honour. But if you want anything, or if you have any request to make, speak that I may at once grant it and thereby secure (for myself) happiness and honour.” The monk (násik) said: “I do not want any worldly thing, nor have I any worldly request to make. May God graciously incline you to the affairs of the next world.” Chach said: “That is exactly my request, and I wish to do a deed which should have spiritual advancement and salvation as its reward. Tell me of it, and I will render my assistance and be your helpmate.” The Samaní said: “As you are determined to do some charitable act and add (to your) good deeds, (know that) the temple of Budh Nawwhár have is an ancient religious institution. For some time past, owing to the vicissitudes of time, some parts of the structure have suffered injury. It should, therefore, be built anew, and you should spend your own funds in laying a fresh foundation. In this matter alone can I implore your help.” Chach said: “I am highly obliged to you.”

Chach then rode back from that place (to Brahmanabad, On his arrival), the wazir observed, “O king, I have witnessed a wonder.” “And what is that?” asked the king, The wazir replied: “Your Majesty went with a firm resolution to direct your swordsmen to kill the monk. When, however, you went to his presence, you sought to please him and complied with his request.” “It is even so,” said Chach; “I saw something in which there was no magic or jugglery. I observed attentively, but I could see no signs of it. When I sat down by him, I saw a horrible and ghastly apparition standing at my (or his) head. Its eyes were fiery and full of anger, its lips thick and its teeth pointed like spears. It had rods in its hands, sharp and piercing like a diamond, (and it waved them), as if it was about to strike some person with them. I saw it and felt afraid, and I dared not speak to it so as to be heard by you. I pondered within myself for a while, and I looked at it attentively and then left.”

Chach then stayed at the fort of Brahmanabad till all the affairs of that country were settled, the dues of the Treasury fixed, and the welfare of his subjects was assured. He degraded the Jats and the Luhanahs and bound over their chiefs. He took a hostage from them, and confined him in the fort of Brahmanabad. He imposed the following terms on these people. (the Jats and the Lúhánahs), namely, that they should not carry swords, except on occasions of urgent necessity; that their undergarment should be of some woollen cloth; that they should not wear velvet or silken cloth; that they might use scarfs of cotton thread, of black or red colour; that they must ride horses without saddles; that they must walk about bareheaded and bare-footed; that, when going out of their houses, they must take dogs with them; that they must supply firewood to the ruler of Brahmanabad; that they must serve him in the capacity of guides and spies; that, if they distinguished themselves for these qualities, they would be considered trustworthy and honest; that they must live in harmony and co-operate with king Agham's son Sarhand; and that, if an enemy invaded the country, they should consider it their duty to stand by him and fight for him. In this way, Chach brought his affairs to a consummation and his sovereignty was (fully) established. If any person proved himself to be refractory, haughty or perverse, he compelled him to give solid security. In the case of some men of this class, he had recourse to another policy, viz., that he appointed them to some respectable posts. Thus, everything was ultimately set right.

When Chach had settled these affairs, the thought about the boundaries of Kirmán became uppermost in his mind. That part of the country was contiguous to the territories of the princes of Hind, and he wanted to define its limits. It was then the second year after the flight of our august lord Muhammad, the prophet of God, on whom and on whose descendants be the blessings of God.³⁷ After the death of Kasrá son of Hurmuz, the king of Párs or Fárs (Persia), the management (of the) affairs of the kingdom had come into the hands of a woman.^37a When Chach learnt of this state of things, he started with a large army for the territories of Kirmán. At an auspicious hour, discovered by the astrologers, he marched in the direction of Armanbel.³⁸ That town was then in the hands of a Buddhist Samaní descended from the Agents of Rái Sahiras, king of Hind, whom the Rái had elevated for their loyalty and devotion. In course of time, however, he had thrown off his yoke and had become his opponent. (This ruler) now came forth to receive Rái Chach. As his promises of fidelity and his cordial behaviour made a good impression on Chach's mind, friendship and amity were firmly established between the two Chach proceeded thence to the district of Makrán. Whosoever he encountered submitted to him. When he went beyond the steep declivity and the hills of Makrán, he found himself in the division of Bakr. There was an ancient fort in that town, called Kanbar (or Kang or Kanarpur or Kinarpur). He took possession of it, and ordered it to be reconstructed. He also arranged that, according to the established Indian custom, kettle-drums should be beaten and other musical instruments sounded at the approach of evening and the break of day in the fort; that is to say, the sound of kettle drums was to be accompanied by that of a musical instrument. He collected the people of the surrounding villages, and employed them in re-building the fort. Then he left the place and came to Kirmán. There is a small river running between Kirmán and Makrán. He encamped there, and marked out the eastern boundary line, by declaring that cert?? date tress growing there defined the limit between Kirman and Makrán. Further, he planted a grove of date trees in a place on the banks of the stream, and branded into them the words:—“This is the boundary that existed in the days of Chach son of Seláij, son of Bisás,^38a the king of Sind, and this day it came into our possession.”

From there, Chach returned to Armanbel, and passing through the district of Túran,³⁹ he came into the desert, and no one dared to fight with him, till he arrived at Kandaíl (or Kandhábel), otherwise called Kandhár. From the valley extending to the open plain in the out-skirts of that place, Chach prepared to make a sudden assault on the city, but the people had already sheltered themselves in the fort. When he came to the river Siní (or Samní), he encamped there, until the people were reduced to straits, and fixed on themselves an annual tribute of 100 hill ponies and 100,000 dirams.^39a They gave one year's tribute then and there. A treaty was then made and Chach returned to his capital Alór, and he remained there till he bade adieu to this world.^39b His reign lasted for forty years.

After the death of Chach son of Selaij, his brother Chandar ascended the throne at the capital city of Alor. He strengthened and promulgated the religion of monks (nasik) and hermits (ráhib). He brought many people together with his sword, and made them turn back to his faith. He received many letters from the chiefs of Hind.

Mattah the ruler of Siwistan had gone to the king of Kanuj. In those days, the country of Hindustán was in a flourishing condition and was under a Rana, and Kanuj was under the rule of Sahiras son of Rasil.^39c Mat-tah went to him and said: “Chach son of Selaij is dead and his brother Chandar, a monk (rahib), has succeeded him. But he is a devotee (nasik) and spends his whole time with other devotees (násiks) in his temple in the study of his religion. It will be very easy to deprive him of the kingdom. If Your Majesty takes possession of his country and hands it over to me, I will impose a tribute for those parts on myself, and send it regularly to the royal treasury.” Sahiras said to Mattah: “Chach was a great king and had a spacious dominion. As he is gone (to his rest), I will take that whole country and bring it under my own rule. Thereby, my territories will be greatly extended, and I will appoint you as a governor of one of their divisions.” Then Sahiras sent his brother Barhas son of Rásil (or Kasáis) to Kashmír for help. A grandson of the great Chach (by his daughter) was then the king of Kashmir and Ramal. He made a compact and joined in the undertaking, and they started with their armies, in order to invade the country of Chandar. Arriving at the rivulet Hasí (or Hashí), they encamped there. The agents and officers of Chandar who were in the fort of Dew Dhanáz (or Dew Dhanush) fled thence. The invaders appointed their own agents at the place in their stead, and they went on, stage by stage, till they arrived at Band Káhúyeh. There they stayed for a month, and busied themselves in offering prayers to Budh. At the same time, they sent a letter with a messenger to Chandar, asking him to surrender and submit and sue for his safety. When Chandar heard this, he declined to do so, and putting himself into the fort, began to prepare for war. He immediately sent Dharsiah, a son of Chach, to Brahmanábád, where all the residents of the town and the Lúhánah⁴⁰ came forward to receive him, and paid their respects to him; and Chandar himself with Dáhar, the younger son of Chach, took up his position in the fort of Alór and carried out measures (for its defence) with care and diligence. The army of Sahiras beseiged the fort, and continued their assaults steadily. When (however) he gained no victory over the occupants of the fort, he thought of having recourse to a strategem, and sued for an amicable settlement. His object was to bring Dáhar out (by some means), and to capture him and to kill him, for (he thought) the fort would easily fall into his hands, and his sovereignty would be firmly established, when Dáhar was secured and killed.

(With this object in view), Rásil, Sahiras and Barhás sent an envoy to Dáhar (Chandar?) to deliver the following message: “We have unanimously decided to return and we are ready to make peace with you on certain solemn conditions. Let this country remain with you as before. If Dáhar comes to visit us (in order to settle the matter personally), we will send him back (to you) quite safe and sound.” Dáhar, taking 500 men selected from the centre (lit. heart) of the army, out of famous warriors, issued forth to settle the terms of peace and to bring about reconciliation between the two parties. To all of his chief men he said: “We have full confidence in your bravery, and courage and watchfulness.” He encouraged them all and won their hearts by splendid promises. Thus, they went on till they arrived at the door of Rasil's palace. Rásil ordered them to be kept at the door. Then he called a chamberlain (hájib) and told him: “Godown with some trustworthy persons and swordsmen, and tell (those people at the door) that I have heard the praise of their swords, and I wish them to send up their arms that I may select one of them and keep it with me as a memento. When they give up their arms, seize their hands and capture them, or else kill them.” Accordingly, the chamberlain came down upon that pretext and, standing under a portico, began to ask the men to hand over their swords. Accidentally the vault of the portico fell down and the chamberlain remained under it. King Rásil himself then descended, and called all of them to himself, and asked each to show him the weapons. He went on taking and examining the sword of each and throwing it in front of them. When he came to Láhar son of Chach, he told him: “Show me your sword.” Dáhar said: “O king, this poniard belongs to my brother; I cannot part with it. Look at it in my hands.” When he came very close to Dáhar, a swordsman of Dáhar's stepped forward, and said, “O king, of all these swords, mine is the best.” When Rásil went near him in order to take the sword from him, the swordsman bounded like a fierce lion, caught hold of Rásil's beard, threw him down and sat on his chest, and said, “I am going to kill you.” Just then, Dáhar and his men encircled him and drew their swords. When Rásil saw that there was no help, he said: “What do you want from me? I am ready to make a solemn promise to you, and will faithfully abide by it and never contravene it.” Dáhar said: “It is evident to me that you had resolved to practise deception on us, and we can't now place any trust in your words or promises. The punishment of treachery and perfidy first fell upon your door-keeper, who died under the vault; then you became a prisoner in our hands. Now give us a hostage that you will return the fort of Dew Dhanaz (Dew Dhanush), and our hostages whom you have detained with you; then we shall return your hostages.” Rasil sent his hostages to Alor. Five chief men among the nobles were detained in the fort of Alor; then Rásil was set at liberty, as he promised to do what he was asked to do Dahar sent the hostages to Brahmanabad. Rasil now departed with his 500 swordsmen, and he took with himself some confidential servants of Dahar. He returned the forts (he had taken) and released the men whom he had imprisoned. When Dahar received letters from his confidential servants, written from the forts that had now been returned to them, be sent back Rasil's hostages, giving them dresses of honour. Then, peace was concluded between them, and they became friends.

Now the (charge of the) kingdom devolved upon Chan-dar, and his subjects were at ease owing to his conciliatory measures; and the business of the State was well-regulated. Chandar's reign lasted for 7 years. In the eighth year he died. Dahar now sat on the throne of Alor and Duraj son of Chandar established himself at Brahmanabad. The reign of Duraj did not exceed one year. Then Daharsiah son of Chach put himself in possession of Brahmanabad. His sister Bai agreed to live with him, and be under his protection. Daharsiah married Agham's daughter, and remained (at Brahman-ábád) for 5 years. He sent letters to the governors of different divisions of the country, and received promises of allegiance from all. Then, Daharsiah came to Raor⁴² where Chach had laid the foundations of a fort, but had died before its completion. Daharsiah stayed there for some time and completed the construction of the fort.⁴³ He collected the country people of the vicinity, and with a number of respectable and well-known persons settled them there. When the place was populated he gave it the name of Ráor. Then he returned to Brahmanábád, and the affairs of the country were thoroughly settled.

When Daharsiah came to know that his sister had reached the age of maturity, he became anxious (to see her married) as she was a grown up woman. The astrologers declared her horoscope to be an auspicious one. While he was considering (what he should do) the messengers of Sohán king of Bátiah^43a in the country of Ramal arrived to ask for the hand of the princess. Daharsiah, being the eldest brother, prepared a royal dowry, and sent with her 700 young horses and 500 brave Thakurs, and wrote letters to Dáhar, requesting him to give away Bái to the king of Bátiah who had stipulated that a fort should be handed over to him as her marriage portion. (Daharsiah's) messenger arrived at Alór, and ?? mained there for about a month.

There was an astrologer, out of the wise men of Hind, who ws perfectly acquainted with many sciences. One day, a noble of the place, who had put a question to him and had got a correct answer from him, came to king Dáhar. The latter asked him: “What kept you busy to-day, that you came so late, and considered that business more important than your attendance on me.” The Thakur replied: “Long life to the king! Something had happened about which my mind was very uneasy and anxious. There is a Brahman astrologer, who is a learned man and very clever in the science of the stars. He foretells events readily and correctly, and, by experience, I found his prognostications to be quite accurate.” He then went into details and stated the circumstances fully. Rái Dáhar said: “Go and enquire from him about our foreign and home affairs, the general aspect of the kingdom, and the business of our State.” That man then rose and said: “Long live the king! Victorious and grand kings should not grudge to spend their leisure in the society of wise men, and in bestowing favours on learned men and teachers of morals and Brahmans, for they are our leaders and guides. It should be considered a bounden duty to visit them, and to reverence them. Their content leads to the increase of dignity and rank, and to the perpetuation of greatness and magnificence. It is also a good augury that, the person wishing to know about an event, should himself visit astrologers and put them questions personally and receive answers from them directly.”

Dáhar fell in with this suggestion, and ordered a litter to be put on (his) elephant. He sat (in the howdah), and came to the astrologer's house. When the astrologer saw the king, he came forward to receive him, and said: “May the king live long! On what business has he come?” Dáhar said: “We have a question to put in connection with some military affairs which we want to take in hand, and we want you (also) to prognosticate the final issue of some State affairs, laws and statutes of the kingdom, and many other matters of importance.” The astrologer said: “All the auspicious stars are gazing at the rising star of your good fortune. There is no sinister quadrangular aspect of stars, nor any ominous aspect in the opposite quarter. This fort and this kingdom are allotted to you for several years and will remain in your possession. If your majesty happens to go on a journey, it will prove to be fortunate, and your majesty will return safe and happy to the throne of glory.” Then the king asked: “What do the stars say about my sister Bái's fortune”; and the astrologer replied: “My calculations lead to the inference that she shall never go out of this fort of Alór and that no one shall be married to her except the king, who shall have the kingdom of Hindustán under his sway and dominion: this girl shall be united to him by the tie of marriage.” When the astrologer explained this matter to him, Dáhar became sunk in thought as to how that would come to pass. He returned home, and disclosed everything to Budhiman the Tákí Wazír, who was the prime minister of his father.

The wazir said to Dáhar: “The administration of a large kingdom is a delicate matter; and for a king of (many) regions and institutions and armies and servants, to cut off his connection with his kingdom is an affair of pith and moment. Illustration.—There are five things, which, when they shift from their proper places, have a sorry look, viz., 1st a king (when shifted) from his kingdom; 2nd a minister from his ministership; 3rd a (learned) spiritual guide from his disciples; 4th hair and teeth (from their original positions); and 5th the breasts of women (from their position in youth). When these move beyond their proper places, they cease to be graceful. For the sake of (their) kingdom, kings bring their brothers and relations to death, or else banish them from their country. They do not allow adherents or dependents to intermeddle with or share their sovereignty. When a king retires from his kingdom, he becomes reduced to equality with the common people, and, as the astrologer has thus directed, you ought to marry your sister and seat her with you on the throne. Though you shall have to abstain from her conjugal society she will (still) be called your wedded wife, and the kingdom will (thus) remain with you.” Dáhar called to him those 500 Thakurs, who were (now) among his chief and confidential men, and said: “In all matters I repose full trust and confidence in your ability and bravery, and I cannot do without your counsel and advice, and my orders are executed, throughout my territories, with your help. Astrologers have now predicted that, the princess Bái shall never go to any other place from this fort, and that he shall be her husband, who shall retain this country in his possession for a long time. It is not meet that this kingdom be transferred to other hands, and you ought to think over this matter. To cut oneself off from a kingdom is a very difficult thing, and what wazir Budhiman considers expedient involves a great disgrace, is immoral and will bring dishonour on our Brahman family. When this disagreeable news reaches the ears of other kings of our time, and is in the mouths of the public, they will excommunicate us, and a confusion will arise in our religion.”

When wazir Budhiman went home, he took a sheep in hand, and in its hair he scattered some earth and mustard-seed, and then poured water. He continued (this treatment) for several days and nights, till the whole (animal) became green (by the seeds sending off shoots). He then drove it out, and crowds of people, great and low, urban and rural, gazed at it in wonder. This went on for 3 days. Thereafter though the sheep wandered all about the town, no one paid any attention to it, and it was clean forgotten. The wazir (then) said: “O king whatever happens, whether good or evil, the people's tongues wag about it for 3 days only; thereafter no one remembers whether it was good or evil. Anyhow, you ought so to act that you may not be out off from the kingdom —that this matter may be (quietly) settled, and this assembly (of nobles) may not fall off from their allegiance to you.” Dáhar then turned for advice to those 500 men, on whose word he placed full reliance, and in whose valour and courage he always trusted, and who, on their part, used to listen to his commands attentively, and conform to his words and deeds. These men unanimously declared: “We are ready to obey the king's order with all our heart. There is no doubt that kings derive pleasure from a kingdom. If this State is transferred to some other person, whether he be the king's brother or a stranger, the loss to the king will be all the same.” Thus when all of them agreed to the proposal, Dáhar went and put his own scarf on his sister's head, and adorned her with rings and other ornaments (as his bride). He then placed his own sword in her lap, and with that (in lieu of the bridegroom) all the familiar nuptial ceremonies were performed. Then he tied a corner of her scarf to that of his own, and seated her on the throne of the kingdom by his side under the (royal) canopy.⁴⁶

This event became the talk of high and low, and attained (great) notoriety and publicity. Then Dáhar wrote a letter to his brother, couched in gentle words, and in it he referred to the horoscope of Bái, and said: “The astrologers divined, by means of their science, that this princess would be the queen of Alór, and her husband would be the king who was to hold fast all these territories. To remedy and avert this unpleasant consequence, I took it upon myself to commit this shameful breach of royal etiquette and social rules. We now make the apology that what we considered expedient to do was done through necessity, and not of our own free will. Do therefore excuse us.”

When Daharsiah received this letter, he sent a reply in which he said: “What you have done is wicked and infamous. Whether you did it through necessity or of your own free will, you can never be excused, and whether you considered it allowable to do such an illegal and detestable act, in order to secure worldly pomp and power, or took the initial step by reason of the temptation of the devil, what you now ought to do is to turn from your evil ways, to forswear year sin, and to grieve (for your transgression), so that you may not be shut off from (the communion of) our religion, and our alliance with you may not be cancelled. If you fail to turn from this sin, in accordance with our suggestion and advice, you will make yourself deserving of opprobrium and will receive (your) punishment. You would have then to thank yourself for the consequences of these ugly deeds.”

When this letter of Daharsiah came to Dahar, he thought of going to his brother. He consulted the wazir, saying: “Let me go to him at Brahmanábád,” but the wazir said: “What good will that do you?”

The wazir continued: “Long life to the king! You have committed a great mistake in thinking of such an enterprise, (an enterprise) which can by no means secure you your heart's desire, while its dangerous issue can no way be averted, except by the destruction of your life. When you are once in the presence of your brother, you must bid adieu to all hopes of your safety. If you believe that your brother will do you no despite, then you are harbouring what is a great impossibility in your mind. In matters relating to territory, wealth and woman, partnership or negligence is not allowable; for (if allowed) it is sure to end in danger to life. In such matters, even a son does not consider it proper to repose trust in his father, and a father does not consider it proper to repose trust in his son. If, however, you are determined to have your way, you must wash your hands of your life. From no point of view does this step appear to me a right one.”

“Then what is the counsel of perfection for us in this matter?” asked Dáhar. “The counsel of perfection,” replied the wazir, “for you is that you should shun your brother's love and friendship and not be anxious to meet him. Better secure yourself within the walls of the fort, and act according to the words of the astrologers and sooth sayers and follow their advice. No other plan will be of any good to you in this matter.” According to this suggestion, Dáhar made up his mind and took shelter in the fort, and laid up stores of the articles that he considered necessary for the garrison, like grain, grass and firewood. He collected men, arms and appliances of war, and made himself quite ready to repulse the attack of the enemy.

Dáhar then wrote a letter to Daharsiah, in which he expressed his respect and reverence and submission, (but) as to the affair of Bái he wrote as follows:—

“Though Bái is connected with our father, she was born of a daughter of the Jats who, by their origin, are an adverse and criminal tribe. You will specially find when you come to know their true nature that, they are unworthy of trust and confidence, and are far from being honest and faithful. There is a well-known proverb which says ‘whoever caught hold of a sheep's leg, got milk for himself, and whoever caught the hand of a Jat fell down on his face.’ Thus when she is of foreign extraction, my marriage with her is lawful. Do not, therefore, insist any more upon your view. But if you still have any suspicion against me, I hereby solemnly promise and swear that, in everything I shall consider you my superior and will hold the fort of Alór as an agent of yours, and will never oppose you or quarrel with you. (Accept) my compliments.”

When Daharsiah received this letter, he understood that Dáhar refused to come, and that he laid flattering unction to his soul and paid no attention to the advice of his brother. He (therefore) ordered preparations to be made for his journey, and the necessary provisions collected, and in an auspicious hour, he started with great expedition. For some days he had to travel through dangerous deserts and valleys interspersed with running streams. (While journeying through deserts) he made tanks and caused leather bags and pitchers of water to be carried, that his men might have a sufficient supply of water and not feel thirsty. In this manner, he travelled for some days and then halted for some days. He acted with much dissimulation, his object being to deceive Dáhar, and, by some contrivance or stratagem, to secure him. He went on sending men to bring news of Dáhar, and moved here and there, on his route, in search of game, so that it might be believed that he was on a hunting excursion, and Dáhar should not avoid him. Dáhar, on the other hand, was spending his whole day in the enjoyment of pleasures and kept himself busy that way. (But), from time to time, he sent spies to public roads and hunting places, and was very watchful. He posted faithful warriors fully armed, on every side, and kept trustworthy men and confidential intelligencers on all the four gates of the castle in order that they might protect the entrance with zeal and concentrated attention and without interruption. Daharsiah thought that Dáhar might have repented of his folly. But, when he came to within 3 days' journey from Alóŕ, his spies came and informed him that Dáhar and his men were busy the whole day with pleasures and amusements, and did not trouble their thoughts about Daharsiah.

Daharsiah entertained hopes that, if Dáhar remained negligent and careless, the fort would fall into his hands. He therefore made efforts in that direction. He rode on very fast, in the fashion of cavaliers giving exercise to their horses, and in one day and night he travelled twenty leagues, and early the next morning he arrived at Alór. Dáhar (meanwhile) had made preparations to go on a hunting excursion. Just as his horse was brought to him, however, a horseman suddenly appeared, accompanied by a few other men riding by his side. When he reached the gate of the fort the gate was closed, and armed men appeared over the battlements. Daharsiah stood at the gate, and asked the gate-keeper to open it, and admit him into the fort. But the man in charge of the fort did not open the gate, and stood ready for a fight. Daharsiah (then) sent a man to Dáhar with the following message: “I have not come to fight with you. This fort was the capital city of my father, and from him it has descended to me. You received charge of it from me as my agent and the kingdom is mine. There never have been two crowns in one country. Give up the possession of this territory, and hand over the fort to my trustworthy officer.” Dáhar replied: “Fix your camp outside the fort, and send your confidential nobles to assure me of your good faith. Then I shall come out and surrender the fort to you.” When Daharsiah understood that Dáhar meant to evade his demand, and that his (Dharsiah's) stratagem had failed, he crossed the river Mehrán and encamped (on the other side). He then began to ponder the best method for securing Dáhar. He thought he should, at first, evince friendliness and kindness, and behave gently as a brother and kinsman, so that Dáhar might easily come out of the castle. (With that object) he sent some of his nobles and grandees to him, hoping that he would be gained over by them, but (this plau) also miscarried.

Dáhar sent for his wazir Budhiman and told him: “Daharsiah shows so much friendliness and courtesy that, my mind suggests I should go out and secure the goodwill of my elder brother. I think he will not be annoyed with me, or reject my apology.” The wazir said: “O king you should not believe his word. Be not deceived by his tricks and his flatteries, and mind not what he says; because kings are crafty, and oaths and solemn affirmations are but their traps of treachery, with which they catch their enemy. They speak soft and low and play many a tune, simply to gain their object. Among the rules of conduct (prescribed) for kings, one is that an enemy should be reduced to submission by tricks and deceit. You ought, therefore, to act (with due vigilance). No means of escape are available to him who falls into the net of calamity. (If you trust him) you will certainly be afflicted and injured by Daharsiah, and you will find yourself caught in the trap of disaster and confined in the cage of trouble and misery, and will not again have any means of setting yourself at liberty.” Dáhar said: “Though there is a risk, and one cannot be sure of safety, a brother is after all a brother.” He then sent word to Daharsiah to the effect that he (Dáhar) was ready to agree to his proposal and come out to meet him, if Daharsiah would give him assurance of his safety. Prince Daharsiah thereupon wrote a letter, in which he took an oath in very strong terms, and said: “In order to win your trust I will come alone to see you, while you may come out with your whole retinue.” Both of them agreed to this condition, and appointed the time and place of meeting. Next day, when the disc of the sun, in the firmanent, arose in the east, and the world threw off from its shoulders the sable cloak (of night), Daharsiah sat on an elephant, and entered the town of Alór by the western gate. The town officer (kótwál) sent a trustworthy person to Dáhar, informing him that Daharsiah had come to the door of the fort and asking for orders Dáhar ordered the door to be opened, and Daharsiah admitted alone. Accordingly Daharsiah was brought in. Dáhar now called wazir Budhiman and said to him: “Daharsiah is come into the fort; now that he has come, I should undoubtedly go to him. Even if he requires me to go out with him, I will not disobey him. What is your opinion in this matter?” The wazir said: “You should not depend upon his word. From what I have heard from his troopers, it appears that he intends to behave treacherously. In the first place, it was a mistake to bring him into the fort. Now when he has once come in, if you do not think it proper to kill him, at least put him into prison and keep him confined there, till a settlement is made between you both on solemn conditions. Otherwise the fate of this kingdom will be different from what you wish it to be. (Be good enough) to hear my counsel; your views on this matter are far from being right.”

Dáhar paid no heed to the words (of his wazir), and Daharsiah came riding on his elephant to the very door of the palace. Dáhar ran to him on foot, and welcomed him in respectful terms, and asked him to dismount and enter the palace. But Dahar-siah replied: “I will not dismount. Come and take your seat here on the elephant that we may go out, and sit together for a while and talk of our joys and griefs, so that the people, noble as well as common, may know that there are no quarrels or differences between us, that we are reconciled again, and that no malice or calumny will ever find a way to part us. This news will spread throughout the world, and our enemies will all be ashamed and depressed, and our friends will be highly pleased and satisfied. After we have enjoyed each other's company and conversation, you may safely return to your palace.” Dáhar did not hesitate to comply with his request, and was ready to do as his brother wished. Wazir Budhiman thereupon felt much grieved, and became very anxious as to the final result of this trick of Daharsiah. The latter now ordered his elephant driver to move the animal forward so that Dáhar might take his seat, and wazir Budhiman (then) immediately mounted his horse and rode on by the side of his master, till he arrived near the gate. Dáhar now repented, and, feeling afraid, turned towards the wazir Budhiman, and whispered to him: “What is your opinion? I do not think it right to go out.” The wazir replied: “You have obstinately rejected my counsel. You have not followed the methods of Nahush and Constantine, and you now want Kananj” (that is want me to do the impossible).⁵² “Make haste,” urged Dáhar, “say, what plan I should resort to, as my mind does not encourage me to go out.” “There is no other plan,” replied the wazir, “than that when you come to the gate, hold fast to its upper part, and detach yourself from the elephant, so that the animal may pass out, and we will then close the door and take you down.” Dáhar liked this plan: (so) when he came to the gate and the front half of the elephant passed out, Dáhar stretched his hands and caught hold of the top of the door frame and detached himself from the elephant. The elephant passed out and Budhiman closed the gate of the fort and Dáhar was gently taken down. When Daharsiah looked back he did not see Dáhar and found the gate of the fort closed fast. He then became very sad and returned dejected to his camp, and then, as soon as he dismounted from the elephant, he was attacked by fever. On the next day, small-pox^52a appeared on his person, and on the fourth day he died, and gave his dear soul to the winds (of heaven).

When Dáhar received the news of this sad event, he wished to go out to cremate the corpse of his brother, and perform his obsequies. (But) wazir Budhi-man said to him: “May the king live long! Do not be in a hurry, for kings, sometimes, play tricks of this sort, and pretend death. When you go to attend his funeral ceremonies, he will undo you; and when once you are in his clutches, it will be vain to regret and to lament. There is a parable in this connection. When a fox is tired of waiting for its victim, it makes believe it is dead, in order that carrion-eaters might collect (to eat its apparently dead body). Then it jumps up, and catches them, and eats them. A king should never consider himself safe from an enemy. You had better send a confidential servant first to investigate and to enquire, so that the truth may co??e out.”⁵³ Accordingly a trustworthy person was despatched (to Daharsiah's camp). He found all his grandees and nobles in sorrow and mourning, according to the custom of the time. He approached them and said: “I am sent by king Dáhar to enquire after the health of Daharsiah, and I see you all mourning; pray, what is the matter?” Two of the nobles arose, and led him to where Daharsiah was lying, in order that he might see for himself. (Finding that Daharsiah was dead) he expressed great grief. The nobles gave Daharsiah's ring to the messenger as a proof of the truth of the sad news, and sent him back. When the messenger communicated the sorrowful news to Dáhar and gave him the ring, the latter, without any more thought or delay, came out with all his friends and nobles, and, crossing the waters of the Mehrán, arrived at the camping ground. He entered his brother's tent, and, when he saw him (lying dead), he tore his clothes (out of grief), threw off his turban, and took to mourning with cries and groans. He then ordered a large quantity of sandal-wood to be collected, and with it he burnt the dead body of Daharsiah, and performed the usual mourning ceremonies.⁵⁴ The next day he took possession of his brother's treasury, and took his servants and other dependents under his own protection. For a period of one month, thereafter, he stayed at Alór. He (then) married his brother's widow, who was Agham Lúhánah's daughter, and moved to the fort of Brahmanábád, and fixed his quarters there. The reign of Daharsiah lasted for 80 years.

Dáhar now fixed his residence at the fort of Brahman-ábád for a year, during which period all the people of that part of the country put their heads into the yoke of allegiance and made homage to him. Dáhar then called Chach son of Daharsiah, and made an alliance with him, and acknowledged him as his father's successor. He then went to the fortifled town of Siwistán, and thence to that of Ráor. The foundation of the fort at this place had been laid by his father Chach who had died before it could be finished. Dáhar stayed there long enough to see the building completed. He spent in it the four months of summer, as it was a very pleasant city with a salubrious climate and with sweet water. He fixed his winter quarters at Brahmanábád, where he spent the four months of winter. The remaining four months of spring he used to spend at Alór. In this manner, 8 years passed away, during which time his kingdom was perfectly established, the fame of his sovereignty sprend throughout the length and breadth of the world, and his rule was firmly fixed in the country of Hind and Sind. (Seeing Dáhar's rise) the king of Ramal, one of the neighbouring princes, became jealous of his power.

The king of Ramal⁵⁵ invaded the country with a large army consisting of brave cavalry and infantry, great warriors and furious elephants. He came in the direction of Budhiah, camped in the outskirts of it, and took possession of that part of the country. From there he crossed the river, and came direct to Alór. When Dáhar got the news (of the approach) of the king of Ramal he called wazir Budhiman, and said: “A strong enemy has now invaded our country. Tell us what expedients should be adopted, and what advice occurs to you to give.” The wazir replied: “Long life to the king! If you think you are able to stand against him and fight with him in point of strength and bravery, prepare yourself for the battle, advance to meet him, smite with your sword to win name and fame, and repulse the enemy; otherwise you should sue for peace and submit and do him homage. ‘If wealth has to be given away, (remember) it is for a day like this that kings collect treasures and bury them under ground, for, by means of gold, troops are collected, and, by means of troops, war is carried on with the enemy, in which they sacrifice their lives, for the sake of their country and their good name. In other ways (also), by means of gold, an enemy can easily be made to retreat. With the help of gold, a man can settle all the affairs of this world satisfactorily, repulse an enemy, and satisfy his vengeance. At the same time, with its help, he can make the necessary provision for his journey to the next world.” Dáhar said: “I would rather die than submissively bend my head before a kinsman. How is it possible for me to bear such shame?”

Now there was a man, an Aláfí Arab, of the tribe of Baní Asámah (or the children of Asámah) who had killed Abdur-rahman son of Ash-as for running away from a battle, and out of fear (of the Khalifah's punishment), had come and joined Dáhar with 500 Arab warriors to serve under him.⁵⁶ Wazir Budhiman made a proposal to the king, saying: “No one knows the art of war so well as the Arab nation. Seek the Aláfi's advice, and consult him in this matter, and he is sure to show you the right way” Accordingly, Dáhar seated himself on his elephant, and went to him and addressed him as follows:— “O Arab Chief, I have been kind to you, and have treated you with respect, in order that we may receive assistance from you, on an occasion like this. Now, a powerful enemy has invaded our country: tell us, what, in your opinion, ought to be done, and what you know, and what you can do.” The Aláfí said: “Your Majesty should be all at ease as to this matter. Do not feel anxious at all, for I have a plan to check them efficiently. Give me a few selected horsemen from your own royal guard, that I may go on a round, and learn their strength and mode of life; while you, at about a league^56a (from the city), order a ditch to be dug and make a stand there.” Dáhar liked this plan; so he remained there, and the Aláfí had a turn round the enemy by way of reconnoitring, and came to know that they slept soundly at night, and entertained no fear whatever. The Aláfí therefore taking his 500 Arabs as well as the warriors of Hind with him, made a nocturnal attack. They came from all the four directions, with loud war-cries, and fell upon the camp of the king of Ramal. A great noise and confusion ensued, and a hand-to-hand fight took place, in which a large number of the enemy was killed, and 80,000 brave men and 50 elephants were captured. Numberless horses and weapons of war also fell into their hands. When the day broke, all the prisoners were brought to Dáhar who was for slaying them all, but the wazir interceded, and said: “Be grateful when the great God has given you victory, and offer Him thanks. It is a rule of the royal code that whenever kings and great men gain a victory, and chiefs and nobles of the enemy's party fall into their hands, they should be pardoned. So the right course for you to adopt is to set the prisoners at liberty, and spare their lives.” Following this suggestion of the wazir, king Dáhar released the captives, and was so much pleased with him that he said: “O wise wazir, O blessed counsellor, do ask some favour of me.” The wazir said: “I have no child to keep alive my name. Do you order that on all the silver coins that are made in the royal mint, my name be struck on the reverse as the name of the king is struck on the obverse, since thereby the name of this humble servant will last long on the royal seal owing to its being coupled with that of the king, and will not be forgotten in Hind and Sind.” The king passed such a decree. Thereafter Dáhar's sovereignty was firmly established and his power and pomp attained such a climax that he seized the presents destined for the capital of the Khalífahs, and became refractory and insolent to them.

It is related by the historians and the narrators of these events, that it was in the reign of the Commander of the Faithful, Umarson of Khattáb (may the great God be pleased with him), that an army of Islám was first sent out to different parts of Hind and Sind, to carry on religious war there. In the eleventh year of the Hijrah,⁵⁷ that is to say, after the flight of His holiness the prophet of God, (may the blessings of God be on him and his descendants) Usmán son of Ás Sakifí was the first person who was sent by Khalífah Umar to Bahrain.^57a Usmán himself started in the direction of Ammán or the high sea, and his army was sent in a small fleet of boats, by way of the sea under the command of Mughairah the father of A's to Bahrain, and thence to Debal. At that time, the country of Sind was in the hands of Chach son of Seláij, 35 years of whose reign had already passed. The people of Debal were mostly merchants. Sámah son of Dewáij was the ruler of the place, on behalf of Chachrái.^57b When the Arab army arrived at Debal, he issued out of the fort and engaged with them in fight. It is related by one of the intelligent men who were with him, that when the two armies stood opposite each other, Mughairah the father o A's drew his sword, (and attacked the enemy's force) crying: “In the name of God and in the cause of God”⁵⁸ and fought till he was killed.

The people questioned the above narrator as to how he himself was fighting then, and he replied: “I was fighting with my arm but was hearing his (Mughairahs) cries with the ear of my heart.” This same Usmán son of A's was again appointed by Khalífah Umar son of Khattáb, (may God be pleased with him) to lead an expedition to Irák,^58a and Rabíah son of Ziyád Hárisí was sent under him to take an army to Makrán and Kirmán. A letter was written to Abú Músá Ash-arí (the governor of Irák) from the capital of the Khalifahs requiring him to write a report about what passed in Irák and in the country of Hind. Accordingly when Abú Músá got the news of Mughairah's defeat and murder, and learnt that in Hind and Sind there was a king who was very headstrong and stiff-necked, and was determined to behave offensively, he sent a communication to that effect to the Commander of the Faithful, Umar, (with whom may God be pleased) urging at the same time that he should think no more of Hind.

About this time occurred the sad event of the martyrdom of Umar son of Khattáb, (may God be pleased with him). And the Khalifate came into the hands of the Commander of the Faithful, Usmán son of Affán (with whom may God be pleased). He became desirous of sending an expedition to Sind to carry on a religious war, and he forthwith sent an army to Kandáil and Makrán under the command of Abdulláh son of A'mir son of Rabíah, who was instructed to gather full information about the country of Sind, and depute a clever, wise and good man to make full enquiries as to the true state of Hind and Sind, and to communicate the result in full details. Accordingly Abdulláh son of A'mir sent Hákim son of Hailah Abdí for the purpose.

It is related by Abdulláh son of Umar, son of Abdul Kais, that Hákim was an eloquent speaker and a very good poet, though he was an illiterate person. For example, the following verses in the praise of Alí son of Tufail Ghanawí are his:—

Verse.—“Ever confer favours on me and on my tribe, May I and they be elevated and abide for ever; May you attain the abode of bliss, And may the low be raised to your kindness.”

He has also composed the following verses in praise of our lord, the Commander of the Faithful, Alí son of Abí Tálib (may the great God glorify his nature) on his return after a victory:—

Verse.—Oh Alí, owing to your alliance (with the prophet) you are truly of high birth, and your example is great, and you are wise and excellent, and your advent has made your age an age of generosity and kindness and brotherly love.

Some of the narrators of this history have stated that the Commander of the Faithful, Usman son of Affán (with who?? may God be pleased), wrote to Abdulláh son of A'mir to send Hákim son of Hailah to Hind and Sind to gather information about that country, and so Abdul-láh nominated him for the work. When, after acquainting himself with the state of affairs there, he returned, and came to the son of A'mir, and gave him a detailed account of the rules of war and strategy and of the confederation and unity of the residents of the town and the country (in that part of the world), Abdulláh sent him to Khalífah Usmán son of Affán (may God be pleased with him). When he arrived in the Khalífah's presence and went through the usual formalities of paying respects, the Khalífah asked him: “O Hákim have you seen ??-dustán and learnt all about it?” “Yes, O Commander of the Faithful,” replied Hákim. “Give us a description of it,” asked the Khalifah, and Hákim gave the following epigrammatic reply: “Its water is dark (and dirty); its fruit is bitter and poisonous; its land is stony, and its earth is saltish. A small army will soon be annihilated there, and a large army will soon die of hunger.” Khalífah Usmán then enquired: “How are the people with regard to their promises and treaties? Are they faithful or violators of their word?” Abdulláh replied: “They are treacherous and deceitful.” After hearing this account the Khalífah prohibited Abdulláh from invading Sind, and no one was sent thither.

Then came the Khalifate of the Commander of the Faithful, Alí, (peace be on him!) about the close of the year 38.⁶⁰ The historians of that time and the interpreters of narratives and tales relate that, when the turn of the Khalitate came to the Commander of the Faithful, Alí son of Abí Tálib (may God glorify his nature!) the people of the town began to quarrel and fight with one another. It is related by A'mir son of Háris son of Abdul Kais that when the parties fell out among themselves, Sághir son of Dáú was appointed to lead an army to Hind, and a large number of respectable men and followers was sent under him; and they departed by way of Bharj and Mount Báyeh. This was in the year 80.^60a To whichever town they came, they were victorious and successful, and they secured many slaves and a large booty, until they arrived at the mountain Kíkánán. Here the natives stood up to fight with them.

Hazlí states that, in that army of the Arabs there was a brave soldier by name Háris son of Marrah. He was at the head of a column of one thousand fully armed warriors. He had three brave slaves with him, one of whom he retained to bear his arms, and the other two he appointed as officers in the army, each being made the leader of 500 men. When they arrived at Makrán the news was carried to Kíkánán, where the people prepared for battle and commenced fighting. They were about 20,000 men. (Nevertheless) the army of Islám attacked them and overpowered them, and seeing no other help, the natives retreated to the gates of the town. But when the Arab army left the battle-field and marched after the residents of Kíkánán, the latter came down to obstruct their progress. The Arab army made an onset, with their war cry of “Alláhu Akbar” (God is great) and from the left and the right the cliffs echoed the cry of “Alláhu Akbar.” When the infidels of Kíkánán heard those cries they were much frightened, and some of them surrendered and accepted Islám and the rest fled away, and from that time up to our day, on the anniversary of that battle, cries of “Alláhu Akbar” are heard from the mountain.

They had already completed this victory when they received the sad news of the martyrdom of His Highness the Commander of the Faithful, Alí son of Abí Tálib, (on whom be peace). They, therefore, turned back, and when they arrived at Makrán, they learnt that Muáwiyeh son of Abísafiyán had become the Khalífah.

The Khalifate of Muáwiyeh son of Abísafiyán commenced in the year 44.⁶¹ The authors of (his) history have stated on the authority of Mihlab who heard it from Hazlí, and Hazlí from Kásim and Kásim from Nasr son of Sinán, that when Muáwiyeh was confirmed in the Khalifate, he sent Abdulláh son of Sawád with 4,000 men to the country of Sind appointing him governor thereof, and chief administrator in those parts. He said: “In the country of Sind, there is a mountain, which is called Kíkánán. There are big and beautiful horses to be found there, and previously also (various) spoils were received here from that country. The people are very cunning, and, under the shelter of that mountain, have become refractory and rebellious.” Muáwiyeh also sent Umar son of Abdulláh to conquer A??máíl, and ordered Abdulláh son of Ámir to go to Basrah, and join Kais son of Háshim Salmí in the wars of Ammán and Ardbíl. Each of these was to take 1,000 selected men with him.

It is related by Abul Hasan, who heard it from Hazlí, and Hazlí from Muslim son of Muhárib son of Muslim son of Ziyád, that when Muáwiyeh despatched the expedition of 4,000 men under Abdulláh son of Sawád, no one had to kindle fire in his camp, as they had carried abunlant provisions for the journey, ready m??e for use. It was only on a single night that fire-light was perceived in the camp, and, on enquiry being made, it was found that a preguant woman, had been confined and fire was urgently required. Abdulláh gave her permission and she gave a merry banquet, and for three days continually entertained the whole army (with fresh-cooked food).

When Abdulláh arrived at Kíkánán, the enemy made an assault on him, but the army of Islám routed them, and secured plenty of booty. The people of Kíkánán assembled in large numbers, and occupied the mountain passes. The battle now raged furiously and Abdulláh son of Sawád found it necessary to keep his men in their ranks, by making a stand himself with a party of selected men, fully armed; and he appealed to the hearts of others in the following words: “O children of the Prophet's companions, do not turn your faces from the infidels, so that your faith may remain free from any flaw and you acquire the honour of martyrdom.” Hearing these words his men assembled round the standard of Abdulláh, and one of these men, who belonged to the family of Abdul Kais, came out with a challenge to a single fight. Instantly the chief of the enemy's forces engaged with him. The example of this hero was followed by another Yásar son of Sawád. The chief was killed, but the army of Kíkánán made a general assault, by which the army of Islám was ultimately put to flight. The whole mountainous region now became alive with fighting men and the Musalmans beat a (hasty) retreat, and came back to Makrán.

Abul Hasan relates that he heard Hátim son of Kutai-bíah Sahlí say: “That day I myself was in the army when the son of Sawád fought with his youthful adversary, and his friends advanced in the same manner, and killed many men of the enemy's side. After a hard fight they at last fell martyrs and I stripped the dead bodies of the enemy, and found a hundred signet rings.” Ghailán son of Abd urrahmán also says that he heard the following verses read before Muáwiyeh:—

Verses.—Yásír ground the army to dust under his mare's hoofs.

He cut them down the more, the more they multiplied.

His mare, how loyal—how warlike—how fleet was she!

So says A'war Al Shattí.

Inform the high and the low among the children of Rabíah,

We found the mailed cavalier on a dread charger in a hand to-hand tussle, doing deeds of daring.

It is related by Hazlí who heard it from Tibuí son of Músá, who again heard it from his father, that on Abdulláh son of Sawád being martyred, he appointed Sinán son of Salmah as his successor. Soon afterwards Muáwiyeh wrote to Ziyád, (the then governor of Irák) to select a proper person for the holy wars in Hind. When he received the letter, Ziyád nominated Ahnaf son of Kais, who was liked by all, and was the pride of the Faithful.⁶³ Ahnaf forthwith went to Makrán, where he remained for a period of two years, and after two years and one month he was removed from that post.

Abdul Hasan heard it from Hazlí and the latter related it on the authority of Aswad, that after the removal of the son of Salmah by Ziyád, Muáwiyeh called Ráshid, who was a very respectable and courageous man, made him sit with himself on the throne, and conversed with him for a long time. When he openly told the chief men: “Ráshid is a noble personage, all-worthy of being a leader. Respect him and obey him and assist him during the war, and never leave him alone.” When Ráshid arrived at Makrán, he went to Sinán, with the Arab chiefs and nobles, (who were with him) and found that Sinán was strong and extremely wise, and he could not help observing: “By God Sinán is a great man and a brave warrior and in every way worthy of being a chief and a leader of armies.” Both of them sat together (and had a long consultation) Ráshid had been deputed by Muáwiyeh, with particular instructions to regularly inform him as to what was going on in Hind and Sind. So these (two nobles) conversed with each other on important confidential matters, and Rashid made full enquiries about Sind from his predeces sor, and, without losing much time, marched against the army of the enemy.

It is related by Abdur Rahmán son of Abdulláh Salít who said that he had heard it from Abdur Razák son of Salmah, that when Ráshid son of Umar came to Sind, he managed to get tribute (for the Khalífah), from (the dwellers on the) mountain of Bayeh, and he went to Kíkánán, and secured the tribute for the past years as well as for the current year. He also procured many spoils and slaves from the rebellious and refractory people. After one year he returned thence, and travelling viá Sístán, he came to the mountains of Mauzar and Bharj.⁶⁴ The natives of this mountainous country mustered about 50,000 men strong, to stop him on his way. A bloody battle ensued which lasted from the time of morning prayers to that of afternoon prayers. Ráshid fell a martyr, and the command again fell to the lot of Sinán son of Salmah, who, once more, became the leader: Yasár Kuraishí is said to have related that when Ráshid son of Umar became a martyr, Ziyád appointed Sinán son of Salmah general (of the army), and conferred other favours on him, as he had been born during the life-time of His Holiness the Prophet (may the blessing of God be on him and on his descendants!) (It is said that) when the happy news (of his birth) was carried to his father, the holy Prophet (on whom and on whose descendants be the blessings of God!) said to him: “O Salmah, I congratulate you on the birth of a son.” In reply Salmah said: “If I could sacrifice him in the cause of the great God I should consider it better than having a thousand sons, dying in some other cause than God's.” The holy Prophet (the blessings of God and peace be on him and his children) gave the name of Sinán to the child, and now when he was made the Commander-in-chief, and marched out with a drawn army, he saw in a dream the Prophet, (on whom and on whose children be the blessings of God and peace!) who told him: “Your father used to be proud of your bravery; to-day it is your day; you are destined to conquer many countries.” Encouraged by these words, Sinán marched on, and conquered several places, till he arrived in the country of Kíkánán. Through whichever town he passed, he introduced good methods and laws therein. When, however, he came to the district of Budhia, the people there rose against him, and killed him. Abú Khalah Bahkirí composed the following verses on his martyrdom:—

Verse.—Tell of Sinán son of Mauzar and his brothers,

Respectfuligreetings to them.

I saw him in his day of pride,

In this age he was like a (heaven-kissing) hill.

They (the natives) turned rebellious and ripened a hard design,

(But) the wicked, who rebel, never prosper.

Not for a moment did the hero avert his face or turn his back,

Though a whole world rushed against him.

Like the son of Sawád—like the son of Marat—he fought up to his last breath and levelied many a peak (i. e., many chieftains) to the ground.

Then the command fell to the lot of Munzir son of Hárúd son of Bashar. In the year 61⁶⁵ when under the orders of the Khalí-fah, Munzir put on the dress of honour (presented to him), and started for his post, his robe stuck to a piece of wood and was torn. Ubaidulláh son of Ziyád^65a became much grieved at this incident, and interpreted it as an evil omen signifying bad luck for Munzir. He bade him adieu, and returning to his place, wept for him, and said: “Munzir will never return from this journey, and will die.” Abdul Azíz asked the son of Ziyád: “So much money is being lost; are you not going to appoint anyone to go and collect the tribute.” “I have sent Munzir,” replied Ubaidulláh, “as there is no one else who is his equal, in point of bravery and skill in fighting. If fortune favours him, he will return successful.”

When Munzir started from there, and came to the country of the enemy, he fell ill at Búrábí and gave up his soul to God. His son Hakam was then at Kirmán and the sad news was communicated to him there Munzir's brother Abdul Azíz now applied for the vacant post, but Hajjáj⁶⁶ coming to know of this (application) called Abdul Azíz and reprimanded him, observing: “A noble personage out of our grandees and chief men has sacrificed himself in the cause of the great God. His son is alive; are you so shameless as to apply for his post?”

It is related that when Hakam returned home, Ubaid-ulláh was informed of the fact, and he wept and became very sad. He called Munzir's son and made a gift of 30,000 dirams to him. The administration of the affairs of Hind was (also) entrusted to him. When Hakam put on the robe of honour, every one was struck with his brave and undaunted appearance, and instantly Abdulláh son of Aúr Hawárí rose and recited the following verses:—

Verses.—O Hakam son of Munzir son of Hárúd,

Extremely generous (you are) yourself, and your generosity is praiseworthy;

Follow a straight path—and follow it with dignity. May good befall you;

May my lines be east in the pleasant places of this prince of the generous.

It is related by the historians that when the Khalífate came into the hands of Abdul Malik son of Marwán, he gave (the governorship of) Irák, Hind and Sind to Hajjáj son of Yúsif.⁶⁷ Hajjáj sent Aslam Kilábí to Makrán.^67a When the latter arrived there Safahwí son of Lam Ham-mámí met him on his way. Saíd said to him: “I am going to get down here; will you join me and be my helper?” “I have no army under me,” replied Safahwí. “Are you so hold,” said Saíd, “as to disregard the request I make on the authority and in the name of the Kha-lifah.” “By God,” replied Safahwí, “I will not obey your command; I consider it below my dignity to do so” Thereupon Saíd arrested him, and killed him, then he took off his skin, and sent his head to Hajjáj, and himself went to Makrán, and fixed his residence there. He appointed trustworthy men to collect the tribute, and by adopting gentle measures, he succeeded in securing more wealth from Hindustán (than was ever secured before). One day, he was coming to Marah-Bákhráj, when he accidentally encountered a party of Aláfís.

It is said in a tradition on the authority of Kaibat son of Ashas, that one day, Kublaibat son of Halaf Mughanní, Abdulláh son of Abdur Rahím Aláfí, and Muhammad son of Muáwiyeh Aláfí, conspired among themselves, saying “Safahwí son of Lam was from our country. He belongs to Ammán and our part of the country jointly. How dared Saíd to kill a kinsman of ours?” So when they met him accidentally near Marali-Bákhráj, while he was coming to that place, (as said above) an altercation occurred between them, which ??nded in a fight and the Aláfís made an assault on Saíd and killed him. Thenceforth, they became permanent residents of Makrán. On this event Farzdak composed the following verses:—

Verses.—“O Saíd, you prepared for the holy war, but the earth has closed its doors against you and held you fast in its bosom (that is, you lie buried now).

The land of Makrán—verily closed around Saíd

—Said who was generous and from whose liberal fountain no bucket ever came forth empty,

Hard was it to rouse you to anger, and courageous were the guards at your gate, (but alas, you are gone);

When my eyes recall (your face), O Saíd, they shower unceasing tears and my grief is ever renewed.”

Saíd's men returning home, Hajjáj became very angry with them, for returning without Saíd, and he asked them where their leader was. As they denied any knowledge on the point, Hajjáj ordered some of them to be beheaded. Then they stated the truth, and said that the Aláfís had rebelled against him and killed him. Thereupon Hajjáj ordered a man of the family of Baní Kiláb to kill Sulai-mán Aláfí. He then sent his head to the house of Saíd's dependents and followers. He further consoled them, and showed much kindness to his relations, some of whom were the following:— Chach⁶⁸ son of Aslam, Bashír son of Ziyád, Muhammad son of Abdurrahmán, Ismáíl son of Aslam. These men, together with Saíd's slaves and freed slaves, began to cry and lament loudly. Then Saisaah son of Muhammad Kilábí uttered the following verses:—

Verses.—Gone is he (the here)! How can our hearts be without sorrow, when we hear of that (heroic) story of Saíd?

His brothers have, for his sake, given up (as it were) their life;

(Time was) when even high game retreated before him,

But when the hour struck—he was as if he was not;

And the decree of the Lord became manifest and martyrdom fell upon him;

I see him, in my dreams, at Kandáíl—there he kindly accords me an interview. Let not the fools of the market-place and new-fangled lordlings say aught against me.

The writers of this history have related on the authority of Bashír son of Isá Sahib Inhat, who had received the information from Barkad son of Mughairah, and Umar son of Muhammad Tamímí, that when Hajjáj sent Mujá??ah son of Suáir to Khurásán, and the province of Kandáíl was conquered in the year 85,⁶⁹ during the administration of Hajjáj, the Aláfís had left that part of the country before the arrival of Mujá-ah. The latter sent men after them to find them, but they went to Dáhar son of Chach, the ruler of Sind. Mujá-ah remained at Makrán for one year and then breathed his last.

In the year 86,^69a Walíd son of Abdul Malik, who was a son of Marwán, became the Khalífah He entrusted the management of foreign affairs to Muhammad Hárún. It is said by historians that when Mujá-ah's life came to its close, Hajjáj son of Yúsif sent Muhammad son of Hárún to Hindustán, with full and absolute powers to command and to inhibit. He instructed him to make every effort to collect tributes (in arrear) for the royal treasury. Further he said: “Find out the Aláfís, and try your best to secure them, and exact the vengeance due to Saíd from them.” Accordingly, in the commencement of the year 86, Muhammad found one of the Aláfís, killed him, under those orders, and in the name of the Khalífah, and sent his head to Hajjáj. At the same time, he wrote a letter to Hajjáj, in which he said: “I have made one of the Aláfís food for the sword of the Khalífah; if my life lasts, and fortune smiles, I hope to capture the others also.” For five years Muhammad son of Hárún continued there, gaining victories both on land and water.

It is related that the king of Sarandeb^69b sent some curiosities and presents from the island of pearls, in a small fleet of boats by sea, for Hajjáj. He also sent some beautiful pearls and valuable jewels, as well as some Abyssinian male and female slaves, some pretty presents, and unparalleled rarities to the capital of the Khalífah. A number of Mussalman women also went with them with the object of visiting the Kaabah, and seeing the capital city of the Khalífahs. When they arrived in the province of Kázrún, the boat was overtaken by a storm, and drifting from the right way, floated to the coast of Debal. Here a band of robbers, of the tribe of Nagámrah, who were residents of Debal, seized all the eight boats, took possession of the rich silken cloths they contained, captured the men and women, and carried away all the valuable property and jewels.⁷⁰ The officers of the king of Sarandeb and the women informed them that, the property was intended for the Khalífah then regnant, but they paid no heed and said: “If there is anyone to hear your complaint, and to help you, purchase your liberty.” Then they all cried with one voice: “O Hajjáj, O Hajjáj, hear us and help us.” The woman who first uttered that cry belonged to the family of Baní Azíz. Wasat Asaadí states that when Debal was conquered he had occasion to see that woman, who was fair-skinned and of tall stature. The merchants (who were in the boats) were brought to Debal, and the people who had fled from the boats came to Hajjáj and informed him of what had happened. “The Mussalman women,” said they, “are detained at Debal and they cry out: ‘O Hajjáj, O Hajjáj, hear us, help us’.” When Hajjáj heard this, he said, as if in reply to the call of the women: “Here am I, here am I.” It is also stated in a tradition about Hajjáj that, when the Mussalman women were asked what they meant by calling Hajjáj to their help, they replied: “We were in a sleep-like repose and we were disturbed in it, and so we called him to save us from the cruel and unmerciful people, who had confined us in captivity.”

Hajjáj now sent a messenger to Dáhar, and addressed a letter to Muhammad Hárún, in which he said: “Send a trustworthy officer along with this messenger to Dáhar to tell him to set the Mussalman women at liberty, and to return the presents intended for the capital of the Khalífahs. He should also learn all about the women.” Hajjáj wrote also a letter to Dáhar and signed it with his own blessed hand, and gave it to the messenger. In that letter he couched many threats in very strong terms. When that letter reached Dánar, Wazíl, who was the secretary of Dáhar son of Chach, read it out Dáhar heard the message that had been sent to him, and in reply he said: “That is the work of a band of robbers than whom none is more powerful. They do not even care for us.”

When this reply was received, Hajjáj communicated the whole matter to Khalífah Walíd son of Abdul Malik, and asked his permission to declare a religious war against Hind and Sind, but Walíd hesitated to give the permission. Hajjáj then wrote again (showing the necessity of such a step), and eventually the Khalífah gave his permission. Then Hajjáj appointed Abdulláh son of Bahtán-Salmí to be in charge of Makrán, and he asked Bazíl⁷¹ to go to Muhammad Hárún, and told him: “You must inform that officer when you arrive at Makrán so that he may send you 3,000 men.” Accordingly Bazíl started with ??00 brave men accompanied by Abdulláh. Sailing by the sea of Ammán, Bazíl arrived at the fortified town of Nerún.^71a When Muhammad Hárún got Hajjáj's letter, he sent a large army to Bazíl, and (with that force) Bazíl marched towards Debal.^71b The residents of Debal sent a person to Dáhar at Alór, informing him of the arrival of Bazíl at Nerún, and Dáhar hastened to send his son Jaisiah^71c with 4,000 soldiers on horses and camels, who came by hurried marches to Debal, and encamped there. Bazíl had already put to flight the warriors of Debal.^71d But now Jaisiah came out with his forces and four elephants to give battle, and commenced fighting with the enemy. A pitched battle ensued which lasted from early morning to the close of the day. In the midst of the fight Bazíl's horse became frightened at the sight of the elephants, but Bazíl took off his own turban and tied the eyes of the horse, and made an onset in which he sent 80 kafirs to hell, and became himself also a martyr. Then Jaisiah appointed a thakur to be in charge of the place, and left him 70 elephants and conferred Deh Makrí upon him.

It is said that when the news of Bazíl's martyrdom reached Hajjáj, he became very sad, and said: “O crier of the mosque, at every time of prayer, when you call the people, remind me of Bazíl's name, so that I may pray for him till I avenge him” A man is said to have come from the Arab army, and to have related to him how that battle was fought, and what deeds of manliness and bravery Bazíl had performed therein. “I was pre ent,” said he, “till the time he was killed and the army of Islam fled, and I witnessed his bravery and heroism.” On hearing this Hajjáj said: “If you had been a brave man yourself, you should have been killed by the side of Bazíl,” and he then ordered the man to be punished.

It is related on the authority of Abdurrahmán son of Abdríh, that when Bazíl was killed, the people of Nerún became restless with the fear that the Arab army, bound as it was to take revenge, would, when passing by Nerún, swoop down on them and destroy them. At that time a Samani was the governor of Nerún. (The Samani was frightened) for he sent men in his confidence to Hajjáj to seek his pardon for what had happened, and he fixed a tribute on himself, and undertook to send it regularly. Hajjáj, the governor of the Khalífah sent a letter of pardon, and cheered him with solemn promises. (But) “You must,” said he, “release all the prisoners, or else I will not leave a single infidel up to the limits of China, and will make them all a prey to the sword of Islám.”

When Hajjáj determined to appoint another agent for Hind, Amir son of Abdulláh applied for the post and Hajjáj said to him: “You covet the place, but the astrologers have found out after consulting their books, and I too have learnt in my own way, by throwing dice, that the country of Hind will be conquered by Ámir Imadud-dín Muhammad Kásim son of Ukail Sakifí.”

The recorders of events and the relaters of news have stated that when the administration of the affairs of Hind and Sind was entrusted to Hajjáj son of Yúsif by the Khalífah, Hajjáj appointed Muhammad Kásim⁷³ who was his nephew and son-in-law, (Hajjáj's daughter being his wife) as agent for Hind. Muhammad Kásim was then a youth of seventeen. Congratulating him on his nomination to the high post of governor, Hamzah Hanafí uttered the following verses:—

Verses.—O people of Sód—Sód his birth place—verily Muhammad bin Kásim is brave and generous and wise. And on the 17th of Zulhaj he has been appointed the leader of our army.

It is related by Abdul Hasan Hazlí, on the authority of Bashar son of Khálid, that after Bazíl was killed, Hajjáj wrote to Walíd the reigning Khalífah, asking permission to conquer Hind. The Khalífah wrote in reply:—“The people (of that country) are cunning and the country itself is very distant. It will cost us very large sums of money to provide a sufficient number of men and arms and instruments of war, and will require unusual skill and might to carry on the war, not to mention enormous provisions. This affair will be a source of great anxiety, and so we must put it off; for, every time the army goes (on such an expedition) (vast) numbers of Mussalmans are killed. So think no more of such a design.” Hajjáj then wrote another letter in which he stated: “O Commander of the Faithful, the Mussalmans of Hind are prisoners in the hands of infidels, who have on one occasion put to flight the army of Islám. That (defeat) must be avenged, and the prisoners released. As for the distance of the country, and the cost of the expedition, to which you refer in your letter, we have men and arms and instruments of war, and other things all ready to hand; nothing more is required. I undertake (God willing) to pay back into the royal treasury (may God make it last long) double the amount spent on provisions and other items of expenditure for the army here.”

When the Khalífah read this letter, he wrote an order sanctioning the undertaking. (On receipt of this order) Hajjáj wrote a reply, in which he made the following request: “When you have honoured me by granting your permission, you will kindly order 6,000 men out of the chiefs of Shám (Syria) to come to this camp fully prepared, with all their arms and instruments of war and in all their pomp and glory, so that I may know the name of each when the engagement takes place. They should co-operate with me, and should never turn their face from battle.”

Abdul Hasan states on the authority of Ishák son of Yaakúb, that Hajjáj wrote a letter directing that 6,000 men out of the descendants of the chiefs of Syria should join him—men who had both their parents living— men who were celebrated, and who were likely—for the sake of their name and fame—to give a good account of themselves when the actual fighting took place, and who were likely to prove loyal to Muhammad Kásim.

Abdul Hasan relates that 6,000 men, whose names were celebrated, did come. (But) one of these men came into the presence of Hajjáj and said: “I do not wish to go with this expedition.” Hajjáj roared out to him angrily: “Be off from my presence or else I shall kill you.” The Syrian (at once) ran away from before Hajjáj. He met some other horsemen who were coming by the same way. They asked him “whither are you going so fast?” His reply was: “I did not like to go, and Hajjáj has threatened to punish me.” They brought the man back with themselves, and seeing a favourable opportunity they took him to Hajjáj, and said: When we have received your order, how dare we stay he-hind? Here we are ready to serve you.”

On a Friday, Hajjáj delivered the following address to the assembled forces:—“Verily, time is changeful, and resembles a double-edged sword. One day it is with us, and another day it is against us. On the day on which it is with us, we ought to put our armies in order, and be prepared to meet and avert the calamity (likely to overtake us on the day on which time is against us). We should feel thankful to God, our great and glorified Lord, to whom there is no equal. We must recite his praise, and have full trust in his liberal kindness, in order that he may vouchsafe favours to us, and may not close any door upon us, and may make us recipients of merits and virtues in return for our thanksgiving.” (In conclusion he said), “owing to excessive grief consequent on my separation from Bazíl, every moment, the ear of my mind catches a cry (for revenge), and I give a ready response to it. I swear by God that I am determined to spend the wealth of the whole of Irák, that is in my possession, on this expedition, and the flame of my fire will never go down until I take this revenge, and remove the blot from my name.”

Then Hajjáj helped Muhammad Kásim to his horse, and gave offerings, and distributed vast sums of money among the troops, and sent them off to carry on the holy war in Hind and Sind. At their departure Hajjáj recited these verses:—

Hajjáj returned an answering shout to the cavalier Bazíl at the time when the enemy fell upon Bazíl.

He (Hajjáj) girt up his loins (literally lifted up his skirt) when he returned the answering shout.

(My brave soldiers!) do you also gird up your loins.

I have sacrificed treasure tenfold—treasure which cannot be counted or measured.

Hajjáj further instructed Muhammad Kásim to march viá Shíráz, and to go by easy stages, so that all the forces might join him and not be left behind.

At an auspicious hour, Muhammad Kásim halted at Shíráz, and encamped there, till all the detachments from Irák and Syria joined him. Here all the war apparatus such as battering-rams and catapults, and coats of mail necessary for fighting against a fort, were put in boats, which he gave in charge to Abu Mughairah and Hazím.⁷⁶ He asked them to be very careful about the boats, as in case of any harm being done to the boats, they would be personally held responsible for it and would be punished.

Hajjáj wrote a letter to Muhammad Kásim in which he said “I have sent Hazím and Abu Mughairah, and have ordered them to join you in the vicinity of Debal. At that place you must make a halt till the arrival of the boats. Proceed under the protection and security of God. May Alláh watch over you and help you!”

It is related by Ishák Ayyúb and Halwán Kalbí that the preparations for the expedition and the arrangements for supplies were made by Hajjáj in the best way possible. He even endeavoured to provide more than what was required, in regard to the number of men and weapons of war.

Hajjáj said in a letter to Muhammad Kásim: “You have got everything ready, and now let every four horsemen take one camel with them. I give you strong loading camels to carry (each) a heavy load (of provisions) so that you may not stand in want of them. You ought to fear the great God, and consider patience as an ornament. When you arrive in the country of the enemy, encamp in plains and open fields that your movements may be free and extensive. At the time of battle, divide yourselves into detached columns, and then rush in from different directions, as you shall have to fight with veteran heroes. And when they make an assault, do you make a stand, and shower arrows at them. You must make such coats of mail for horses as to give them the appearance of wild beasts, like the lion and the elephant.” He ordered tailors and armourers to prepare several coats of mail in the shape of lions and elephants, and he forwarded them. These letters of Hajjáj, together with 6,000 horsemen, 6,000 camelmen, and 3,000 loading camels (duly) arrived at Shíráz, and Muhammad Kásim read the letters. That was in the year 72 after the Hijrah.

The writers of histories and the recorders of events state that Abdurrahmán son of Abdulláh has related the following on the authority of Abdul Malik son of Kais, who said: “I was with Muhammad Kásim when he arrived in Makrán and had an interview with Muhammad Hárún. Muhammad Hárún first went with Muhammad Kásim on foot (out of respect to him), but Muhammad Kásim made him ride a horse and then they went together to their camp. When they alighted Muhammad Hárún sent many presents and provisions to his distinguished guest, and he spoke very courteously and respectfully of the Arab general, saying, “with such an army and magnificence, and with such wisdom and skill and rectitude and ability, he is sure to conquer Hind and Sind.”

It is related by Baní Mustir Bahrí that from there Muhammad Kásim started in the direction of Armanbelah,⁷⁷ and Muhammad Hárún also went along with him. Though he was not quite well he willingly joined Muhammad Kásim in his undertaking. But on account of the troubles of the journey, and repeated attacks of illness, he grew worse. When they arrived at the camp of Armanbelah, his life came to its close, and he gave up his precious soul to God. His body was buried at that place.

* This is again a mistake for 92 (=710 A. D.) as given in the Táríkh Maasúmí, according to which there were 3,000 foot soldiers and not loading camels as here, and 3,000 dirams (coins) are said to have been given to them for travelling expenses.

From there, Muhammad Kásim started with his army for Debal. At that time Jaisiah son of Dáhar was at Nerún. He wrote a letter to his father informing him that Muhammad Kásim had come from the Arab empire, with an army, and had arrived in the vicinity of Debal, and asking for orders to go and battle with him. Dáhar called the Aláfís, and made enquiries from them (about the Arab general). The Aláfís told him “Muhammad Kásim is a cousin to Hajjáj. He has a very large army with him, consisting of famous warriors, sons of nobles and chiefs, brave soldiers and horses, all well equipped and quite prepared to fight with you. Do not oppose them at all, for, a man from the family of Samah has just arrived and states that every horseman in this Arab army is come determined to take revenge against Dáhar.” Hearing this Dáhar forbade his son to fight with the Arabs.

When Muhammad Kásim conquered Armanbelah, he received a letter from Hajjáj at that very place. It contained instructions in the following words: “When you arrive at stages, within the limits of Sind, and come within sight of Debal, be very careful about your camping places. When you arrive at Nerún, dig a ditch round your camp, that it may give you protection and safety. Be awake for the greater part of the night; and let those of you, who can read the Koran, be busy reading it, while the rest should devote their time to prayer and be watchful at the same time. Make taciturnity an ornament of yours. Be repeating the praises of the great and glorious God, and ask help of the divine grace that the most glorious and most high God may give you assistance. Seek His protection by often reciting the well-known religious saying: “There is no power nor virtue but in God, the great and glorious.”⁷⁸ When you come in the vicinity of Debal, make a ditch, 12 cubits wide and 6 cubits deep.^78a When you face the enemy, be silent; and (even) if the enemy shout at you, and use obscene language, and assault you, do not engage in (a pitched) battle, till I send orders to that effect. You will be constantly hearing from me, and you must make it a point to follow literally the instructions I may give you, and the plan I may suggest. By taking my opinion as the right one, and following it, you will be successful in your undertaking, if the great God wills it.

When the expedition marched out from Armanbelah, Muhammad Kásim appointed Sáhib son of Abdurrahmán to lead the van, and Jehm son o' Kais Jaafí to bring up the rear. He put Utbah son of Saad Aófí in charge of the right wing, and Músa son of Sinán son of Salmah Hazlí in charge of the left. The remaining warriors and swordsmen and selected soldiers, who formed the flower of the army, were put in the centre to go in front of him. In this order, the army marched on till, on Friday, the 10th of Muharram of the year 73,⁷⁹ they arrived in the vicinity of Debal. The boats containing the weapons and implements of war also arrived, the same day, under Hazím^79a son of Amrú, and Abu Mughairah, and despatches from Hajjáj were handed over to Muhammad Kásim, who had ordered a big ditch to be made in order to fight with the enemy at an advantage. The contents of these despatches were as follows: “I have appointed very respectable men in your service. One of them is Abdurrahmán son of Salm Kalbí whose bravery and prowess have been put to trial on several occasions, and whom no enemy will ever be able to oppose in a skirmish or a battle. Another is Safyán Abrad, who is famous for his wisdom and rectitude, and is honest and righteous. There is also Kats son of Bark Kilábí, who is generous, honourable and true. In any task entrusted to him he will acquit himself creditably, and to your entire satisfaction. He is free from foibles, and has always been of great help to Hajjáj. Jarrah son of Abdulláh again is a man of vast experience, and has seen many battles. He is to be preferred to many a man of wisdom and learning. Then there is Mujashiah son of Naóbah Azdí. All these men are the pick of my personal staff. I have no others more trustworthy and righteous than these. I am sanguine that they will never go against your wishes, and will never take the side of your enemies. Out of the men, to whom I have referred above in my letter, I may particularly mention Hazím son of Amrú than whom there is none dearer to me, on account of his bravery and lion-heartedness. He is one of the selected few, who are very honourable, and is known for truthfulness and honesty, like his father and his forefathers When Hazím becomes your friend, I shall not entertain any fear, since he is gifted by nature, with virtuous habits and an approved character. He will never allow any creature to work against you or to harm you. Never keep him aloof from you When you read my letters, neither eat nor drink till you have written a reply to me communicating the state of affairs there in full detail.”⁸⁰

Hajjáj was particularly fond of Amír Muhammad Kásim, and, owing to his excessive love, he, after Muhammad Kásim's departure and in his absence, on several occasions, gave alms and offerings, and asked blessings for him Bakŕ son of Wájil, and Adíl son of Farah, were intimate friends of Muhammad Kásim. They sacrificed a camel for his safety and success, in his absence, and paid its price from the ornaments of their wives and daughters, in order that it should be a lawfully obtained property. Adíl read the following verses:—

Verses.—“They laid violent hands on the ornaments of their daughters,

Not leaving even their golden wristlets and necklets.

The girls, with their ears reft of pearls and rubies, almost lost their identity,

And could hardly be recognised when seen on their riding animals (donkeys).

The Amirul Mominín (Commander of the Faithful) sent the sacrificers an invitation (to take from him what they might need), but they did not accept the invitation and disobeyed the order.”

The far-seeing philosophers and the judicious sages have related on the authority of Abul Hasan, who said that he had heard it from Abú Muhammad, a freed slave of the Banízamím family, that Muhammad Kásim arrived in the vicinity of Debal, and ordered a ditch to be made. The troops unfurled their banners, and sounded their kettle-drums, and their several divisions encamped at the places appointed for them. Catapults were (also) taken out and fixed. One of these especially belonged to the Commander of the Faithful, the Khalífah. Its name was “the Wee Bride.”⁸¹ It required a force of 500 men to work its recipient and active portions for discharging stones. In the heart of Debal there was a magnificent idol-temple, of a towering height, with a dome built on its top, and a green silken flag fixed on it. The building of the temple was 40 cubits high, and th?? dome on it was also 40 cubits in height. The flag-staff when hoisted was of the same length. The b??er had four tongues or ensigns, each flying in a different direction, and appearing like so many towers suspended from above. When the army of Islám was in sight, this fourfold flag was removed from the top of the pole, and the occupants of the fortified town came out to give battle. But the Arab forces were not permitted to engage with them. In this manner 7 days passed away, and the Arab army remained encamped in one place. Every day letters were received from Hajjáj, in which they were asked to wait. On the 8th day, however, the letter of permission came, and immediately Muhammad Kásim arrayed his army and made an assault, and the enemy's force was compelled to seek protection within the walls of the fort. All of a sudden, then, a Brahmin came forth from the garrison, and cried for mercy. He said: “May the just Governor live long! We have learnt from our science of the stars that the country of Sind will be conquered by the army of Islám, and the infidels will be put to flight. But be it known to you that the standard of the idol house, yonder, is a talisman. As long as that standard of the temple stands in its place, it is impossible for the fort to be taken by you. You must, therefore, try your best to blow off the dome of this temple, and break its flag-staff into pieces The?? only your success will be complete.”

Hearing this, Muhammad Kásim called his Enginee Jaúbat Salmí, and said: “Can you manage to break this flag-pole and the dome of the temple with the stone?? the mangonels? If you can I shall give you a reward o?? ten thousand dirams.” Jaúbat said: “Let two ram-rods be removed from that special catapult of the Khalífah called the ‘Wee Bride,’ and with three stones I will blow off the flag and the pole, and break the dome of the temple” Muhammad Kásim said: “If you break the flag-pole of the temple I shall give you 10,000 d'rams by way of reward; but if you not only fail to break down the temple but spoil the catapult in the bargain, what should be your punishment?” Jaúbat replied: “If I miss the mark, then let the hands of Jaúbat be cut off.” Muhammad Kásim, thereupon, wrote a letter to that prince of Governors, Hajjáj son of Yúsif, in which he mentioned the conditions fixed by Jaúbat. On the ninth day, the reply was received, viá Kirmán, sanctioning the acceptance of the terms fixed between them. It also contained the following fresh instructions: “When you advance in a body for battle, see that you have the sun-behind your backs, as (then) its glare will not prevent you from having a full view of the enemy. Engage in fight on the very first day, and supplicate the help of the great God. If anyone of the people of Sind ask for mercy and protection, do give it to him, but not to the residents of Debal, whom you must not spare on any account.”

Just then one of the soothsayers of the place came out of the fort and said: “I was always in the habit of consulting the books of fate, and when I came to know that the kingdom of Hind had come to its close, and that the rule of Mussalmans was about to commence, I consoled and comforted the Mussalman prisoners and women in the fort, with the news of the advent of the army of Islám. Now, if the general gives a writ of pardon to me and promises to spare the lives of my family and children, I would go back and cheer up the spirits of the prisoners.” Muhammad Kásim complied with his request, and gave him pardon He was then sent back to inform the prisoners, that the followers of Hajjáj had come up, that the fort would soon fall into their hands, and that they would soon set them at liberty.

The next day, which was the ninth after their arrival at Debal, when the sun rose from his eastern abode, Muhammad Kásim called Jaúbat, and the mangonel was removed to the place which had been appointed (by the latter), and the army was arrayed at the positions marked out for the different divisions, and a general assault was made on the fort from every direction; and volleys of arrows were shot and 500 men were brought to pull the ropes of the Khalífah's catapult. Jaúbat shot the first missile, and the Mussalmans uttered their war-cry: “God is great.” With the first blow the banner was torn asunder and was severed from the pole. The second missile was, under the order of the general, aimed at the dome of the temple in which the pole was fixed. The pole and the dome were broken into pieces, and the talisman of the magicians was frustrated, and the Debalese were much frightened and, as ordained by the great and glorious God, the fort was (eventually) levelled to the ground. Muhammad Kásim distributed his army in different directions. First he posted Jehm son of Kais Jaafi to the east of the fort, and Atá son of Malik A'shí to the west. Banánah son of Hantalah Kilábi was ordered to fight towards the northern wall, and Aón son of Talet Dimishki towards the southern. The main or central body was put in charge of Zakwán son of Alwán Bakrí, Hazím and Abu Mughairah. Thus divided, the Arabs pressed from all directions. The first man who got over the ramparts was Saadi son of Khazímah of Kúfah Next to him was Ajal son of Abdul Malik son of Kais Da??ti of Basrah. When thus the army of Islám scaled the walls of the fort, the Debalese opened the gates and asked for mercy. Muhammad Kásim replied that he had no orders to spare anyone in the town, and that the armed men had to do slaughtering for 3 days. Jáhín son of Masáid managed to throw himself out of the fort at night time.⁸³ Dáhar son of Chach had already sent horses and camels for him. When he came out, he rode on to the river Mehrán and arrived at a place called Karmití, which was situated on the eastern bank of the river. From there, he sent a messenger on an elephant to Dáhar to communicate to him the sad news of the fall of Debal. Dáhar asked the man: “Where is Jáhín Budh?” The man replied: “At Karmití,” which word means saltish earth.⁸⁴ Hearing this ominous name, Dáhar said: “May dust lie on your head! No evil name should be mentioned in the presence of kings lest they interpret it into a bad omen. Do not say that he has come to Karmití, that is to me” (for he has left to come to me and your words may imply that I am like salt earth).

Then Muhammad Kásim came to the temple. Those who had taken shelter in the temple wanted to close the door, and burn themselves to death. The two door-keepers, however, were dragged out and killed, and entry was then made. 700 beautiful females, who were under the protection of Budh, were all captured with their valuable ornaments, and clothes adorned with jewels. Four men at a time were admitted into the fort. Some say 400 men came in at once, and took away by force their ornaments.

Muhammad Kásim then desired to see those men to whom he had tendered pardon When they came, he told them: “Now bring out those male and female Mussalman prisoners whom you have so long detained as hostages, those who were captured in the boats coming from Sarandeb; also those of the army of Bazíl, who were taken prisoners, and men confined in your prison-house.” They were immediately brought out, and set at liberty. Then he appointed those men who had been confined in the fort of Debal, to be in charge of the occupants of the fort, saying: “As they have so long been in prison, they may now well enjoy some rest and pleasure as some amends for their past troubles and sufferings; let them experience happiness (now) at the hands of ever changing time, and try their best to keep watch over the fort and its occupants.”

At the head of the Hindís of Debal was a person by name Kublah son of Mustrayeh. He was a wise and ingenious man, a teacher of Hindús, a clever writer and a man of thorough knowledge. The prisoners of Bazíl's party and of Sarandeb had been under his keeping and control. Muhammad Kásim called this man and ordered him to be punished But he said: “O Amír, first enquire from the Mussalman prisoners as to how I have been treating them, and how I have been trying my utmost to console and comfort them. When your Excellency learns this, my life will be spared.”

Then Muhammad Kásim called his dragoman, and told him: “Ask this man what kindness he did to the prisoners.” The man replied: “Make that enquiry from the prisoners themselves that the real state of things and the truth of my assertion may become known to His Highness.” Thereupon, Muhammad Kásim ordered the prisoners to be brought to him. He then asked them: “What kindness and sympathy has this Kublah shown to you, oh prisoners?” All of them said: “We are much obliged to him. He did all he could to mitigate our misery and to comfort us. He used, at all times, to console us by giving us hopes of the speedy arrival of the army of Islám and of the conquest of Debal.” Muhammad Kásim then called upon him to accept the religion of Islám, and on his agreeing to the proposal Kublah was exalted to the honour of Islám, by his repeating the formula of the Mussalman faith regarding his belief in the unity of God and the prophetship of Muhammad.⁸⁵ He was appointed superintendent over the accountants or revenue officers of Debal, who were now or lered to seek his advice in administrative matters, and to render account of the collections as well as of the expenditure to him, while Hamíd son of Daraá Najdí was made a supervising officer over them all, and the entire administration of the province was entrusted to him.

It is related by the writers of history, on the authority of Hakam son of Urwah, who heard it from his father and grandfather, that the name of the Brahmin who had prayed for and received pardon was Sud-dev,^85a and that it was from him that Hakam's grandfather received the following piece of information, namely: When Debal was conquered and the Mussalman prisoners were released, the slaves were brought out, and Muhammad Kásim ordered one-fifth of the spoils to be set apart in obedience to the religious law, and sent to the royal treasury. Accordingly the fifth part of the booty secured at Debal was sent to the treasury of Hajjáj, while the booty secured at the conquest of Arman Belah was distributed among the troops, according to their merit and rank—a horseman receiving double the share of a c??melman or a foot soldier. What remained of the cash and slaves and other spoils was collected and sent to Hajjáj along with the two daughters of the ruler of Debal.

The historian goes on to state, on the authority of Hakam, that when Rai Dáhar received the news of the conquest of Debal by the army of Islám, and the flight of the ruler of Debal to Jaisiah at Nerún, and also heard a good account of the bravery and prowess of the Arabs and the Syrians and the complete success of their arms, he wrote a letter to Jaisiah, who was in the fort of Nerún, ordering him, on reading the letter, to cross the Mehrán and go to the ancient city of Brahmanábád, leaving the Samani in charge of Nerún, with instructions to take care of the fort, and protect it against the attacks of the enemy.

Muhammad Kásim now determined to carry on war at Arman Belah, in order to clear his way for his advance into the interior of the country. When he reached his camp, he received a letter which Rái Dáhar had written to him. The letter ran thus: “In the name of the great God, the lord of Unity and the God of Seláij.⁸⁶ This is a letter from Dáhar son of Chach, the King of Sind, and the Sovereign of Hind and the ruler over land and water, to Muhammad Kásim, the vain insane one who is fond of killing and slaughtering people, and is merciless towards his own army and has brought ruin on many other men. Some time ago another person had also come hither in the same manner with absurd dreams in his head, and with an awful and terrible presence. Abilás son of Hakam had also joined him, and he was led away by the vain idea of conquering Hind and Sind, and bringing those countries under his sway. But one or two of our meanest Thakurs, who then happened to go on a hunting excursion in the vicinity of Debal, killed him and his army was put to flight. It appears that the same mad thoughts have risen in Muhammad Kásim's head, and he will ultimately bring ru?? upon himself and his army owing to his foolhardiness. Be it known to you that the fortified town of Debal which you have taken is an insignificant town, where only traders and artisans reside. It contained neither a strong fortress, nor was it occupied by a garrison of any importance with whom it was worth your while to fight. If there had been a single note-worthy warrior in it, there would not have been left a rack of you behind. If I had sent against you Rái Jaisiah who is the most victorious of all the rulers on the face of the earth, and who can wreak vengeance on the strongest men of this age, or the king of Kashmír who is the mighty possessor of a crown, kettle drums and standards, on whose royal threshold the other rulers of Hind have placed their heads, who sways the whole of Hind and even the country of Makrán and Turán, whose chains a great many noblemen and grandees have willingly placed on their knees, who is the owner of one hundred elephants and is the rider of a white elephant, whom neither a horse can stand against, nor a man can put pressure upon; if I had sent these heroes against you, you could not have done the slightest harm to them and no army would have dared to pass through the remotest limits of this country, till the end of the world. Do not flatter or deceive yourself with vain dreams, since the end of your enterprise will be the same as Bazíl's. You can never stand against us in battle, nor should you hope to return safe from our wrath.”

When Muhammad Kásim received this letter of Dáhar, he had it translated to him by his dragoman, and learning its contents, he dictated the following reply:—

“In the name of the most merciful and gracious God. Letter addressed by Muhammad Kásim Sakifí, the avenger of Mussal-máns, to the haughty, the rebellious, the crafty Brahmin Dáhar son of Chach, a foolish, stubborn and vainglorions infidel. This is to inform you that I have received your letter, which you have written out of excessive ignorance and folly, being led away by a weak and miserable policy, of which you have evidently become madly proud. I have acquainted myself with its contents, express and implied, and have in ormed myself of every thing that you have written relating to your power and pomp and numbers and weapons and elephants and horsemen and followers. We depend entirely upon the grace of God for power and strength, and on the favour of our sovercign for the number of our forces and for glory. ‘There is no power nor virtue but in God, the great and glorious one.⁸⁸ They play a trick with thee in their own way^88a and then they do not depend upon it. Verily I trust fully in God, who is my maintainer as well as yours.^88b They lay a plot for them, but God is the best layer of plots.^88c The plot of the wicked does not recoil except upon those that lay it.^88d If God wishes it, a small number of men overpowers a large number; and God is with the patient.’^88e You are proud of men and horses and elephants, but what are they? The biggest elephant is the weakest and most helpless of all creatures. He cannot get rid of a gnat, which is the smallest and weakest of all animals. As for horses and horsemen, whom you admire so much, they are an army of God. ‘But mind, God has many armies which are most poworful;^88f the league of God and its Judgments are always successful.’ As to what you say about our coming, with armies arrayed for battle, know that that is wholly the result of your wicked deeds and bad manners and vain-glory, for you seized and detained the boats conveying valuable property from Sarandeb, and made the Musalmans prisoners. All the countries of the world acknowledge the rule and superiority of the Khalífah, who is the vicegerent of the Prophet. All pay allegiance to him, while you turn your head from him and rebel against him. All the former rulers and kings regularly paid tribute to his royal treasury, while you have stopped it. As you have thus befouled yourself with ugly manners and unpleasant habits like these, and have swerved from the path of obedience, and have taken such bad behaviour to be unobjectionable, I have received the ever-to-be-obeyed mandate from the Khalífah to exact vengeance for those wicked deeds of yours, and to carry on war with you (to the bitter end). I do hope that, with the help of the great God, who is the most powerful of all, in whatever place you may meet us and oppose us, I shall defeat and degrade you, and ultimately take your head to Irák, or sacrifice my life in the cause of the great God. I consider it my bounden duty to carry on this religious war, in obedience to the orders of God who says in the Koran: ‘wage war against the infidels and dissemblers’;⁸⁹ and I have undertaken this task simply to secure divine pleasure. I expect fully from the unbounded kindness of God. that He will help us and give us victory over you, God's will be done. Written in the 73rd year.”^89a

The narrators of traditions and the recorders of histories have stated on the authority of Banánah son of Hantilah Kilábí that, when the conquest of Debal was complete and large spoils were secured, Muhammad Kásim ordered the battering rams to be put in boats and taken to the fort of Nerún. Accordingly the boats (with their burden) were put under way in the lake, called the lake of Sangrah, while he himself went by way of Sísam.⁹⁰ When he arrived at Sísam, he received Hajjáj's letter, in reply to his own letters respecting his first victory.

“From Hajjáj son of Yúsif, O Muhammad Kásim, you must know that our mind assures us that our wishes and hopes will be fulfilled, and you will be successful in every way. You will be successful and victorious, and by the grace of God, the great and glorious, your enemies will soon be vanquished and punished and will repeatedly be overtaken by present torment and future misery. Do not, pray, entertain the evil thought that all those elephants and horses and wealth and other property of your enemies will be your lot. Live happily with your friends, and treat every one kindly. Encourage them all to believe that the whole country will be yours. Whenever you take any fortified place, let your soldiers spend according to their wants. Let the booty be utilised for the necessary expenditure of the army, and for keeping up the pomp and circumstance of war. Let them eat and drink as much as is good for them. Do not scold them or prevent them from doing so. Exert yourself to the utmost to supply provisions in abundance, and fix the rates, so that corn may be had cheap in your camp. Whatever has been left behind in Debal had better be spent in supplying the troops with provisions than in laying up stores in the fort. When you have conquered the country and strengthened the forts, endeavour to console the subjects and to soothe the residents, so that the agricultural classes and artisans and mercbants may, if God so wills, become comfortable and happy, and the country may become fertile and populous. Written this 20th day of Rajjib 93.”^90a

It is related, on the authority of Abillais Tamímí that Jaubat son of Ukbat Salmí gave the following narrative:—“I was with Muhammad Kásim, when the fortified town of Debal was conquered, and (also when) he advanced towards the fort of Nerún. When the Arab army was defeated, and Bazíl became a martyr, the people of Nerún settled the terms of peace with Hajjáj, promising to pay a fixed tribute. When Muhammad Kásim left Debal he went straight to the fortified town of Nerún which was about 25 leagues from Debal. This distance he travelled in 6 days. On the 7th day, he arrived in the vicinity of Nerún, and encamped in a meadow known by the name of Balbár. The floods of the Sehún,⁹¹ that is the Mehrán, had not yet spread out to that place, and so want of water was felt by the troops, who began to complain of thirst. Muhammad Kásim offered prayers, by making two genufiexious and saying: “O guide of the misguided and the surprised, O hearer of complainants and distressed ones, hear my prayer. ‘In the name of God, the most merciful and gracious.’” Instantly there was a downpour, by divine order, and all the tanks in that town were filled with water.

The people of Nerún now closed the gates of the fort. The Samaní, who was the ruler of the place and headman of the people, had gone to Dáhar, and Muhammad Kásim became very anxious owing to the paucity of provisions for the army, especially of forage for animals. But, after 5 or 6 days, when the Samaní returned, he sent two leading men with a letter from Hajjáj. He also sent provisions for men and horses to the Arab camp. Through those two men, he sent verbal messages to the Arab General, saying:—“I myself and all my men are subjects of the Khalífah, and we hold this place subject to the command and in accordance with the terms of the letter of Hajjáj. In fact we owe our permanent position to his help and patronage and encouragement, but as I was absent, the people became afraid and closed the gates.” Then the Samaní opened the gates of the fort, and the natives began to make bargains and have dealings with the soldiers. Muhammad Kásim was thereupon so much pleased that he wrote a letter to Hajjáj, acknowledging, with thanks, the services rendered by the Samaní and informing him of the faithfulness and friendship of the people of Nerún. In reply, Hajjáj wrote a very kind letter recommending the conciliation and encouragement of the people. “Try,” wrote he, “to show kindness to them in every way and give them hopes of our patronage. I entertain full confidence that, with the grace of God, wherever you may go you will be successful. Whoever seeks mercy and protection from you, let him have it. Those of the nobles and great men who take your side and join you, honour them by giving them robes of honour and make them grateful to yourself. Give proper rewards to them, and respect them according to their rank. Make reason and discretion your guide, so that the chief men of the place and the notables of the neighbourhood may repose complete trust in your word.”

Then Muhammad Kásim sent some trustworthy men out of his nobles and chiefs to the fort of Nerún with the following message:— “At first we were much annoyed to see the gates of the fort closed against us, but, on hearing the explanation of the ruler's absence, our anger subsided, and every kindness and favour was shown to you. It behoves the head of the town, Bhandarkan Samaní,⁹² to take heart of grace and muster courage to come to us so that we may try our best to patronise him and bestow fresh favours upon him.”

The next day when the true dawn appeared from behind the dark curtain (of the sky) with a cloak of ash-coloured satin, the Samaní came to the presence of Muhammmad Kásim with many presents and plentiful offerings, and obtained an honourable reception. To entertain Muhammad Kásim as a distinguished guest, he supplied him with provisions to such an extent that the soldiers got sufficient corn for their needs. Muhammad Kásim then appointed a representative within the fort. He (also) built a mosque in the place of the idol-temple of Budh, and appointed a erier to call the people to prayer, and a priest (Imám) to be their guide in prayers and other religious matters. After some days, he resolved to go to Síwistán.^92a That fortified town is to the west of the Mehrán on the top of a hill. Muhammad Kásim entertained hopes that the whole of that country would be conquered by the Musalmans. After that end was attained in regard to the country of Síwistán, he thought of returning thence and arranging to cross the river, in order to proceed against Dáhar. He prayed to the great and glorious God to give enlightened reason and right thought to the people of Arabia for their guidance, and to make it possible for them to fight successfully against the infidels.

When Muhammad Kásim had completely settled the affairs at Nerún, he prepared to go to Síwistán, and he, accompanied by the Samaní, started for that place. He travelled, stage by stage, till he arrived at a town called Maój, about 30 leagues from Nerún.⁹³ In that town, there was a Samaní, who was a chief among the people. The ruler of that fortified town was a cousin of Dáhar Chach, by name Bachehrá son of Chandar. On the approach of the Arabs, the Samaní party assembled, and sent a message to Bachehrá, saying:—“We people are a priestly class (Násiks), our religion is peace and our creed is good will (to all). According to our faith, fighting and slaughtering are not allowable. We will never be in favour of shedding blood. You are sitting quite safe in a lofty palace; we are afraid that this horde will come and, taking us to be your followers and dependents, will deprive us of our life and property. We have come to know that Amír Hajjáj has, under the order of the Khalífah, instructed them to grant pardon to those who ask for it. So when an opportunity offers, and when we consider it expedient, we shall enter into a solemn treaty and binding covenant with them. The Arabs are said to be faithful^93a to their word. Whatever they say they act up to and do not deviate from.” Bachehrá refused to accept this advice, and paid no attention to what they said. Then, Muhammad Kásim sent a spy to gather information as to the inclinations of these men, whether they were all unanimous or whether there was a difference of opinion among them. As some of the residents of the fortified town were ready to fight, and, with that intention, had issued out of the town, Muhammad Kásim encamped on the sand-hills near the gate of the town,⁹⁴ since there was no other open field for a battle and there was a flood of rain-water all around, and to the north the river of Sind was flowing.

Muhammad Kásim ordered the battering rams to be put in working order, and the fight then commenced. The Samaní party reprimanded Bachehrá and forbade him to fight, saying:—“This army is very strong and powerful; you cannot stand against them. We do not wish that, through your obstinacy, our life and property should be endangered.” As he still rejected their counsel, the Samaní clique sent a message to Muhammad Kásim, telling him: “All the people, whether agriculturists, artisans, merchants or other common folk, have left Bachehrá's side and do not (now) acknowledge allegiance to him, and Bachehrá has not sufficient men and materials of war, and can never stand against you in an open field, or in a struggle with you.” On receiving this message, the army of Islám became over-zealous, and Muhammad Kásim ordered the assault to be continued steadily night and day. Thus, after about one week, the occupants of the fort ceased to fight.^94a When Bachehrá found that the fort was in great straits and that it could not stand long, he determined to leave it. So when the world was hid behind the pitch-dark curtain of night, he issued from the northern gate, and crossing the river, fled away. He did not stop till he reached Budhiah. At that time, Kákah son of Kótak Samaní was the ruler of Budhiah. He resided in his fort of Sísam, which was situated on the bank of the Kanbah. The people of Budhiah and the headmen of the neighbouring places came forward to receive him, and he alighted at their request in front of the fort.⁹⁵

When Bachehrá made his exit, and the Samaní party placed their heads under the yoke of allegiance, Muhammad Kásim entered the fort of Síwistán. He appointed his own officers and agents to carry on the state affairs, and he left the suburban towns also in their charge. He collected silver and gold wherever he could find them, and also secured ornaments and cash from the people, excepting those of the Samaní party with whom he had made a solemn compact. He then distributed among the army of Islám what was due to them out of the spoils, and taking one-fifth gave it to the treasurer of Hajjáj, and sent the booty and the slaves, with a report of his victory to Hajjáj, and himself remained there. After two or three days, when he was free from the work of distribution and had given away the army's share as well as the Khalífah's one-fifth, he proceeded to the fortified town of Sísam in pursuit of Bachehrá. The people of Budhiah and the ruler of Síwistán arrayed themselves in battle. Muhammad Kásim posted a party of men under his Síwistán agent in the outskirts, and himself with the remaining army alighted at a place called Budhan on the bank of the Kanbah. The suburban residents of the place were all káfirs. When they saw the army of Islám, they conspired to make a nocturnal attack on the enemy and put them into confusion.

The Budh headmen came to Kákah Kótak and other princes of Budhiah (whose origin was from Gang, commonly known as Dandohar) and held consultation with them. They said:—“we have all come to the conclusion that we should make a night attack on this Arab army.” Kákah replied: “If you can do so, well and good, but seers and hermits have informed us from their books of astrology, that this country will be conquered by the army of Islám.” He then appointed a respectable man, named Bahsabbí, as their head, and ordered the Jats to form their column. One thousand brave men, experts in the use of the sword, were selected, all fully armed with swords and shields and javelins and halberds and daggers. When the Grecian (faír) army of the day fled away from fear of the Abyssinian (black) army of the night, this band of warriors started with intent to make a nocturnal assault upon the enemy. But when they were close to the Arab camp, they lost their way. The whole night from evening to morning, they wandered about in perplexity and confusion. They had divided themselves into four parties, but neither the advanced party met the one in rear, nor the right wing joined the left wing. All were turning round and round in the desert. Whenever they came out of the jungle they found themselves in the vicinity of the fort of Sísam. When the collyrium-coloured cloth of the dark night was torn by the king of stars, with the uprising of day,⁹⁶ they came back to their fort, and informed Kákah Kótak that they had failed in their undertaking. Kákah said: “You know very well that owing to bravery and prowess, and skill and wisdom, I have become the chief of all of you. I have performed many difficult tasks with ability and credit among you, but those skilled in the science of stars have now declared, after consulting the books of Budh, that Hindustán will be conquered by an army of Islám. I am determined to go forward, and receive it with due respect.”

So Kákah, with some chief men and his personal staff, set out for the Arab camp, and after he travelled a short way he was met by Bananah Khantalah^96a whom Muhammad Kásim had sent with the advanced detachment of his army, and who took Kákah to Muhammad Kásim. Muhammad Kásim gave him a robe of honour, and showed much kindness to him when honouring him with an audience. Kákah then related to him how the nocturnal attack had been designed, and how he had excused himself from joining it. He also informed him how the great God had led his party astray so that they had been roaming about that whole night in darkness and humiliation. “Our astrologers and interpreters of dreams,” said he, “have found out by means of the astronomical science, and have openly given out that this whole country will fall into the hands of the army of Islám. When this miracle⁹⁷ was witnessed by us, we became sure that it was (really) the will of God and that no other person will ever be able to oppose you, or to stand against you. You should be in every way easy at heart and cheerful as you are sure to be victorious. I have already submitted to you, and will be a counsellor of yours, and, to the best of my ability, your friend and guide, in overpowering and humiliating your enemies and ill-wishers.”

When Muhammad Kásim became aware of these facts, and heard Kákah's speech, he praised the great and glorious God, and humbly bowed on the ground in acknowledgment of His kindness. He spared Kákah with his whole family and followers and he then asked Kákah: “O nobleman of Hind, what mark of distinction and honour is customary among you that I may bestow it on you.” Kákah said: “Our mark of distinction is a chair, and our dress of honour is an Indian cloth of silk which we tie on our head as a turban. That is the customary important part of the dress of our chiefs and of the headmen among the Samanís.” Accordingly this (last) was presented to him. When Kákah put on this dress of honour, all the noblemen in the surrounding places became favourably inclined to him. He secured, for those who submitted, immunity from injury by the Arab army. But against those who remained stubborn and disobedient, he led the Arabs in order to punish them. Muhammad Kásim appointed Abdul Malik son of Kais Dakíkí his representative (Shahnah) to subjugate and punish those who were refractory, and Kákah pressed hard upon the rebels and captured many spoils, money, stuffs, animals, slaves and food-grain, so that plenty began to reign in the camp.

Muhammad Kásim now left that place, and came to the fortified town of Sísam. He carried on fighting there for two days and then, at length, the great God gave him victory and the unbelievers were put to flight.

Bachehrá son of Chandar and cousin to Dáhar, and his Thakurs and chiefs who formed his retinue lost their dear life in trying to accomplish their sinful deeds. (Some of) the rest fled higher up to Budhiah while some went to the fortified town of Bhallór between Salúj and Kandáíl,⁹⁸ and from there applied for pardon and mercy. Those who were against Dáhar, having lost some of their party in the late battle, immediately turned their faces from his allegiance, and engaged some messengers to bring about peace with the Arabs. They undertook to pay a tribute of 1,000 dirams of silver in weight, and sent hostages to Síwistán.

When Muhammad Kásim fixed tributes on this part of the country, he passed an order to guarantee protection and safety anew to the people. He appointed Hamíd son of Widáa Najdí and Abdul Kais of the family of Harúd (his representatives) and left the management of (local) affairs to their good sense and fidelity. When he finished his business at Sísam, Muhammad Kásim received despatches from Hajjáj, who wrote as follows: “Now give up other towns, and come back to Nerún and arrange to cross the Mehrán and march against Dáhar. Seek help from the great and glorious God that he may grant you victory and success. When you gain that victory all the other fortified towns, far and near will naturally fall into your hands, and then there will be nothing to hinder you in your career of conquest.”

When Muhammad Kásim read this letter and learnt it purport, he returned to N??n.

After travelling many a stage, he halted by a fort, which was situated on the hills of Nerún. There was a pond in its vicinity whose water was brighter than the eyes of lovers, and whose meadow land was more pleasant than the garden of Iram. There Muhammad Kásim pitched his camp, and wrote the following letter to Hajjáj son of Yúsif:—

“In the name of God, the most merciful and gracious. To the exalted court of the great Amír, the learned sage having no equal, the crown of religion, the shield of Ajam⁹⁹ and Hind, Hajjáj son of Yúsif. This servant Muhammad Kásim, after paying proper compliments and respects, begs to state that this true friend of yours, with all the noblemen and retinue and attendants and the Mussalman armies and troops, is quite safe and sound. Our affairs are all managed very well and we are all feeling quite cheerful and happy. May it be known to Your Highness that after travelling through deserts, and by distant and dangerous stages, we arrived in the country of Sind, and we are (now) encamped on the bank of the Sehún, which is called the Mehrán. The part of the country from Budhiah up to the place opposite the fortified town of Aghrór on the Mehrán has been conquered, but the castellated city of Alór is still in the possession of Rái Dáhar. Those who proved refractory and head-strong were brought under control, and the rest being frightened, have fled. When the ever-to-be-obeyed order of Amír Hajjáj was received, directing us to return, we came back to the hilly fort of Nerún. This fortified town is nearer to the capital of the Khalífahs. We entertain strong hopes that by means of the assistance of God, the kindness of the king and the good luck of the Great Amír (Hajjáj) we shall conquer many more strong forts of the infidels, and take possession of their towns and treasures. Only recently the forts of Síwistán and Sísam have been taken, and Dáhar's cousin, with several brave men and nobles, has been driven out. It is hoped that all the forts of the infidels will be conquered and taken possession of, and in lieu of the káfirs' places of worship, mosques and (Mussalman) prayer-houses will be built, and pulpits for calling the faithful to prayer and preaching sermons constructed, in order that the obligatory services may be performed at stated times, and morning and evening the great and glorious God be remembered and praised, as is directed by the text of the Koran, viz.:—‘Keep up prayers at the declension of the sun and towards nightfall and the prayer at day-break, &c.’¹⁰⁰ It is also hoped that idols and other signs of idolatry will be removed and clean swept off, with the help of God and the blessing of that verse of the Koran which says: ‘If God help you none will overpower you.’^100a Further the servants of the devils and their forces will be subdued and degraded and pushed away to Hell, and there subjected to severe tortures. For the present we have encamped in the vicinity of a fort which surpasses the strong wall constructed by the Grecian Alexander^100b We depend for power and protection on God the great and the glorious. This letter is submitted to Your Highness (may your greatness last long!) in the hope that distinct orders and positive commands will be issued. We are anxiously awaiting them and are quite ready to obey whatever instructions are given under the guidance of God. Let it also be known to the generous prince, that there is one of the tributary rulers under Dáhar, who is the owner of the fortified town of Bet, to the east of the Mehrán, on the bank of a rivulet in an island of the gulf of Khánlehat and is called Basámi Rásal. All the chief officers and noblemen of Rái Dáhar, as well as most of the princes of Hind and Sind are under his influence, and have a strong and solemn compact with him and they implicitly follow his guidance. From the party of Debal, that came over and joined us, we learnt that this prince, by the grace of God, has been advising and inducing every one of these great men and nobles to submit to us. They have (now) great confidence in us, and have sent us humble messages promising to be loyal to us. If the great and glorious God brings this measure to its consummation, and they faithfully render allegiance to us, the difficulty of crossing the river Mehrán will be removed, and we can then very easily and successfully achieve our object under the guidance of the Great God.”

To the above letter the following reply was received:—

“In the name of God, the most merciful and gracious. I have received the letter of my dear son Karímuddín¹⁰¹ Muhammad Kásim (may God perpetuate his power and dignity) which was adorned with a variety of deferential and respectful language. I quite take in the state of affairs, as described in your letter. But why, my son, don't you use your discretion and act according to your own reason and good sense? I earnestly wish you to overpower in battle all the princes of the East and bring destruction on the unbelievers. Why have you become dilatory and dispirited in doing this work? I know you are able to overcome their villainy, and I hope that their plots and evil designs will be frustrated. He (Dáhar) wishes to send away the army of Islám, but you should take heart Spend as much money as you can. Give them large rewards and presents. Do not disappoint those who want estates and lands, but comply with their requests. Encourage them by giving them written promises of protection and safety. You must know that there are four ways of acquiring a kingdom—1stly, courtesy, conciliation, gentleness, and alliances; 2ndly, expenditure of money, and generous gifts; 3rdly, adoption of the most reasonable and expedient measures at the time of disagreement or opposition; and 4thly, the use of overawing force, power, strength and majesty in checking and expelling the enemy. Try to grant every request made by the princes and please them by giving them solemn promises. When they submit and settle a tribute upon themselves, receive from them whatever they bring for the treasury, whether money in coins or any shining metal; and show them favour in every way. If you want to send an envoy to the enemy, first test his wisdom, faith, intelligence and honesty, and let not Islám suffer fro?? his going or speaking. Protect yourself from and guard against the misfortunes (arising) from the stratagems and plots and arts of the enemy; and be very cautious and careful in the disposal of important affairs. Be careful, when Dáhar sends a confidential envoy to you; be wary in mixing and associating with him, and give him sound counsel. When he presents himself before you to deliver his message, let him say what he has to say in the presence of your grandees and nobles, and in a meeting of your wise counsellors. Let him not depart disrespectfully, and let him have plain answers to his questions. Let not his error or hypoerisy deceive you. Always encourage your messenger and envoy by giving him fair promises, and telling him that the whole army of Islám regards him as their leader or forerunner, and depends upon what he utters, and so he must deliver his message honestly and carefully. The messenger of the Musalmans should be a man of pure faith, who should speak fearlessly and faultlessly and invite and induce the infidels to accept the true creed, and belief in the unity of God. Whoever turns to the unity of God and submits to you, let him have back his property and wealth and estate; and whoever does not submit to Islám, treat him harshly and cause injury to him till he submits. Again, if any person, having once submitted to you, withdraws himself from your allegiance, you must make him understand that, as he has taken out his head from the yoke of submission he must be ready for an onslaught. Do not allow (the enemy) to cross the Mehrán at their will. Tell them that if they would come over to your side of the river they would not be checked, and that you, having come from a very long distance, have the right to cross the river freely and without any hindrance and confront them in battle. Make such arrangements that there may be no doubt or misunderstanding, on this point, between the two parties. Wherever you meet the enemy, in order to give them battle, let the battle-field be an open plain, so that foot-soldiers may move freely in it in fighting against foot-soldiers, and horsemen against horsemen. Above all, when you are engaged in fight put your trust in God's kindness. Catch hold of that ring of the chain firmly and you need have no fear of a fall. Then wait patiently, and see what the Divine Providence and fate brings out from behind the curtain of mystery, and what orders the king passes (for your guidance). If they send a message to you asking whether you would cross the Mehrán or whether they should, give them no choice or authority. Tell them that you would cross the river first, so that your enemy may be overawed, and they may know that if the army of Islám was not sufficiently strong and powerful it would not venture to meet them on their own ground. As for your own men, let not the Arab troops that are under you entertain any hope of returning, and let them not turn their face from battle. They should fight with the utmost zeal and depend entirely upon the kindness of God for the issue. They should be fond of battle and fight manfully and make a firm stand. They should be true and faithful in warring against the enemy and in co-operating with you. Then only the great and glorious God will be pleased with them. You should select a place for crossing the river, where it would be possible to put a strong and stable bridge, and make your passage. After consultation (with your officers) and after taking tests, take every necessary precaution and care. After you cross the river, at once array your army in proper divisions—the right wing, the left wing, the centre, the van and the rear. Send your infantry ahead. Do not leave the armours of your animals to be carried by the main body. (But) God knows better (than man).” When this letter of Hajjáj was received, Muhammad Kásim determined to cross the river and took measures for the purpose.

Meanwhile Rái Dáhar questioned the scientific men of Hind and the astrologers and philosophers of Sind, saying: “I have just heard that Muhammad Kásim has come down as far as Nerún and has encamped in the outskirts of that fortified town, with a large army and is ready for battle. What do you find from your books of history and astrology and what information do you get from the position of stars with regard to the (present) time and the revolution of the year”? The astrologers, after praising him, said: “May the king live long we have come to know from ancient books and histories of the past, and the system of astrology as founded by the philosopher Jamasb¹⁰⁴ that, in one of the months of the year 92, the fortified town of Nerún will fall into the hands of the army of Islám, and in 93, the whole of Hindustán, with all its forts that are superior in strength to the mighty wall built by Alexander, will be the property of the Mussalmans, and that victory is to be gained by Muhammad Kásim. That predicted time has drawn very near.” Then Rái Dáhar asked Samaní Budh, who was the ruler of the fortified town of Nerún, to go to Nerun and to inform him about the state of affairs there. Accordingly, the Samaní came to Nerún, and accompanied by 5 chiefs went to Muhammad Kásim in the Arab camp. He took with him the letter of Hajjáj, and made Banánah son of Khantalah his intercessor. When the message was duly delivered, Muhammad Kásim said: “I am ready to obey this written order, but I regret to say that when our army arrived here, the gates of the city were closel against us. This has produced a very bad effect upon our minds. When you claimed to be our allies, it was not proper for you to close the gates of the city against us, and cause (thereby) great scarcity of corn in our camp.” Hearing this, the Samaní gave excuses, and appealed to the general's reason and good sense, saying: “The management of our affairs depends upon the will of Rái Dáhar, and as I was not present here, the people were much confused, on your arrival here, and feared lest, on your return to the place, you might cause some harm to the residents of the city. But as soon as I came here, I duly discharged the duties of friendship and allegiance. I am much obliged to you, and am ready to do as you are pleased to direct.”

Then Muhammad Kásim gave him a dress of honour, showed many favours to him, treated him very kindly, and sent him back. The Samaní went back and opened the gates of the city and sent presents and offerings to Muhammad Kásim. Then the troops entered the city to make purchases and to carry on bargains. The next day when the king of stars appeared in the blue vault, Muhammad Kásim mounted a horse, and, accompanied by his chiefs and nobles, came to the gate of the city. He built a mosque in place of the idol-temple,¹⁰⁵ and performed two genuflexions. He appointed a man of the family of Zahal, from amongst the people of Basrah as his deputy in the city, and then left the place. He called the Samaní to himself (in order to utilise his services), when crossing the river of Sind. Some of the chief men of Rásal Samaní, and several headmen of the Bhattís came forward to do homage to Muhammad Kásim, and seek his pardon. He concluded a treaty with them on the terms stated in the letter of Hajjáj. Then he proceeded to the fortified town of Ishbhá. It was in the month of Muharram 93^105a that he arrived in the vicinity of that town. The fortress was strong and impregnable, and its inmates were quite ready for a figbt, and had made a deep moat round it. They had called the Channás and other country people living in the suburbs to the west, to come and take shelter in the fort. Muhammad Kásim commenced warfare by laying siege to the fort. The people held out for a week, during which time they were wavering what to do. But after that period, they were obliged to surrender and beg for mercy. Those who submitted fixed a tribute on themselves and opened the gate of the fort, and Muhammad Kásim, accompanied by his trustworthy staff, entered the fort and handed over the keys to some of his confidential and faithful officers, and appointed an honest man to administer the fort. He wrote a report to Hajjáj about his conquering that fort and giving pardon to, and sparing the lives of, the warlike tribe of Channás. After staying for some time in that town, and leaving a representative there, he proceeded to the country of Ráor, and alighted on the bank of the river Mehrán on the western side, where he was joined by Jásen^105b the ruler of Bet.

Historians have stated that when Dáhar was informed of Muhammad Kásim's arrival in the country of Ráor and Jitór, he enquired as to the exact place where the Arabs had come. Upon being told that they had come within the limits of Ráor and Jitór, he said “The Arabs are pressing us hard, undoubtedly fortune is in their favour.”

Muhammad Kásim now sent a messenger to Mókah son of Basáyeh to tell him that the district of Jortah was granted to him as his estate, and that he was confirmed as ruler of that part of the country.

A man came to Dáhar and informed him that prince Mókah Basáyeh had surrendered to Muhammad Kásim who had sent a messenger to him and concluded a treaty with him. It was said that through the messenger sent to him, Mókah had sent a reply to the Arab general, saying: “I have learnt all that you have said. I am highly obliged to you for the kindness you have shown us. Believe me, I have full trust in the promises given by you, and I am sincerely well disposed to you with all my heart, and my mind is bent upon paying you homage and submitting to you. We wish to seek your good pleasure above all and in every thing; we will never turn from the path of obedience and we consider it one of our duties to be submissive (to you). But you must know that it is far from honesty and righteousness to revolt against kings, and break the promise made to them without any fault on their part, particularly when they have been treating their allies kindly. It is wicked and ungrateful to abandon all considerations of honesty and fidelity unless such a desperate peril is impending that one's life is in danger.”

Mókah son of Basáyeh continued his reply to the messengers of Muhammad Kásim as follows:—“Besides, the country of Sind is our native country and the country where we live. It is an acquisition of our fathers and grandfathers and our heritage. There is consanguinity between us and Rái Dáhar. He is a king over other kings of Hind. We are sure to derive no small pleasure and advantage from whatever harm he may cause to your exalted position, and in all matters involving his happiness or misery, it should be our duty to stand by him and to co-operate with him. We are equally affected by his pleasure and pain and we are partners in the same country. But reason and wisdom suggest, and (mystic) philosophy proves that this kingdom will ultimately go out of our hands and be transferred to others. The sages and philosophers of Hind, who are the original residents of this country, have found from their books of antiquity, by the use of their astrolobe and their astrology, that this empire will be conquered by an army of Islám and will come into its complete possession and that its leader will be prosperous, successful, sagacious and courageous. The reason is that whenever any great event happens or any misfortune overtakes him, he gathers experience at each such occurrence, and becomes wiser, so much so that if, owing to the slipping away of some favourable opportunity a calamity is likely to fall upon him, he is not at a loss to find some way of escape for himself. When you have taken me into your confidence, and have thought it becoming to show favour to us, honesty and fairness require that I should speak the truth to you, and that is, that if I surrender to you voluntarily without any show of fighting or opposing, my enemies will reproach me for it and I shall thereby bring my noble family into disgrace. Now, I am going to Sákra on the pretext of celebrating the marriage of my daughter. General Muhammad Kásim (may his honours be permanent) may order about 1,000 horsemen to march and stand on such and such a road, and when I pass by that place they should come and capture me, and bring me to his presence. In that way I shall be free from any blame or reproach. Then people will not say that I became a renegade, and Dáhar will not suspect any foul play. He will believe that I have been dragged away by force and violence.”

Muhammad Kásim fully believed what Mokah son of Basayeh said, taking his word to be true. Accordingly, on the day appointed by Mókah, Muhammad Kásim sent Banánah son of Khan talah Kilábí with 1,000 horsemen, armed cap-a-pie, on chosen studs to the appointed place. He himself also left his quarters, and moving to the vicinity of that place, pitched his camp; and Mókah, too, taking some horsemen with him, started for the place.

Banánah Khantalah with his men and an interpreter came to the road and halted there. Not long afterwards, Mókah Basáyeh was taken prisoner, together with 20 brave Thakurs and other men.

When he was brought before Muhammad Kásim, the latter received him with marked distinction. He gave him the province of Bet as his own estate, and, at his request, passed a written document to that effect with his own signature and handed it over to him. He also gave him 100,000 dirams by way of a present and a green peacock—coloured coronet, a throne and a dress of honour. To all his Thakurs also he gave robes of honour and horses, and consoled them with many other presents. The authors of histories have stated that the coronet of Ranáship, that is to say, princedom given to Mókah was the first of its kind ever given by the Arabs. And the whole province was at Mókah's request ceded to him and his descendants as private property by letters patent. All the country within the boundaries of Bet, together with its outskirts or villages attached or annexed to it, and cultivated fields became his. On his side, Mókah promised to collect and supply boats, as desired by the Arab General.

Muhammad Kásim then encamped on the bank of the Mehrán. From there he despatched an embassy under one of the Syrian noblemen, and a native of Debal who having been at first a prisoner had subsequently received the honour of Islám at the hands of Muhammad Kásim. This native gentleman was called upon to serve as an interpreter to the Syrian, and explain the Syrian's speech to Dáhar, and Dáhar's to the Syrian. “When you commence delivering the message,” said Muhammad Kásim to the Debalese convert, “do it in a meeting of respectable men and nobles of the place, and call for a decisive reply, as is ordered by Hajjáj in his letter.” Accordingly when the Syrian and Maoláná Islámí, as the Debalese convert was called, went into the presence of Dáhar, the latter of the two envoys entered without making a bow, or paying any respects to Dáhar. Dáhar recognised him, and asked him: “why do you not observe the Court etiquette usual on such occasions? Is it that you are under some pressure and are prevented from doing so?” The Debalese convert replied:—“Formerly I professed your religion and so it was obligatory on me to make the obeisanee due from a servant to his master. But now I have been honoured with the glory of Islám and I am attached to the king of Islám. It is therefore unbecoming in me to bend my head before a káfir.”

Hearing this, Dáhar said to the native envoy: “If you had not been an envoy, I would have punished you by ordering you to be ki??ed” The Debalese convert said: “If you are determined to kill me, I have nothing to say in my defence. There are some retaliators, who will avenge my death. They will return you like for like.” Then the Syrian commenced his speech. “We are the envoys of the Amír,” said he, “and have been sent to you, in order to deliver his message to you in the presence of princes and chiefs.” “Speak,” said Dáhar, “for a messenger is merely the deliverer of a message; he merely does his duty in obeying the command of his master.” The Syrian said: “Amír Muhammad Kásim has said: ‘make your choice, either cross the river to us and in that case the passage will be left open to you and you will not be prevented or checked, or else keep the way open for us, so that the Arab army may cross the river and march against you.’”

D??har consulted his Wazír Siyákar¹⁰⁹ as to what should be done in the matter. Wazír Siyá-kar said:—“On several occasions, I have given such counsels to the king, in important affairs, as I considered to be proper and necessary for the well being of the king. What followed these counsels is already known to Your Majesty. When I gave my opinion advising that a place be fixed for crossing the river and the army be sent in advance, you paid no attention to it and would not accept it. To-day when a crucial stage is reached, you are preparing to advance to give batt??e, and (are likely to) put yourself into trouble. Now, let their whole army cross over to this side and let the two armies engage in fight. The sovereignty of this country is yours. You have absolute dominion over cities and treasuries. You have provisions and arms and materials of war ready with you. Every kind of help will be cut off from him (Muhammad Kásim). When once the waters of the Mehrán are behind their backs, no one can come at their call to assist them. They will be helpless like prisoners in your hands; all the doors of eseape by machination or stratagem will be closed on them, and all the followers, attendants, door-keepers, horses and materials of war will fall into your hands. That is what my reason deliberately suggests.”

Now there was a man of the family of the Aláfís, who belonged to the army of Syria. He had fled for some fault that he had committed, before the arrival of the Arab army in Sind, and had entered the service of Rái Dáhar, attaching himself to him. Dáhar now called this man and asked his advice in this affair.¹¹⁰ “O Muhammad,” said he, “Wazír Siyákar counsels in this way; what do you think to be the best plan?” “O king,” replied Muhammad Aláfí:—

Verse.—‘Do not let them cast their lines in these pleasant
places—for here are broad acres and here plenty prevails.’

It is not a right step to allow their forces to cross over. All of us are against it; because the Arab army consists of a very large number of warlike cavaliers and brave soldiers, who will make a firm stand to maintain their prestige and fame, and sacrifice their dear lives in the ‘ways’ and for the pleasure of God. They will earnestly pray to God, the great and glorious One, for His kindness, expecting to go to the everlasting gardens of paradise by means of this religious war and martyrdom. They will not let themselves be killed till they have wreaked vengeance on us. When they come prepared to fight, they will never retreat or turn back till they one and all become the food of the blood-thirsty sword. If they cross over to this side, they will catch hold of the skirt of your majesty and become partners in the kingdom. A great calamity and catastrophe will then ensue. Every day their power and grandeur will go on increasing, and under your very eyes your subjects will, out of fear, beg for mercy from the Arabs, and to save their lives and property they will be obliged to seek some other shelter. So it is best for you to let them be on the western side of the river, and let the Mehrán serve as a screen between us and them. We must not in any way consider their coming over to this side of the river as a good thing. You should order the boatmen on the river and the Jats and other country tribes on the plains to watch them, and to stop the roads by which they get supplies of provisions for the army, like grass and grain and firewood; and to seize these articles wherever they find them, and to molest the stragglers of their army, who may separate themselves from the main body. In this way their ranks will be thinned. Some of them may die of hunger, and some of want of clothes and other necessaries of life. Their horses will have no grass, and their horsemen no money, and so they will be reduced to straits and be dispersed, and they will no more trespass on your kingdom. When their hordes are scattered and dispersed, your country need have no fear and you yourself will be safe.”

The person who has related this affair says: “I was present in that assembly and was one of the by-standers. I had even been given the privilege of taking a seat there. I heard with my own ears and understood clearly what Aláfí said to Dáhar, directly, by way of advice, and what arguments he urged in support of the usefulness of his plan. Dáhar's reply to him was: ‘Whatever suggestion springs from your mind cannot but be one for our good and well—being. But my mind suggests that I should give Muhammad Kásim the choice with regard to crossing the river, lest it be imagined by him that we are in perplexity and have become very weak and powerless.’”

Dáhar, then, sent back the Syrian Ambassador, telling him: “Turn you back and tell your Amír: ‘In the matter of crossing the river, he has the choice. We are keeping ourselves ready to fight with him. Either you cross over or we will do so.’”

The envoys then returned to Muhammad Kásim and communicated to him the reply of Rái Dáhar. The Arab General said: “Depending on the great and ever-lusting court of God I accept the choice.” He then remembered the great and glorious God, and, praying to Him for His help, he left with the whole of his army and encamped on the western side of the Mehrán opposite the fortified town of Ráor. He sent for Mókah Basáyeh, and deputed him, with some of his own trustworthy men, to choose a place from where to cross the river; and also to secure some boats for the purpose. “Arrange in such a way,” said he, “that we may not have any difficulty in passing over these waters of the Mehrán, or be troubled, in the passage, by the enemy standing on the opposite side of the river. I am determined not to take the army across until I receive the orders of Hajjáj in reply to my letters.” Accordingly he halfed there for some days and wrote a detailed report on the subject. He was soon favoured with a reply.

Letter from the great and honourable Hajjáj son of Yúsif to the great and honourable Amír, the pillar of faith, Muhammad Kásim. “After compliments let it be known to you with reference to what you have written about crossing the Mehrán and fighting with Rái Dáhar, that I indeed entertain hopes that with the Divine help you will be victorious and successful and your enemy Dáhar will be defeated and vanquished. When you stand face to face with your enemy, I trust that, by the grace of God, no bolt of evil-eye will smite any of you from the revolving skies, for at all the five times of prayer, and on every occasion, whether I am in company or alone, I regularly pray for you, and succour you with my blessings, in order that the great God may give you victory over the unbelievers and may make your enemies vanquished and put them to flight, that whatever has been ordained by destiny may favourably co??e to pass, and that should happen which is the best and the most desirable. With humility and supplication I always pray to the august Court of the great God, saying: ‘O Lord, you are the Sovereign, besides whom there is no other master or ruler. Grant power and grandeur to the army of Islám in every way, and give it your help and make it successful.’ So I have full hopes that, by the grace of God, you will gain your object. Cross the river in any way feasible, then supplicate the help of God, and find shelter in His kindness and mercy. The result will be that your plans will enable you to get through all difficulties. When you array yourselves against the enemy, be steadfast in seeking the Divine pleasure that our object may be fulfilled. In any way you can, do cross