Tārīḫ-i Firištah - The History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, Volume 1

THE causes which led to the publication of this work require some explanation, both because portions of Ferishta have already appeared in English and because the circumstances which gave rise to the present translation did not originate in a desire to supersede the former versions. Several years ago Sir James Mackintosh, then President of the Literary Society of Bombay, with that zeal for the diffusion of knowledge which has ever marked his character, urged me to translate the portion of Ferishta's history which had not yet been touched upon by Europeans. I promised to do so if, on commencing the task, I found myself equal to it; and I trust when this work meets his eye he will think that I have fairly fulfilled my engagement.

My professional duties, for some time, prevented my attending to his suggestion, though it was not lost upon me; for in less than one year a considerable part of one of the minor histories was translated; and in two more the task assigned me was completed. During this interval I had compared several authors contemporary with Ferishta, both in the languages of Asia and of Europe, and I then first conceived the idea of writing a complete work on the Mahomedan Power in India, compiled from the various materials to which I might hereafter obtain access. Having resolved to take Ferishta as my basis, I found it requisite to study him very closely; but on examining Colonel Dow's translation of the History of the Kings of Dehly, I found it so difficult to follo the narrative, owing to the confusion in the proper names of persons and of places, that I had to consult the original throughout, and my notes and alterations alone made nearly a volume. In these observations, it is by no means my wish to detract from the merit justly due to Colonel Dow. It was impossible that he should correct the geographical errors which existed, perhaps, even in his original manuscript, when there were no maps of the country; and it was difficult for him to attain sufficient proficiency in the language of the text to give full force to the narrative of the author at a period when no elementary works in Persian had yet been published. But to Colonel Dow the world is much indebted for bringing even a portion of Ferishta to light, and for exciting in the mind of every person who reads his translation a wish to become better acquainted with the author. Upon the whole, therefore, great praise is due to Colonel Dow, and his name will be handed down to posterity with respect, as one of the earliest and most indefatigable of our Oriental scholars. Instead of confining himself, however, to mere translation, he has filled his work with his own observations, which have been so embodied in the text, that Gibbon declares it impossible to distinguish the translator from the original author; and which in some cases so plainly indicated the hand of a modern European writer, that Dr. Johnson and Mr. Burke were justified in doubting it to be the work of a Mahomedan of the sixteenth century, till Mr. Orme procured part of Ferishta's history to be translated in London, and compared it with Colonel Dow's. Having proceeded thus far in my labours, I resolved to examine the translation made by Dr. Jonathan Scott of the History of the Kings of Koolburga, Beejapoor, and Ahmudnuggur. This comparison soon convinced me how much that accomplished Orientalist had surpassed all former translators; and I found little to alter, with the exception of a few proper names, which a more thorough acquaintance with the geography and language of the Deccan enabled me to correct. Dr. Scott's copy of Ferishta appears, however, to have been occasionally defective; though had he translated the whole instead of a small portion of it, the present attempt might have been unnecessary. Before the end of the year 1815 I had thus completed the translation of the whole work, with copious notes. I had besides collated a great part of an original manuscript in my possession, with several other copies, carefully examining it with maps; and I also continued to pursue with ardour my labours for procuring materials for an original history. The ready access afforded by Mr. Russell the resident at Hydrabad, by Mr. El-phinstone the resident at Poona, and by Mr. Wm. Erskine of Bombay, to their European and Oriental libraries, as well as to those of all the learned natives with whom they had any acquaintance or influence, entitles them to my grateful thanks. My researches had enabled me to fill eleven folio volumes of manuscript, partly translation and partly notes, for my general history, which was in a state of forwardness, when an event occurred that led to the publication of this translation alone.

The war which broke out in India in 1817 rendered it necessary for me to accompany the army that marched to Malwa. I left my library and manuscripts at Poona, with the exception of the translation of Ferishta, which had been sent to Mr. William Erskine at Bombay. On the 5th of November, 1817, the Peshwa attacked the Poona residency, driving before his troops the members of the resident's establishment, among whom were several English ladies and their children; and after sacking the place, the troops set fire to the houses, and burned them with their contents. My own family had the good fortune to escape with their lives; but the whole of my property of every description, including my library, together with my manuscripts, the labour of so many years, was lost or destroyed. After an absence of fifteen months, I revisited Poona at the end of the war, for a few days only, and I then purchased two of my English manuscripts, which are all that I was ever able to obtain. I also procured one copy of Ferishta in Persian, which contained several valuable annotations and corrections. This copy has since been carefully collated with several others, and a new and correct edition was left by me at Bombay in 1827, in order to be printed. My intention of compiling the Mahomedan history is, therefore, now at an end; but as I was in possession of a correct translation of Ferishta from a very good copy of the original, I felt that it contained sufficiently interesting matter to admit of a separate publication; and thus I offer it to the world, although it is, in truth, only a small part of a mass of historical matter that can never be recovered.

After a rapid and imperfect account of Hindoo history previously to the Mahomedan invasion, Ferishta gives a sketch of the conquests of the early Arabians in Persia, their progress into Cho-rasmia, and their settlements in the north-eastern parts of Iran. The detailed portion of his history commences in the year 977, with the origin of the dynasty of Ghizny. It was then the Ma-homedans first came in contact with the Hindoos; but no permanent establishment east of the Indus took place for half a century, and shortly after the Indians, with the exception of those in the Pun-jab, shook off the Mahomedan yoke. In the year 1191 they again became subject to the attacks of the Moslems, who in 1206 founded the kingdom of Dehly. Nearly a century elapsed in rendering this power stable, when in 1294 the first Mahomedan soldier ventured to cross the Nurbudda, and a small army invaded the Deccan. At this period the Dehly kingdom had attained its zenith, under the rule of its first conquerors; and not only successfully resisted all the efforts of Chungiz Khan to subdue it, but even afforded an honourable retreat to thirteen kings of Eastern Asia, which had been expelled from their thrones. But Dehly was doomed to witness a downfall more sudden than its elevation.

Seven dynasties had passed away in three centuries; and the last had sunk to a low ebb when Tamerlane invaded India in the year 1400. This warlike chief, however, found so little to induce him to retain the conquest, that after having sacked the country, and committed unheard-of cruelties and ravages, he abandoned it, without leaving one soldier behind to entitle him to consider it as part of his vast dominions. During the ensuing century three more dynasties reigned in Dehly; and the imbecility of the house of Lody enabled Babur at the head of twelve thousand men to subdue the empire in 1526, and to establish the house of the Great Mogul, a member of which family still occupies the shadow of a throne, that once belonged to one of the most powerful monarchies in the aniverse.

Previously to the conquest by Babur, several Mahomedan governors of provinces had raised themselves into independent kingdoms, which they continued to rule till a few years before Ferishta wrote his work in 1612. Nearly about that period most of them had become gradually subjugated by Akbur to the parent empire; and his descendant Aurungzeeb could make it his boast, that in his reign only one Mahomedan sovereign issued his mandates throughout all India.

Besides the Dehly history, therefore, the author has had occasion to detail the events occurring throughout thirteen independent kingdoms, which existed for the greater portion of two centuries; in so doing he has given their origin, the rise and extent of their power, their internal administration and policy, and, lastly, the dissolution of all those whose end he lived to witness.

Such is the outline of Ferishta's labours. When we reflect on the extensive regions over which the historian passes; the numerous races of Arabs, Persians, Toorks, and Afghans, with their peculiarities of language, religion, and tribes; when to these are added the innumerable subdivisions of the Hindoo races, with their several tongues, habits, and customs, it will be acknowledged that it is no easy task to enter fully into the details, and to become familiar with the several new proper names which occur in every page. If to this be added the difficulty of tracing the movements of numerous armies of many different kingdoms, marching and countermarching over a region as extensive as Europe, we shall not be surprised to find errors in the various copies of Ferishta which at present exist.

It could not be expected that in the absence of the art of printing such a work should be correctly transmitted for any length of time. The mere copyist is a person whose principal duty is to write a fair hand; to acquire which forms the whole business of his life. The method and precision that are necessary in this occupation are for the most part obtained by sedentary habits. The transcriber despairs of becoming a scholar, and his avocation prevents his being a traveller; yet who but a traveller and a scholar, in countries where maps are unknown, can be acquainted with the various proper names of persons and tribes pervading a work of this nature, or with the correct titles and positions of places which occur throughout?

Of all the languages in the world, the Persian character is, perhaps, the most difficult to decipher with accuracy, and the most liable to ??r-thographical errors. In writing it, the diacritical points, by which alone any thing like certainty is attainable, are frequently omitted; and in an alphabet, where a dot above a letter is negative, and one below the same letter is positive, who shall venture to decide, in an obscure passage, which is correct? or how is it possible that a person unacquainted with the true orthography of proper names can render a faithful transcript of a carelessly written original? These obstacles occur in every page of Ferishta; and unlike a work of fancy or taste, the reader of history is rigidly bound to adhere to the letter of the text. It would be useless and unprofitable to enumerate all the difficulties that arise in attempting to collate a work of this nature, for I am persuaded that such a task can only be properly accomplished by some public institution. Fortunately the person who was my first assistant in 1812 remained with me till I left India in 1827, and his whole life had been devoted to the study of Indian history. At my request, he travelled for several years successively throughout the Deccan, and made copies of every Persian inscription on stone to be found in all the towns of note in that country. These inscriptions have been chiefly useful in determining dates, whether of persons deceased or of buildings erected; and the result of his labours enabled me to add marginal notes to the original. In addition, a glossary of obsolete words found in Ferishta has been formed, and appended to the Persian text. The individual to whom I feel myself bound to say I owe so much is Meer Kheirat Ally Khan, commonly called Mooshtak, a person of good family in Akburabad (Agra), and who is at present the Persian secretary, or moonshy, at the residency at Satara.

It has been observed by Dr. Spelman, in his translation of Xenophon, “that there is not a more “difficult, a more discouraging, (but he adds) or a “more useful task than that of a translator;” and Pope, in the preface to his Iliad, remarks, “that “there have not been more men misled in former “times by a servile, dull adherence to the letter, “than have been deluded in ours by a chimerical, “insolent hope of raising and improving their “author.” It has been my wish to avoid both these errors by giving Ferishta to the public in the very words he would probably have used, had he, as a native of the East, written in English.

I have ventured to make no alterations, but have endeavoured to render obscure passages clear, by explanatory notes. In some places I have omitted the poetry that occasionally intervenes, as it seems rather to clog than elucidate the subject; and the chapter on the Saints, which has no relation to the history, has been altogether excluded. In the arrangement of the work I have followed the order of the original, which appears to have been modelled with great good sense and correct taste, and it seems to me preferable to that adopted in the History of modern Europe by Russell. Had Ferishta preserved in mere chronological succession the events of the several different monarchies, and represented them in the order they occurred, it would have been extremely difficult to follow the thread of the entire history. He has, therefore, given the account of every kingdom separately, and has a chapter for each complete in itself. By way of convenience to those who peruse the translation, I have affixed at the beginning of every dynasty a short genealogical table of each royal family, which makes it easy for the reader to refresh his memory, at any period of the history, with the relation the several princes of the blood bear to one another. This idea suggested itself to me many years ago in studying the wars of the houses of York and Lancaster, and I have since usually adopted the plan in the perusal of other histories. In addition to this aid, a chronological synopsis of the events which were simultaneously occurring in Europe and in India is also appended.

In the third volume, instead of a recapitulation of the events of Europe, I have added an abstract of the Portuguese annals in Asia, from Faria-é-Souza, as belonging to the period and the histories of the kingdoms with which the Europeans came in contact in the sixteenth century. To prevent, as much as possible, the confusion which would otherwise have occurred, from princes bearing the same name being engaged in war with each other (as is sometimes the case even in European history), I have been careful to preserve to each family some distinguishing appellation. Thus, for instance, in the first volume, the kings of Ghizny bear the title of Sooltan, which was bestowed on Mahmood the Great by the Caliph of Bagdad. The several other dynasties or families of Ghoory, Eibuk, Altmish, Bulbun, Khiljy, Toghluk, Syud, and Lody, have their fixed designation, and cannot well be confounded. In the second volume, the title of Padshah, assumed by Babur, belongs exclusively to the whole race of the Great Mogul. The intermediate Afghan family has its peculiar name of Soor, while the first dynasty of the kings of the Dec-can is entitled Bahmuny. In the third volume will be found the kings of the minor Deccany monarchies, with their especial affixes of Adil Shah of Beejapoor, Nizam Shah of Ahmudnuggur, Kootb Shah of Golconda or Hydrabad, Imad Shah of Berar, and Be-reed Shah of Bidur. Ferishta laments that he was unable to procure any history of the kings of Golconda or Hydrabad; but begs if such a work should ever appear, that it may be included in his. This deficiency I have been able to supply, and it is added as an appendix in the body of the third volume. In the fourth volume, the title of Shah is affixed to denote the kings of Guzerat, while that of Sooltan is prefixed to distinguish those of Malwa. The Kandeish princes of the race of Farook were content to assume the title of Khan, and may be thus known. The Jam dynasty of Sind, the Lunga family of Mooltan, and the Chuk race of Kashmeer, has each its peculiar denomination; while the titles of Shurky and Poorby serve to mark the kings of Joonpoor and Bengal.

The perusal of this history cannot be otherwise than instructive, if it be merely to show the certain effects of good and bad government among a people whom our ignorance disposes us to consider as devoid of moral energy, and who are prone to submit without resistance to the grossest oppression. It is not my intention to dilate on the origin of this misconception of the Indian character, and a volume would not suffice to point out all the instances to the contrary with which the work abounds. The rapid success of Akbur in subjugating the greater portion of India, by a policy which elevated all classes of his subjects, whether newly subdued or otherwise, and of whatever creed or country, to the level to which their rank in society entitled them; and the rapid downfall of the government of Aurungzeeb, who oppressed the Hindoo population by a poll-tax, and by disqualifications from public employ, are the most striking which occur in the Mahomedan history. The early success of the Portuguese under Albuquerque and Nuno de Cunha may be chiefly ascribed to the confidence they reposed in the natives; and the decline of their power may be dated from the time when, under the name of religion, they persecuted them on account of their national tenets. These events form prominent land-marks in history which our own rulers seem prudently to have avoided.

It was the wisdom, or, perhaps, the good fortune, of the ruling administration in England, to select such governors as Clive and Hastings, in the early part of our Eastern career, who formed the groundwork of our gigantic dominion in the East; and it is to the great men who have subsequently ruled those possessions that they owe their present prosperity.

This is not the place to discuss a question of such magnitude. The present form of administration has arisen out of circumstances foreign to the objects contemplated in the original institution of the commercial body which now presides over it, but it stands pre-eminent among all the political phenomena in the annals of history. To appreciate this engine of government fully, it is necessary, not only to view it as a whole, but to observe the course of its action; and the more it is examined, the more one is struck with the magnitude of its power, and the energy and efficiency of its operation. It is a subject for deep speculation, how, if it were removed, its place could be supplied; but we may, I think, pronounce with confidence, that whosoever shall venture to do so, either by changing its constitution, or even by violently disturbing its motion, will incur the risk of involving in ruin the British power in India.

No part of the arrangement of the work has given me more perplexity than the adoption of some uniform plan for the orthography of Oriental words. In writing for the English public, I preferred adapting the letters to the familiar pronunciation of our own language rather than to those of the continent of Europe; and my object has been to confine the power of each letter or diphthong to one simple sound, in whatever situation it be placed.

Thus the vowels are pronounced: —

a as in water, wall, ball.

e as in met, bell, level.

i as in bit, hill, lip.

o as in hold, bold.

u as in but, must.

y as in truly. — Where this letter is placed at the beginning or middle of a word it is sounded as in youth, joyous.

The following diphthongs and double letters are used to supply the varied sounds of some of the vowels: —

ee as in fleet, feel, seem.
oo as in school, tool.
ou as in our, hour, flour.
ei as in sleight, height.

Of the consonants, the letter c is never used except in conjunction with h, when the two letters have the same sound as in church. The Persian letter ◌ is expressed by the letters kh, which combined, have the sound of ch in the Scotch word loch, a lake. The letter ◌ is written with the letters gh, representing a guttural g, which is foreign to any of the western languages. The rest of the consonants have the same sound as in English. For the use of the Oriental scholar an appendix is added, containing all the proper names in the Persian character, with the meaning, as far as was practicable, to each name. These orthographical rules have been applied to the proper names of persons and things, but not always to those of towns or countries, which are written as they are usually to be found in maps; and a table of latitudes and longitudes for those places whose positions have been ascertained is appended, though I regret it is not more complete.

The notes which have been added are the result either of personal observation or of information obtained for the purpose. In these the name of my friend Colonel Tod frequently appears, and to him I am much indebted for his unreserved communications on all points connected with the history and geography of Rajpoothana and northern India. My thanks are also due to Mr. Henry Ellis, the author of Lord Amherst's Embassy to China; and to Mr. De Morgan, Mathematical Professor in the University of London, for their uniform kindness in rendering me assistance and advice on all occasions.

In preparing the indices to the last volume, I received much aid from Mr. J. Mitchell, Dr. Rosen, the Professor of Oriental Literature in the University of London, and Dr. Bernard Dorn; and I take this opportunity to return my thanks to these gentlemen for their assistance.

After what has been said in the early part of this preface, I trust I shall be exculpated from the charge of endeavouring to supersede the former translations from any notion of my superior fitness to undertake the task. I have shown that I originally entertained no such idea; nor would this work have been brought forward in its present shape had not the circumstances which occurred at Poona deprived me of the labours of many years' study and anxiety, and left this sole wreck behind. The chief merits of a translator seem to me to consist in faithfully rendering the sentiments of the author into the language of the translation free alike from the crudities of foreign idioms, from the verbosity and terseness which belong to some tongues, and from affectation. How far I have succeeded in following these rules, I leave the public to determine.

IN the perusal of a history in which the author in many instances writes from personal observation, and amid scenes wherein he is himself an actor, it is always pleasing to have some account of his life: to know at least whence he came, who he was, in what age he lived, and what was his fate. It would be peculiarly interesting had we the means of developing all these particulars regarding Ferishta; but his modesty has prevented our knowing half as much of him as we could wish; and it is to be regretted, that events, of which we have only a slender account, have combined to leave us almost without a trace of the end of this excellent historian. From the mention he occasionally makes of himself, in order to verify his narrative, we learn that Mahomed Kasim, surnamed Ferishta, was born at Astrabad, on the border of the Caspian sea; that he was the son of Gholam Ally Hindoo Shah, a learned man, who, quitting his native country, travelled into India, and eventually reached Ahmudnuggur in the Deccan, during the reign of Moortuza Nizam Shah. Ferishta has left us in ignorance of the precise date of his birth; but as he states that he had only attained his twelfth year when he reached Ahmudnuggur, and that he was a fellow-student with the young Prince Meeran Hoossein Nizam Shah, who deposed his father at the age of sixteen, in the year 1587, it is fair to conclude that our author was but little older than this Prince; and we may therefore assume that he was born about the year 1570. Gholam Ally Hindoo Shah, the father of Ferishta, was selected, on account of his erudition, to instruct the Prince Meeran Hoossein in the Persian language, and it seems probable that the former died at Ahmudnuggur not long after his arrival there. Ferishta was thus left an orphan in his youth; but the introduction which his father's acquirements had procured for him at court, secured to his son the patronage and favour of the King Moortuza Nizam Shah, so that we find him on the day his royal master was dethroned holding the office of captain of the guard. On this occasion, he only escaped the common fate of the King's attendants owing to the Prince Meeran Hoossein recognising him, and personally interposing to save his life. Meeran Hoossein was himself deposed and murdered in less than a year. Ferishta, then aged seventeen, appears to have taken no active part in the revolutions which succeeded the death of his patron. His religious persuasion (he being a Sheea) prevented his having many friends among the stronger party at court, and this circumstance naturally made him anxious to avoid the scenes which were likely to ensue; so that we find him not long after quitting Ahmud-nuggur, and proceeding to the neighbouring court of Beejapoor.

According to his own statement, he reached that city in the year 1589, and was kindly received by the minister and regent Dilawur Khan, who introduced him to the King Ibrahim Adil Shah II. From the station Ferishta filled under Moortuza Nizam Shah, it seems likely that he entered the service of Ibrahim Adil Shah II. in a military capacity; a supposition which is rather confirmed by the mention he makes of himself immediately after his arrival at Beejapoor. Scarcely had he reached that capital, when Dilawur Khan induced the young King to take the field in support of Boorhan Nizam Shah, the legitimate sovereign of Ahmudnuggur, against an usurper named Jumal Khan, a person who at the same time wielded the sceptre, and pretended to work miracles as the leader of a new religious sect. The regent of Beejapoor was as anxious to bring the enemy to action as the young King Ibrahim was desirous to delay, until Boorhan Nizam Shah should bring his forces into the field. ^xlia Jumal Khan, however, at the head of the troops of Ahmudnug-gur, advanced by the route of Purenda towards Beejapoor; and Dilawur Khan, contrary to the King's commands, attacked him in the vicinity of the Bheema river. During the action, several Beejapoor chiefs of distinction deserted Dilawur Khan, and returned to Darasun, a spot situated at the junction of the Sena and Bheema rivers, where the King remained encamped. Dilawur Khan was defeated, and the Beejapoor army retreated during the night to Shahdoorg. Ferishta modestly remarks; — “The wounds which I re-“ceived during the action prevented my travel-“ling, and I fell a prisoner into the hands of Jumal “Khan, but afterwards effected my escape;” so that when Jumal Khan was compelled to fall back to oppose Boorhan Nizam Shah, now in the field on the north, Ferishta was enabled to rejoin the Bee-japoor army. On the retreat of Jumal Khan, the Beejapoor troops pursued him for nearly one hundred and sixty miles, as far as the Rohunkehra Ghat, when a second disagreement took place between the King and his minister Dilawur Khan. A great coolness had subsisted between them ever since the battle of Darasun, and this subsequent difference determined the King to free himself from Dilawur Khan's trammels; but the attachment of the royal household servants and the body-guard to the minister rendered such a project exceedingly difficult. At length, however, the King gained over Ein-ool-Moolk Geelany, whose division was encamped at the distance of a mile from the regent, to support him.

The King, having mounted his horse secretly, left his tent to proceed to Ein-ool-Moolk's camp, when his foster-brother Elias Khan, who was on duty, perceiving him, ran up, and asked whither he was going. He replied, “Ask no “questions; but if you choose to accompany me, “do so.” Elias Khan instantly followed with a hundred horsemen; and during the night several chieftains, together with about three thousand men, joined him also. “Among this number,” says Fe-rishta, “was the author of this history.” Dilawur Khan in vain endeavoured to regain his power, but was compelled to fly to Ahmudnuggur.

No further mention is made of himself by Fe-rishta for several years; and it appears likely, that shortly after this period he commenced the compilation of his history, in furtherance of which, he observes, his patron, Ibrahim Adil Shah, spared no expense to procure the most ample materials. But of the thirty-four standard books mentioned as the sources whence he drew his information, besides twenty others alluded to in his history, very few are now extant. Ferishta seems to have finished his account of the Beejapoor kings in 1596, at the age of twenty-six, and the remaining portions of his work must have been composed in the few following years. At the age of thirty-four, he escorted the Princess Begum Sooltana from Bee-japoor to Ahmudnuggur, was present at her nuptials with the Prince Daniel Mirza, at Moongy Peitun in 1604, and “attended her palanquin” as far as Boorhanpoor in Kandeish, the capital of her husband's government.

After his return to Beejapoor, he was deputed on a mission to the Great Mogul Jehangeer, the successor of Akbur. The latter prince is stated to have died of grief on hearing of the death of his son Daniel, who did not long survive his marriage with the Beejapoor princess. Ferishta overtook the court of Jehangeer near Lahore, on his route to Kashmeer, in the year 1606; and although our author does not mention the object of his mission, yet knowing as we do the connection which subsisted between the two families, and that Jehangeer had lately ascended the throne, it may be fairly inferred that Ferishta was selected as one of the most accomplished persons of the Beejapoor court, to convey his sovereign's condolence on the loss of a father, and also his congratulation to Jehangeer on his accession to the throne of the most potent kingdom in the East.^xliva

From the work being sometimes denominated Nowrus Nama, we are led to suppose it was finished during the residence of Ibrahim Adil Shah in his new capital, styled Nowrus, which he commenced building in 1599; and Ferishta makes mention of the existence of the Portuguese and the English factories at Surat, in the year 1611, about which time his work was probably brought to a close, when he had attained his forty-first year; and the following reasons lead to the supposition that he died shortly after. Owing to some superstitious fancy, Ibrahim Adil Shah was induced to remove his court from his capital, after reigning thirty-two years, and he selected the village of Torgha, situated about three miles due west of Beejapoor, for the site of the new town, which he denominated Nowrus (Novel), a favourite appellation given at the time to a new coin struck on the occasion, and which soon became a familiar term at court for all the new fashions, thus accounting for a work like that of Ferishta being so denominated. Ibrahim Adil Shah abandoned Nowrus in a few years, and returned to reside permanently at Beejapoor, where he died in the year 1626, fifteen years after we have any traces of Ferishta. The fashion which pervaded the court of Beejapoor for fine buildings appears to have prevailed most about this period; and the superb mosque, calculated to contain five thousand persons kneeling, built by his uncle Ally Adil Shah I., probably gave rise to the taste which produced those superb works now remaining as monuments of the magnificence of the Beejapoor court. The palace of Kamil Khan the Regent; the mosque and reservoir of Chand Beeby; the chaste and beautiful tomb of Ibrahim Adil Shah II., the patron of Ferishta; and the mausoleum over his son Ma-homed, whose cupola excedes in diameter that of St. Paul's, being inferior in size only to that of St. Peter's at Rome, are now standing and in good repair; and, together with the numerous fine edifices which are scattered for miles over the plain, afford ample proofs of the splendour of the times. Had Ferishta lived long after completing his history, considering the distinction which he had attained at court, it seems probable we should have known more of him, either as a minister or as an author. We may conclude, also, that he would have procured and completed the history of the Golconda sovereigns now extant, to which he alludes, but which he had then failed in obtaining; and also that of Khoosrow Shah of Budukhshan, which he promised to write. Had he died at Beejapoor after the return of the court, it is probable so eminent a person would not have been denied some mausoleum to commemorate his name. It seems, therefore, extremely likely that the death of our author occurred during the residence of the court at Nowrus, as, subsequently to the abandonment of that city, its buildings fell so rapidly to decay, that, with the exception of a part of the uncompleted wall, and some few ruins of palaces, little remains that is worthy of notice.

The only monument, therefore, of this industrious historian is to be found in his works, of which the following pages are a translation.

MAHOMED KASIM HINDOO SHAH, surnamed Fe-rishta, the most humble of the subjects of this realm, begs to state to the learned, that in his youthful days he was early inspired with a desire of compiling a history of the conquests of Islam in Hind, and of giving some account of the holy personages who have flourished in this country; but being unable to procure the materials necessary for this purpose at Ahmudnuggur, where he then resided, his wish was not fulfilled, when in the year 998 (A. D. 1589) he proceeded from that city to Beejapoor, and was introduced to the prince who then filled the throne of the latter kingdom. That monarch devoted much of his time to the study of history, and frequently heaped favours on this author, urging him to complete the object which had ever been uppermost in his mind.

In order to effect this end, he was directed to obtain historical works from all quarters; and in a short time a vast collection of materials was brought together and minutely examined. Of these not one work contained all the information which was required; for, though the history of Nizam-ood-Deen Ahmud Bukhshy embraces a great portion of the period alluded to, it was found so defective in some parts, that the author even was capable of supplying many of the deficiences from his personal knowledge alone. The desire, therefore, of becoming the historian of the rise of the Ma-homedan power in India more and more filled the writer's mind. He, in consequence, began to arrange his materials; and having, in the course of time, brought his task to a close, he presented it in the year 1018 (A. D. 1609), under the title of “The History of Ferishta,” to his revered monarch, to whom his labours are thus humbly dedicated.

As the author conceives it would be highly unbecoming in him to make comments on those writers who have touched on the same subjects, and who have drawn their mantles over their heads, and sunk into the slumber of the tomb, he places the finger of silence on his lips, and is dumb as to their imperfections. He leaves his readers to judge of his work for themselves; begging them to understand, that the height of his ambition amounts only to the desire that his history may rank in comparison with theirs, as the Caaba at Mecca does with the holy Temple of Jerusalem, and as Ally ranks with the prophet Mahomed.

The author's fervent hope is, that these simple and unadorned annals, founded on truth, but devoid of all pretension to elegancy of style, or beauty of composition, may be acceptable to the Prince to whom they are dedicated; and that the contents of these volumes may be disseminated far and wide over the regions of the earth.

IN the compilation of this work the following original manuscripts were consulted:—

1. Turjooma Yemuny.

2. Zein-ool-Akhbar.

3. Taj-ool-Maasir.

4. Moolhikat Sheikh Ein-ood-Deen of Beejapoor.

5. Tubkat-i-Nasiry.

6. History of Feroze Shah.

7. Victories of Feroze Shah.

8. Commentaries of Babur.

9. Commentaries of Hoomayoon.

10. History of Moobarik Shah.

11. Another History of Moobarik Shah.

12. Bahmun Nama, an heroic Poem, by Sheikh Azoory.

13. Tareekh Bina-i-Gety.

14. Siraj-oot-Tareekh Bahmuny, by Moolla Mahomed Lary.

15. Tohfut-oos-Sulateen Bahmuny, by Moolla Dawood Bidry.

16. History of One thousand Years, by Moolla Ahmud of Nineveh.

17. Rozut-oos-Suffa.

18. Hubeeb-oos-Seer.

19. History, by Hajy Mahomed Kundahry.

20. Tubkat Mahmood Shah of Guzerat, by Nuseer Shah.

21. Memoirs of the Reign of Mahmood Shah of Guzerat.

22. History of Bahadur Shah of Guzerat.

23. History of Moozuffur Shah of Guzerat.

24. Another History of Moozuffur Shah of Guzerat.

25. History of Mahmood the Great of Mando.

26. History of Mahmood the Lesser of Mando.

27. History, by Nizam-ood-Deen Ahmud Bukhshy.

28. History of Bengal.

29. History of Sind.

30. History of Kashmeer.

31. Fowayid-ool-Fowad.

32. Kheir-ool-Mujalis.

33. History of Kootb Shah.

34. Sir-ool-Aarifeen, by Sheikh Jumal, the Poet.

35. Nooska Kootby.^la

The work is divided into an introduction, twelve chapters, and a conclusion.

The Introduction treats of the Progress of Mahomedism in India.

Conclusion: giving some Account of the Geography and Climate of India.

THE Mahabharut is the most celebrated historical work among the Hindoos. It was translated from the original Sanscrit into Persian verse, by Sheikh Abool Fuzl, the son of Sheikh Mobarik, by order of Akbur Padshah, and it consists of more than 100,000 couplets. Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, the author of this work, having made an abstract of that translation, has availed himself of it to form the introductory part of this history.

The philosophers and sages of India have related the formation of this earth differently, according to their own notions. Thirteen various accounts are given in the Mahabharut alone, not one of which is sufficiently satisfactory to induce us to adopt it in preference to another. The Hin-doos divide time into four ages: 1st, Sutyoog; 2d, Tritayoog; 3d, Duwapuryoog; 4th, Kul-yoog; and they assert, that the four ages continue in succession to all eternity; the present being the Kulyoog, which when at an end, the Sutyoog will re-commence. The earth, therefore, is by them deemed eternal, without beginning and without end: though some brahmins assert, that this world will have an end, and that a judgment-day will come.

The Sutyoog is said to have lasted during a period of 1,728,000 years; when virtue and truth prevailed, and man lived 100,000 years.

The Tritayoog is a period of 1,296,000 years; three parts of the creation, during that time, obeyed the word of God, and the life of man was 10,000 years.

The Dwapuryoog is a period of 864,000 years; during which half of the creation was wicked, and man only lived 1000 years.

The Kulyoog is a period of 432,000 years. Men, in this period, became sinful; only one quarter of the human race followed the dictates of God, and the life of man was curtailed to 100 years. According to the Hindoo account, in the present year (1015 of the Hijra), 4684 years of the Kulyoog have elapsed.^liva

In the beginning, God created the four elements; besides which the Hindoos reckon the æther as a fifth element; and after that, according to some accounts, he created man, whom he called Brumma; to whom he gave the power of creating every living thing. The Hindoos are of opinion, that the æther, which they consider an element, is immaterial; that air only moves round the earth; that the planets, which are emanations from the Deity, have appeared on earth as men; who, after terrestrial mortality, are translated into heaven, in reward of their holy works on earth, by which they approximate so nearly to the Divinity in excellence, as to partake of his glory. It would appear from some of their books, that they consider the firmament itself as the divine essence.

Brahma, in virtue of the power vested in him, created four tribes of the human race; viz. 1st, Brahman; 2d, Kshetry; 3d, Byse; and, 4th, Soodr. The first was charged with the worship of the divinity, and the instruction of the human species. The second was appointed to rule over mankind. The third was required to plough the ground, and perform all sorts of handicraft. The fourth was doomed to be servile to the other three tribes. Brahma then wrote the book to direct mankind, which he called Veda. This is a work on theology, composed of 100,000 slogs; each slog or couplet being four churun, each churun or verse containing not more than 26 or less than 21 letters. Brahma lived 100 years of the sutyoog, each year containing 360 days, each day being 4000 years of the present age, and each night the same. The brahmins unanimously agree, that there is but one Brahma; that he has appeared 1001 times; and of the life of the present Brahma 50 years and half a day have elapsed, and the other half is now in progress.

It is related, that in the latter end of the Dwa-puryoog, in the city of Hustnapoor, ^lvia Raja Bhurt, of the tribe of Kshetry, sat on the throne; after whom, seven rajas lineally descended from him reigned. The eighth was named Kooroo, and the Koorooket, or field of Tahnesur, is called after him. His descendants are denominated Kooroos. This dynasty reigned for six generations, till the accession of Veechitrveera Tej Raja, of the same line. He had two sons, the one D'hertrashtra, the Conqueror, and the other Pundoo (the Fair†); ^lvib but the former, being blind, was put aside (although the elder), and his younger brother Pundoo sat on the throne, from whom is sprung the Pandoo dynasty. Pundoo left five sons; Yoodishteer (the Bold), called also Dhurma Raja; Bheema, and Arjoon, all born of one mother, called Koonty; while Nukool and Sahadeva were born of Madry. D'hertrashtra had 101 sons, 100 born of a daughter of the Raja Gand'har, the eldest of whom was called Dooryodhun, and another son called Yooyoocha, born of a plebeian's daughter. From the descendants of D'hertrashtra are the Kooroo tribe; while the descendants of his younger brother, Pundoo, are called Pandoos. Upon the death of Pundoo, D'hertrashtra, notwithstanding the circumstance of his blindness, was proclaimed raja, and his eldest son, Dooryodhun, became regent; and entertaining a jealousy of his cousins (the five Pandoos), he determined to put them to death. D'hertrashtra, too, was not without his apprehensions from his nephews, the Pandoos, whom he commanded to build their houses outside of the town, in order to prevent family disputes. Doory-odhun bribed the architects to construct the houses with large quantities of pitch and bitumen, so that they might easily be consumed; but the Pandoos, anticipating his intentions, set fire to their habitations, and, with their mother, left Hustnapoor. In this conflagration a woman named Bheel, ^lviia together with her five sons, who had been bribed to commit the act, fell victims to the flames; but the Kooroos, on the next day, finding the remains of Bheel and her sons, concluded that they were those of the Pandoos. After this event, the Pandoos having withdrawn from Hustnapoor, travelled over great part of India, and fought several battles, accounts of which occupy the greater part of the Maha-bharut. At length they reached the city of Kum-pila†, ^lviib where the five brothers, being married in succession to Drowpdy, the daughter of the raja of Kumpila, agreed that she should live with one of them for 72 days, by which means each contrived to enjoy her company for one-fifth part of every year. Some Hindoos, however, deny this fact. Be it as it may; Dooryodhun hearing the Pan-doos were alive, determined to ascertain the truth; and unable to dispute their rights, he invited them to Hustnapoor, when he gave over to them Indra-prust ^lviiia as their hereditary patrimony, and half of the kingdom of Hustnapoor. The Pandoos gained strength and power daily, while the Kooroos, although they pretended friendship, retained malice in their hearts. At length, the elder brother (Yoo-dishteer) resolved to celebrate a festival in honour of the gods, at which it was necessary that all the kings of the earth should be present to pay homage to him. Yoodishteer accordingly despatched his brothers to the four corners of the earth; who subdued, and brought to the feast the kings of Khutta, Room, Hubush, Ajum, Arabia, and Toorkistan.† ^lviiib Dooryodhun, having long beheld with envy the rising power of his cousins, could no longer restrain his jealousy, and sought means to subvert their authority. Unable to expel them by force, he determined, if possible, to effect it by stratagem. In those days gambling with dice was a common amusement; and as he knew that the brothers were much addicted to this vice, he resolved, with the assistance of sharpers, to lead them on to lose to him their share of the empire. The Pandoos, falling into the snare, lost all they possessed, but their kingdom.

Dooryodhun now proposed one more throw, with a promise, that if he lost, he would restore all he had won, but if the Pandoos lost, they should abandon their country, and wander for twelve years; and on their return it was required, that they should remain concealed for a whole year, without making themselves known, but if discovered, they were again to perform twelve years more penance. The Pandoos lost, and having performed their pilgrimage, on the thirteenth year, they settled in the district of Waee, ^lixa a country of the south. Doo-ryodhun sought throughout the empire, without discovering them, till at the end of the year, the Pandoos sent Krishna, the son of Vasdew, as ambassador to the capital, to claim their kingdom. Dooryodhun, however, refusing to restore it, and the Pandoos having procured a number of the rajas† ^lixb of India to espouse their cause, attacked the forces of the Kooroos, near Tahnesur, in the beginning of the Kulyoog, when Dooryodhun was killed, and the Kooroos were defeated. The army of the Kooroos consisted of eleven kshoons, and that of the Pandoos of seven. Each kshoon consisting of 21,870 elephants, 21,870 chariots, 65,610 horsemen, and 109,350 foot. ^lxa The most extraordinary part of the tale is, that only twelve men† ^lxb of both armies are said to have survived the battle. These were, four of the Kooroos; the first, Kripa Acharia, a brahmin, the tutor of the cousins, distinguished alike for his courage and his learning. The second, Ashwathama, the son of the philosopher Drone, who fell in the battle; the third, Keert Varma, of the family of Yado; and the fourth, Sunjye, the intelligencer of D'hertrashtra, and who acted as his charioteer during the battle. Also eight of the Pandoos, viz. the five Pandoo brothers; sixth, Satik Yado; seventh, Yooyoocha (half brother of Dooryodhun); and eighth, Krishna, who had been employed as ambassador to Doo-ryodhun, from Waee. With respect to this latter personage, we shall give his history as translated from the Mahabharut.

“The city of Mutra is celebrated as the birth-“place of Krishna. The Hindoos are not all agreed “as to the rank which he holds among the holy “personages. Some respect him as a prophet “only, while others deify him.

“Before the battle of Tahnesur, Raja Kuns, “having heard from his astrologers that Krishna “would put him to death, sought in all directions “to seize him, but he concealed himself, and lived “for eleven years in the house of Nunda, a cow-“keeper, and at last obtained an opportunity of “putting Raja Kuns to death, and of placing “Oogur Sein, the father of Kuns, on the throne, “retaining the management of the government in “his own hands. At length, he caused his subjects “to pay him divine honours, and obtained many “proselytes. It is said, he devoted thirty-two “years of his life to mirth and gaiety, in the city “of Mutra, and the tales related of him are as “marvellous as preposterous.

“The neighbouring rajas, jealous of his power, “resolved to attack him. Among these, Jara-“sundha, the Raja of Bahar, marched with a large “force from Patna, for that purpose; while on the “west, Kal-Yevun, ^lxiia a Mlecha† ^lxiib sovereign, al-“though not of the Hindoo persuasion, marched “into India to reduce his power. This prince is “supposed to be of Arabian extraction. Krishna, “unable to resist the forces of these powers, was “compelled to retreat, and reached Dwarka on “the sea-coast (situated 100 coss‡ ^lxiic from the pre-“sent city of Ahmudabad), where he was be-“sieged for a period of seventy-eight years, unable “to force his way through his enemies, and at length “he died at the age of one hundred and twenty-“five; while some assert that he is still living in “concealment.” But to return to our history: after the battle of Koorooket, and the death of Dooryodhun, the five Pandoos reigned 36 years, and then abdicated their throne, which put an end to the dynasty.

Some years after the abdication of the Pandoos, a great grandson of Arjoon Pandoo sat upon the throne, and among other pursuits of literature, being desirous that a history of his family should be written, a person named Vias undertook the work, and compiled the Mahabharut, which is said to mean the great battle; but upon enquiry, I do not find that the word Bharut signifies battle, and I should therefore suppose, that the letter A has been added, and that the Maha-Bhurt signifies the history of the family of Bhurt, the founder of the dynasty of Koowur and Pandoo. Vias also wrote commentaries on the four Vedas, viz. Roog Veda, Yejoor Veda, Athurwun Veda, Siam Veda: the three former works are on philosophy and theology, while the latter (the only one now extant) is a history, and is called Mahabharut, of which 24,000 slogs out of 100,000 are occupied in relating the history of the wars of the Pandoos. The Hindoos, like the Chinese and Tartars, deny the flood of Noah.^lxiiia

Some of the Hindoos assert, that the tribes of Brahmin and Kshetry existed from time immemorial, but that the Rajpoots are a modern tribe, only known since the beginning of the Kulyoog. The same is related of many other different tribes. The Rajpoots attained power since the death of Raja Vikramajeet, from whom is derived the present Hindoo era, being something more than 1600 years. The origin of the Rajpoots is thus related. The rajas, not satisfied with their married wives, had frequently children by their female slaves, who, although not legitimate successors to the throne, were styled Rajpoots, or the children of the rajas, and the children of Raja Sooruj, whose history we shall now relate, were the first to whom the name of rajpoot was given. The population of India, like that of other parts of the globe, arose from the descendants of Noah. After the flood, Noah's three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, began to cultivate the fields for their own subsistence and that of their children.

The first king of whose history we have any information was Krishna; he is not the Krishna of Mutra. This Prince was elected by the voice of the people of Behar; and the first city built in India was the city of Oude. Krishna's prime minister was Bahmun, a native of Bengal. The King, being of gigantic stature, could procure no horse to carry him; he directed, therefore, an elephant to be tamed, on which he used to ride. The plough and reap-rook are ascribed to the invention of Bahmun, who it is said also formed the first alphabet. Having lived 400 years, the King died. He was contemporary with Tahmorasp of Persia. He left thirty-seven sons, of whom Mahraja, his eldest, sat on the throne after him. Mahraja encouraged literature and manufactures; and during his reign his country became populous, and the inhabitants wealthy. Mahraja divided the people of India into tribes. To the brahmins were allotted the business of letters and the conduct of the affairs of the state; to another tribe, farming; and to a third, manufactures; thus these occupations have descended from father to son. He called the tribes after the chiefs of each; such as Rahtore, Chow-han, Powar, and Beis, &c. Mahraja always maintained a friendly intercourse with the kings of Persia; but Dongur Sein, one of his nephews, having left his court, took protection with Furee-doon, King of Persia, who detached his son Koor-shasp with a force to attack Punjab, in order to compel Mahraja to yield some part of his territory to his nephew. The war lasted ten years, when Mahraja was at length reduced to cede a part of his kingdom to Dongur Sein. In the latter part of his reign the zemindars of Shewala ^lxva and Carnatic attacked and drove Shiva Ray, his lieutenant, from the Deccan. Mahraja, having sent his eldest son with a large force to reinstate Shiva Ray, and to punish the rebels, the Prince was defeated and slain. Shiva Ray again sought refuge at the court of Mahraja, who was more grieved at the defeat of his army than at the loss of his son; for the princes of the islands of Acheen, and Malacca, and Pegu, and of the Malabar coast, had never before dared to rebel. At this time, also, an attack on the north-west frontier threatened his empire; and being compelled to send his lieutenant, Malchund of Malwa, to defend the Punjab, he was unprepared at present to carry on the war with the Deccanies. Malchund, unable to stand the brunt of the Persian forces, ceded the Punjab to them in perpetuity, besides making presents of elephants, &c. Some authors, however, relate that Fureedoon even possessed the Punjab; and that the descendants of Koorshasp, down to the celebrated Roostoom, held it in subjection, together with Kabul, Tibhet, Sind, and Nemrooz. On his return Malchund (from whom the country of Malwa derives its name), having marched against the zemindars of the Deccan, who fled at the approach of his army, reinstated Shiva Ray in his government. On this occasion he is said to have built the celebrated fort of Gualiar. The science of music, also, was introduced into Hindoostan by Malchund, who brought it during this expedition from the country of Tullinga. Malchund, long after, resided at Gualiar, and the descendants of the Tullingy musicians spread from that place over the north of India. ^lxvia Mahraja, after a reign of seven hundred years, died, leaving his eldest son, Kesoo Ray, to succeed him.

Kesoo Ray, having ascended the throne, detached his brothers in command of armies to make conquests, while he himself, taking the route of Kalpy, entered Gondwana, and marched as far south as Shewala Dweep; ^lxviia levying tribute on all the rajas through whose country he passed. On his return, however, being attacked by these same rajas, and unable to oppose them successfully, he made overtures for peace, and was permitted to return to his capital without molestation. On his arrival, he despatched an ambassador to the King of Persia, begging his assistance. Munoo Chehr sent Sam, the son of Nureeman, with an army, to support him; and Kesoo Ray having met him with his own troops at Jalundur in the Punjab, proceeded to the Deccan. The rajas, intimidated by the Persian troops, acknowledged allegiance to Kesoo Ray, who having accompanied the Persians as far as the Punjab on their return to Eeran, marched back to Oude, where he reigned for a period of two hundred and twenty years, and was succeeded by his son Munere Ray. The town of Munere is one of the monuments of this prince's reign, which he passed in the encouragement of literature, and in the promotion of the happiness of his subjects. He was, however, guilty of ingratitude towards Persia, in spite of the obligations his father owed to that empire. On the death of Munoo Chehr in Eeran, Afrasiab Toork, King of Tooran, invaded that kingdom; and Munere Ray also having invaded Punjab, seized it for himself from the officers of Zal, the son of Sam, making Jalundur his capital. At the same time, Munere Ray sent an envoy to Afrasiab, acknowledging fealty to him. After this the Punjab remained in possession of the kings of India till the reign of Keikobad, who having deputed Roostoom, the son of Zal, to reconquer that province, Munere Ray was defeated, and not only expelled from the Punjab, but seeking protection among the hills of J'harkund, and Gond-wara, he died there after a reign of five hundred and thirty-seven years.

Roostoom having thus conquered India, resolved to prevent any of the sons of Munere Ray from sitting on its throne, on account of their treachery towards Persia; he therefore placed Sooruj, a Hindoo chief, on the musnud, and returned to Persia. Sooruj reigned over Hindoostan; and his authority was acknowledged from the sea of Bengal as far as the Deccan. It is related that it was in his time a brahmin persuaded him to set up idols, and from that period the Hindoos became idolaters, before which they, like the Persians, worshipped the sun and the stars. ^lxviiia The worship of images, however, was not introduced in the reign of Sooruj. He was a contemporary, and tributary of Kei-kobad, and had reigned two hundred and fifty years when he died. He gave his sister's daughter in marriage to Roostoom.

Sooruj having left thirty-five sons, Bhay Raja, the eldest, succeeded his father, and built the city of Bhay-raja, commonly called Bhairaich: he was a great admirer of music. Among the public works of his reign is the completion of the city of Benares, the foundation of which was laid by his father. Some are of opinion also that Bhay Raj invested his brothers with the title of Rajpoot, and that he gave distinctive names to some other tribes. He was so impolitic as to abandon the regulations established by Mahraja, so that he became a victim to the enmity of Kedar, a brahmin of the Sewalik mountains, who, attacking and defeating him, eventually obtained the kingdom. Bhay Raja reigned thirty-six years.

Kedar Raja was a man of erudition, and had also seen the world, so that he raised India from the state of depravity into which it had fallen under Bhay Raja. He was contemporary with Kei-Kaoos and Kei-Khoosrow, to whom he used to transmit annual tribute. He laid the foundation and built the fortress of Kalunjur. In the latter part of his reign he was attacked by Sunkul, a chieftain of Kooch, who having collected a large force, not only subdued Bung ^lxxa and Behar, but also attacked Kedar, whom he defeated in several actions, and usurped his empire, after a reign of nineteen years.

Sunkul, having ascended the throne, laid the foundation of Luknowty, in Bengal, since known by the name of Goor or Gowr, which was the capital of the province for 2000 years, but being destroyed in the time of the Mogul empire, Tanda became the seat of government.

Sunkul Raja maintained an army of 4000 elephants, 100,000 horse, and 400,000 foot, and refused to pay tribute to Afrasiab, who sent 50,000 Toorky horse, under the command of Peeranweisa, to attack him. Sunkul Raja, having opposed him in the neighbourhood of the Kooch hills, on the Bengal frontier, two days and nights were occupied in fighting, on which occasion the Toorks lost 13,000 men, and the Hindoos 50,000. On the third day the Toorks retreated, defending themselves till they reached the hills, where they took post, and Peeranweisa wrote to Afrasiab an account of his situation.

At this period, Afrasiab was in the city of Kunukdiz, situated between Khutta and Khootun, and distant one month's journey from Khanbaligh. On hearing from Peeranweisa, he marched at the head of 100,000 horse to his assistance. On his arrival, he found Peeranweisa surrounded by an infinite number of rajas collected from all parts. Afrasiab, attacking the Hindoos without delay, dispersed them, and thus released his general from his perilous situation. He then pursued Sunkul Raja to his capital of Luk-nowty, from whence he fled precipitately to the mountains of Tirhoot. From thence he sent ambassadors to Afrasiab, entreating his forgiveness, and permission to pay his respects to him; but he was required to appear before the great king with a sword suspended round his neck, and a shroud on his shoulders. Afrasiab, having carried Sunkul Raja to Tooran, left his country under the government of Sunkul Raja's son. Sun-kul remained with Afrasiab many years, but was at last slain in action, by the hand of Roostoom. His reign lasted during a period of sixty-four years.

When Afrasiab returned to Tooran, he conferred the government of India on Rohut, the son of Sunkul Raja. His kingdom extended from Gurhy as far as Malwa, the revenues of which he divided into three equal portions. One he gave in charity; of another, part was sent to his father, and part as tribute to Afrasiab; while the remainder was applied to the support of his government. This portion of his revenue being insufficient for his protection, the Raja of Malwa wrested out of his hands the strong fortress of Gualiar. Rohut Ray, who built the fortress of Rohutas (Rohtas), and beautified it with temples, took the field, in hopes of recovering Gualiar, but was obliged eventually to withdraw without attaining his object. He kept his court usually at Kunowj, where he reigned for a period of eighty years, when he died.

Raja Rohut leaving no male issue of age, a revolution took place, in which Mahraja, a person of the tribe of Kutchwaha, from the district of Mar-war, succeeded in placing himself on the throne. He attacked Nehrwala, ^lxxiia and having reduced the zemindars of those parts (who were chiefly shepherds), laid the foundation of some sea-ports, and caused ships of different sizes to be constructed. Mahraja II. was contemporary with Gooshtasp, and reigned forty years, during which time he paid annual tribute to Persia. Mahraja was succeeded at his death by his nephew, Kedar Raja, whom he made his heir by his last testament. During this reign, Roostoom being slain, Kedar attacked, and wrested from his descendants, the Punjab. Having remained some time in the town of Behera†, ^lxxiib he built the fortress of Jummoo, where he left Doorga, one of his relations, of the tribe of Bool-bas, which tribe has inhabited that country ever since. Doorga having contracted alliances with the Gukkurs and Chowbea, the ancient zemindars of the Punjab, as also with the people who reside in the hills between Kabul and Kandahar, marched against Kedar Raja, who fled from the Punjab. These tribes, who were before separate, now formed one powerful state, and I imagine they are those whom we call Afghans. ^lxxiiia Kedar Raja reigned forty-three years.

After the death of Kedar Raja, his minister, Jye Chund, who was also generalissimo of the army, usurped the throne. His accession was followed by a severe dearth, which carried off thousands of his subjects, whom he by no means attempted to relieve in their distress, but spent his time in gaiety at the city of Byana. After a reign of sixty years, he died. He was contemporary with Bah-mun and Darab. Jye Chund left an infant son, whom his widow raised to the throne, and who would have ruled the empire in his name; but Dehloo, the uncle of the young king, aided by the nobles, having deposed him, ascended the musnud. This prince, as famous for his justice as for his valour devoted his time to the good of his subjects, and built the city of Dehly. After having reigned only four years, P'hoor, a Raja of Kumaoon, collecting a considerable force, attacked Dehloo, took him prisoner, and sent him into confinement in the fort of Rohtas, himself usurping the empire. Raja P'hoor pushed on his conquests through Bung, as far as the ocean, and having collected a great army, refused to pay tribute to the kings of Persia. The brahminical and other historians are agreed that P'hoor† ^lxxiiib marched his army to the frontiers of India, in order to oppose the progress of Alexander, on which occasion P'hoor lost his life in battle, after having reigned seventy-three years. At this period, also, the Rajas of Deccan having become powerful, established their independence. Among others, was Koolchund, the founder of Koolburga; Merchund, the founder of Mirch; Beejychund, the founder of Beejanuggur; besides many others whose names would only serve to swell out this work.

It is related, that when Alexander the Great came into India, Raja Bidur (the founder of the city of that name, and the chief of a tribe whose descendants are celebrated to this day in the Deccan for their bravery), having heard of the fame of the Greek monarch, sent his son as ambassador, with a number of elephants and other valuables to him, to prevent his invading the Deccan. After the death of P'hoor, Sunsar Chund ^lxxiva made himself master of the empire of India, but sent an annual tribute to Goodurz, king of Persia: his country was usurped by Joona, the nephew of P'hoor. Joona is described as a liberal prince, who promoted the cultivation of the arts, and built many towns on the banks of the Ganges and Jumna. He was contemporary with Ardsheer Babegan, who invaded India; but being met by Joona with valuable presents of gold and elephants on the frontier, Ardsheer was induced to withdraw his army. Joona, returning to Kunowj, died, after a reign of ninety years.

He was succeeded by the eldest of his twenty-two sons, named Kullian Chund, a cruel and despotic prince, who put his subjects to death without cause or remorse. The unfortunate inhabitants of his kingdom, flying from his tyranny, left the city of Kunowj a mere ruin. After him, no raja of consequence reigned in Kunowj, excepting Ramdew, whose history will shortly be related. As I shall not confine my account of the rajas of Hindoostan to the dynasty of Kunowj, I now proceed to that of Malwa, and of the celebrated Vikramajeet Powar.

The history of Vikramajeet, the most illustrious and virtuous sovereign of his age, has been transmitted to posterity in the legends which still remain among his countrymen. It is said that he passed the early part of his life among holy men, affecting poverty, and performing penance. At the age of fifty he assumed the command of an army, and in the course of a few years conquered the whole country of Nehrwala ^lxxva and Malwa, over which he ruled with justice. The Hindoos are of opinion, that he was inspired, and could foretell coming events: he avoided all display of pomp, living in the same manner as his subjects, using earthen utensils instead of gold, and sleeping on a mat instead of a bed. Oojein became well inhabited during his reign, on account of the idol dedicated to Mahkaly which he set up in that city. He also built the fort of D'har. From the death of Vikramajeet, the Hindoos date one of their eras, which at the present day is 1663, answering to the year 1015 of the Hijra. He was contemporary with Ardsheer Babegan, and some say with Shah-poor. In the latter end of his reign, Shalivhan, a raja of the Deccan, making war with him, several battles ensued, in the last of which, Vikramajeet lost his kingdom and his life. After his death Malwa long remained in a state of anarchy, till at length Raja Bhoj, setting up pretensions to the throne, assumed the reigns of government. Raja Bhoj, also of the tribe of Powar, followed the steps of his predecessor Vikramajeet. He founded many towns, among which are those of Kurgone, Beejygur, and Hundia. Twice yearly he kept a great feast which lasted forty days; during which, all the most celebrated dancers and singers of Hin-doostan being assembled, he distributed food and wine; and at the end of the feast, new clothes, and ten miskals ^lxxvia were presented to each guest. He died after a reign of forty years. At this period, one Vasdew, seizing on the province of Kunowj, established himself in that principality. During his reign, Beiramgoor, King of Persia, came to the court of Kunowj in disguise. While at the capital a wild elephant in the neighbourhood had done much mischief, having killed many people, who went out to attack him. Among others, Vasdew himself had often gone out for the same purpose without success. Shortly after the arrival of Bei-ramgoor, the same elephant, penetrating to the very gates of the city, caused much alarm: the Persian prince ran alone to the spot, and with a single arrow laid him dead at his feet. Raja Vasdew requested that the stranger who had killed the elephant might be brought to him. As he was entering the court, the Indian ambassador, who had just returned from Persia, whither he had conveyed the annual tribute, recognising the King of Persia, informed Vasdew of the circumstance. The Raja, descending from his throne, seated the stranger upon it, and after giving him his daughter in marriage, furnished him with a suitable escort, which attended him back to Persia. Vasdew died after reigning seventy years; during which time the fort of Kalpy was built. He left thirty-two sons, who disputed the succession with each other for two years: the throne was at length ascended by Ram-dew Rahtore, the general of the late Vasdew. Having reduced the rebellious officers and rajas of his country, Ramdew marched to the province of Marwar, from whence he expelled the tribe of Kutchwaha, and established that of Rahtore, which has remained there ever since; while that of Kutch-waha removed to the neighbourhood of Rohtas. On his return to Kunowj, he marched against Bengal, and taking possession of the capital, he obtained great treasures, after having been absent from Kunowj for three years.

Four years after this event, proceeding to Malwa, he reduced it, and built many towns and cities in that kingdom; among which was Nurwur, where having left a garrison of rahtories, he deputed an embassy to Shew Ray, Raja of Beejanuggur, soliciting his daughter in marriage. That Prince, dreading the power of Ramdew, sent her with valuable presents, along with the ambassador. Ram-dew remained for two years in peace and happiness, after which, attacking the rajas of Sewalik, he extorted from them annual tribute. In that war, Ramdew was opposed by the Raja of Ku-maoon (who inherited his country and crown from a long line of ancestors that had ruled up wards of 2000 years): a sanguinary battle took place, which lasted during the whole of one day, from sunrise to sunset, wherein many thousands were slain on both sides; till at length the Raja of Kumaoon was defeated with the loss of all his elephants and treasures, and fled to the hills. Ramdew having subsequently compelled his enemy to give him his daughter in marriage, left him in possession of his country, and marching towards Nugrakote, plundered it, and at length arrived at a place called Shewkote Pindy, ^lxxviiia where (on account of his veneration for the idol Doorga, which is situated at a small distance on the top of a neighbouring hill at Nagrakote,) he halted, and summoned the raja to appear before him. The Raja would by no means consent, but agreed to meet Ramdew at the temple, wherein the idol was placed. Thus the two princes met at the temple, when the Raja having given his daughter in marriage to the son of Ramdew, the latter proceeded from thence to the fort of Jummoo. The Raja of Jummoo opposed him in the woods, but was eventually defeated. Ramdew pursued him to the fort of Jummoo, which he attacked, and subdued. At length the Raja consented to become tributary, and gave his daughter to another of Ramdew's sons. Ramdew being then in the vicinity of the Behut, a river which takes its rise in the hilly tract of Kashmeer, and flows through the territory of the Punjab, proceeded through Bengal as far as the sea-shore, where the Sewalik ^lxxixa mountains have their termination.

Ramdew was employed five months in making the journey, having subjected, during that period, upwards of five hundred rajas, after which he returned to his capital, where he gave presents to his soldiers, and celebrated a feast on the occasion. Ramdew reigned for upwards of fifty-four years, and then died: he was contemporary with Feroze, the Sassanian, whose son Keikobad succeeded him, to both of which monarchs annual tribute was paid by India. After the death of Ramdew, his numerous sons all disputing the succession, civil wars ensued. Purtab Chund, the general of Ramdew, of the tribe of Sesodia, taking advantage of these events, and collecting a force, ascended the throne, in spite of the endeavours of the princes, whom he seized and put to death, and thus established his authority. Having raised himself to the same elevation as his predecessor, Purtab Chund refused to pay tribute to Persia, and the ambassador of Nowsherwan returned empty-handed. In consequence of this defection, the Persian troops invaded Mooltan and Punjab; and Purtab Chund sent peace-offerings both to the generals and to the Persian King himself, to prevent further devastation. From this, he transmitted the annual tribute as usual. After the death of Purtab Chund each of his generals seized on a province; while his progeny, flying from Kunowj, occupied a small tract of country in the hills of Koombulmere, in the neighbourhood of Chittoor and Mundsoor; the descendants of whom at present hold it in sovereignty. They are distinguished by the appellation of Rana, significant of a petty prince.^lxxxa

Among the other generals and rajas who became powerful after the death of Purtab Chund, was Anund-dew Rajpoot, of the tribe of Beis. Having collected a large force in Malwa, he conquered the countries of Nehrwala and Marhatt, in the Deccan. He built also the forts of Ramgir and Mahoor in Berar, as well as the fort of Mando in Malwa. He lived in the age of Khoosrow Purvees, and died after a reign of sixteen years.

At this time a Hindoo named Maldew, having collected a force in the Dooab, attacked and seized the cities of Dehly and Kunowj. He made the latter city his residence, which attained a condition so flourishing that it has seldom been equalled An idea of its population may be formed, when it is stated that Kunowj contained 30,000 shops for the sale of pan†, ^lxxxb and 60,000 families of public dancers and singers. After having reigned forty-two years, Maldew died; but leaving no sons fit to succeed him, anarchy and civil war every where prevailed. From that time till the Mahomedan invasion no single raja ruled over India; for when Sooltan Mahmood Ghizny invaded it, the country was divided into principalities, as follows:

Thus also Malwa, Guzerat, Ajmeer, Gualiar, &c. had each separate rajas.

The Arabians proceed towards Persia. — Progress through Kirman, Seestan, Kohistan, and Nyshapoor. — Settlement in Kho-rassan, Murv, Badghees, and Joorjistan. — Attempt by Karoon, a Persian chieftain, to recover Khorassan, defeated by Abdoolla Bin Jazim. — Abdoolla Bin Zeead enters Transoxania — is recalled, and succeeded by his brother Sulim Bin Zeead. — Sulim is accompanied by Mohalib Bin Aby Sufra. — Kabul revolts from the Moslems, who are expelled. — Sulim recovers Kabul, and appoints one Abdoolla to the government. — Ab-doolla superseded, and retires among the Afghans of the Sooli-many mountains — becomes the father of Lody and Soor, from whom two Afghan tribes derive their name. — The Afghans make war on the Hindoo Prince of Lahore. — The Gukkurs form a treaty with the Afghans. — The Raja of Lahore cedes country to the Gukkurs to defend his territory from the invasions of the Afghans.

THE first chieftain who spread the banners of the true faith on the plains of Hind was Mohalib ^2a Bin Aby Sufra.

A. H. 28.
A. D. 648. In the 28th year of the Hijra, shortly after the accession of the Caliph Ooth-man, that prince deputed Abdoolla Bin Amir, governor of Bussora, to reduce the province of Fars, which had revolted since the death of the Caliph Oomur. Abdoolla having succeeded in quelling the insurrection, returned to Bussora.

Two years after this event, the Caliph Oothman removed Wuleed Bin Atiba from the government of Koofa on account of his licentious excesses, and appointed Syeed Bin Aby-ool-Aas governor in his stead. Syeed shortly after led an army through Persia as far as Tubristan; on which occasion he was accompanied by Hussun and Hoossein, the two sons of Ally, and by their exertions he reduced the province of Joorjan, the capital of which is Astra-bad, on the borders of the Caspian Sea, and received from the inhabitants, whom he converted to the true faith, a contribution of two hundred thousand deenars.

After these successes Abdoolla quitted the army and proceeded to Mecca, making the following distribution of the conquered provinces amongst his respective generals:—

To Keis, the son of Hashem, — Khorassan.

To Huneef, the son of Keis, — Murv, Talikhan, and Nyshapoor.

To Khalid, the son of Abdoolla, — Badghees, Goor, and Joorjistan.

A. H. 32.
A. D. 652. In the year 32, Abdool Rahman Bin Rubeea was deputed from Bagdad to Persia to propagate the true faith; but being overpowered by numbers, he was slain and his army dispersed; many of his followers sought protection in Joorjan and Geelan. In the same year, Karoon, one of the nobles of the Persian government, having learned that Abdoolla had gone to Mecca, and had divided his army over the several conquered provinces, collected a body of forty thousand men composed of the inhabitants of Tubus, Herat, Badghees, Ghoor, and Kohistan, and marched against the Moslem forces. Karoon was, however, defeated by Abdoolla Bin Jazim, one of the officers of Huneef, in Nyshapoor, with an inconsiderable body of four thousand men, for which service Abdoolla received the charge of the government of Khorassan.

A. H. 44.
A. D. 664. In the year 44, the Caliph Moavia Bin Aby Soofian nominated Zeead, the son of Oomya, to the government of Bussora, Seestan, and Khorassan. In the same year also Abdool Ruhman Bin Shimur, another Arab Ameer of distinction, marched from Murv to Kabul, where he made converts of upwards of twelve thousand persons. At the same time, also, Mohalib Bin Aby-Suffra, proceeding with a detachment from thence, in the direction of India, penetrated as far as Mooltan; when, having plundered the country, he returned to the head-quarters of the army at Khorassan, bringing with him many prisoners, who were compelled to become converts to the faith.

A. H. 53.
A. D. 672. In the year 53, Zeead, the son of Oom-yah, died at Bussorah of the plague, which now made its appearance in that city. Before that Moavia, however, had heard of his death, he nominated Abdoolla, the son of Zeead, to the government of Koofa, who, proceeding with an army through Persia to Mawur-oolnuhr, partly reduced it. Being now recalled from his conquests to fill the stations lately held by his father as governor of Bussorah, Abdoolla proceeded thither, leaving his relative Salim Bin Zoora in the government of Khorassan.

A. H. 56.
A. D. 678. Three years after this, Salim was superseded by Saad, Bin Oothman Bin Iffan now appointed governor of Khorassan by the Caliph Moavia. Saad was recalled in the

A. H. 59.
A. D. 681.

year 59, and Abdool Ruhman, the son of Zeead, who formerly invaded Kabul, was nominated ruler of Khorassan. He was, subsequently, removed to make room for Sulim Bin-

A. H. 62.
A. D. 683.

Zeead, in the year 62, by Yezeed, the son of Moavia, who had then succeeded to the Caliphate. Among the persons who accompanied Sulim to his new government was Mohalib, the son of Aby-Suffra. Shortly after his arrival in Khorassan, Sulim deputed his brother, Yezeed Bin Zeead, to Seestan. Not long after, Yezeed, having learned that the Prince of Kabul, throwing off his allegiance, had attacked and taken prisoner Aby Oobeyda, the son of Zeead, the late governor of Seestan, he marched with a force to recover that province, but was defeated in a pitched battle. When Sulim heard this news, he sent Tilla Bin Abdoolla, an officer of his court, as envoy to the court of Kabul, to ransom Aby Oobeyda; to obtain which object he paid 500,000 dirhems. Tilla afterwards received the government of Seestan as a reward for his services on this occasion, where, having collected a large force, he subdued Kabul, and Khalid Bin Abdoolla (said by some to be the son of Khalid Bin Wuleed, and by others the son of Aboo Jehl) was nominated to its government. Khalid being subsequently superseded, became apprehensive of returning to Arabia by the route of Persia, on account of the enemies he had in that country, and equally so of remaining in Kabul, under his successor. He retired, therefore, with his family, and a number of Arab retainers, into the Sooli-many mountains, situated between Mooltan and Pishawur, where he took up his residence, and gave his daughter in marriage to one of the Afghan chiefs, who had become a proselyte to Maho-medism. From this marriage many children were born, among whom were two sons famous in history. The one Lody, the other Soor; who each, subsequently, became head of the tribes which to this day bear their name.

I have read in the Mutla-ool-Anwar, ^6a a work written by a respectable author, and which I procured at Boorhanpoor, a town of Kandeish in the Dekkan, that the Afghans are Copts of the race of the Pharaohs; and that when the prophet Moses got the better of that infidel who was overwhelmed in the Red Sea, many of the Copts became converts to the Jewish faith; but others, stubborn and self-willed, refusing to embrace the true faith, leaving their country, came to India, and eventually settled in the Soolimany mountains, where they bore the name of Afghans. At the time when Abraha marched against Mecca, he was accompanied by several tribes of infidels from far and near, and, on that occasion, a body of these Afghans, ^7a it is said, also joined his forces. These tribes were eventually annihilated.

At the time of the settlement of Abdoolla, the Afghans, already converts to the true faith, received the Mahomedans among them, whose flocks and herds increased; and their agriculture flourished so rapidly, that in a few years afterwards, at the time of the invasion of Sind and Mooltan by Mahomed Kassim, they afforded protection to his followers

A. H. 63.
A. D. 682.

who remained with them. In the year 63, the Mahomedan Afghans, issuing from their mountains, invaded and laid waste the inhabited countries, such as Kirman, Sheewuran, and Pishawur. The Raja of Lahore, who was related to the Ray† ^7b of Ajmeer, sent 1000 horse to attack and annihilate these marauders; but the former being defeated with severe loss, the Raja despatched his nephew with a force of 2000 horse and 5000 infantry to make a second endeavour to expel them.

The Afghans having procured reinforcements from Khulij, Ghoor, and Kabul, to the number of four thousand men, marched against the Indian forces. The two armies fought, in the five ensuing months, seventy actions; but the winter setting in severely, the Indians were compelled to retreat to Lahore, an object which they effected with great difficulty. In the following spring the Indians again took the field, under their former general. The Afghans met them on a plain between Kirman and Pishawur, where several indecisive actions took place, till at length the rainy season being about to commence, the Indians took the opportunity of a temporary advantage which they had gained over the Afghans to retreat by forced marches, so as to cross the Neelab while yet fordable. The same cause also induced the Mahomedans to return within their frontiers. About this period some disputes arising between the Gukkurs ^8a and the Raja of Lahore, this race formed a treaty of alliance, defensive and offensive with the Afghans, who compelled the Raja of Lahore to submit to terms from the Gukkurs, to whom he could otherwise himself have dictated conditions.

This treaty included the cession of certain territories in perpetuity to the Gukkurs, and to the tribe of Khullij, which was permitted by the Afghans to reside in the country of Lumghan; it was secretly provided, also, that they should protect the Indian frontier from the Mahomedan invasions. The Mahomedan Afghans, notwithstanding, still continued their depredations, and advanced near Pishawur, where they erected a fort in the hills to which they gave the name of Khybur, subduing at the same time the province of Roh. This district extends from Swad and Beejowr, on the north, as far south as Seewy near Bhukkur in Sind; and from east to west from Hussun-Abdall to Kabul and Kandahar.

During the reign of the Samany kings, the Afghans formed a barrier between the kingdom of Mooltan and Lahore, and thus we find the Samany troops always limited their predatory excursions to Sind and Tatta. When the government of Ghizny devolved on Aluptugeen, his general, Subooktu-geen frequently invaded the provinces of Mooltan and Lumghan, carrying away its inhabitants as slaves, in spite of the efforts of the Afghans. Jeipal, the Raja of Lahore, concerted measures with the Bhattia ^9a Raja, and being convinced that his troops were unable to withstand the inclemency of the northern climate so as to retaliate on the invaders, concerted measures with the Bhattia Raja to obtain the services of Sheikh Humeed, Afghan, who being appointed governor of Mooltan and Lumghan, placed garrisons of Afghan troops in those districts.

From that period the Afghans became military chiefs. On the death of Aluptugeen, Subooktu-geen succeeded to his power; and Sheikh Humeed perceiving that his own country would, in all probability, suffer in the incursions with which Su-booktugeen threatened India, united himself with that prince.

Subooktugeen, from motives of policy, avoided the districts of Sheikh Humeed by every means in his power; but his son Mahmood, on the contrary, made furious war against the Afghans, putting to death all who did not acknowledge his supremacy, by which means he eventually compelled the whole of the tribes to submit to him.

To face page 11. Vol. I.]

>genealogy<

Nasir-ood-Deen Subooktugeen, ruler of Ghizny, a dependency of the kingdom of Bokhara, governed by the dynasty of Sa-many. — Subooktugeen makes war with Jeipal, Raja of the Punjab. — Peace concluded. — Jeipal imprisons the Moslem ambassadors. — War renewed. — Battle of Lumghan, in which the Hindoos are defeated and pursued to the Indus. — Death of Abool Munsoor Sumany, King of Bokhara. — His son Nooh ascends the throne. — Fâïk, one of his generals, creates a revolt. — Subooktugeen unites with the King of Bokhara to oppose him. — Fâïk finds an ally in Boo-Ally-Hussun Bin Sunjur, ruler of Khorassan, and also in Fukhr-ood-Dowla, Delimy of Joorjan. — Fâïk and his allies march against the King of Bokhara and Subooktugeen, but the former are defeated. — Mahmood, the son of Subooktugeen is left at Ny-shapoor. — Fâïk and the allies attack Mahmood, who is only saved from defeat by the timely arrival of his father. — Fâïk flies to Kilat in Seestan. — Death of Subooktugeen. — His character.

ALTHOUGH Ameer Nasir-ood-deen Subooktugeen neither crossed the Indus nor subdued any part of Punjab, all writers include him in the dynasty of the kings of Lahore. Historians affirm that Ameer Subooktugeen, who afterwards acquired the title of Nasir-ood-deen, was a Toork by descent. He was educated, and taught the use of arms, among the other slaves of Aluptugeen. During the reign of the house of Samany, ^12a Aluptugeen was honoured with the government of Kho-rassan, where having raised himself to distinction, on the death of Abdool Mullik Samany, the nobles sent a deputation to consult him regarding a successor. Aluptugeen hesitated not to oppose the accession of the Prince Munsoor on the plea of his being too young, recommending that his uncle should for the present assume the reins of government. Before his answer arrived, a party at the capital had raised Munsoor to the throne, and, consequently, when the young king sent for Aluptugeen to court, he, being apprehensive for

A. H. 351.
A. D. 962.

his life, made excuses, and neglected to appear. In the year 351 he broke out into open rebellion, and marched to Ghizny, which he subdued, and there established an independent power.

Munsoor hearing of this defection, conferred the government of Khorassan on Abool-Hussun Ma-homed, the son of Ibrahim Sunjur, Toorkoman, and twice sent armies to attack Aluptugeen, which were on both occasions defeated.

According to the narrative of Ahmud-oolla Moostowfy, Aluptugeen retained his independence fifteen years, during which period his general, Su-booktugeen, being engaged in frequent wars with

A. H. 365.
A. D. 975.

the Indians, as often defeated them. Alup-tugeen died in the year 365, and his son Aboo-Isaac, accompanied by Subooktu-geen, proceeded to Bokhara. At this time Aboo-Isaac received a formal commission from Munsoor, as governor of Ghizny; and Subooktugeen was also appointed by the king his deputy and provisional successor. Aboo-Isaac survived this event but

A. H. 367.
A. D. 977.

a short period, when Subooktugeen, in the year 367, was unanimously acknowledged king by the chiefs of Ghizny.

On this occasion, also, he espoused the daughter of Aluptugeen, and became as celebrated for his justice in the administration of his affairs as for the great popularity he acquired among his subjects, of all conditions.

Minhaj-oos-Siraj Joorjany has given the following account of Subooktugeen's origin:—“A merchant of the name of Nusr-Hajy having purchased Subooktugeen while yet a boy, brought him from Toorkistan to Bokhara, where he was sold to Aluptugeen, who, perceiving in him the promise of future greatness, raised him by degrees to posts of confidence and distinction, till, at length, on his establishing his independence at Ghizny, he conferred on him the title of Ameer-ool-Omra (chief of the nobles), and also that of Vakeel-i-Mootluk, or Representative.” Subooktugeen is said to be lineally descended from Yezdijerd (the last of the Persian monarchs), who, when flying from his enemies during the Caliphate of Oothman, was murdered at a water-mill near the town of Murv. His family being left in Toorkistan formed connections among the people, and his descendants became Toorks. His genealogy is as follows:—Subooktu-geen, the son of Jookan, the son of Kuzil-Hukum, the son of Kuzil-Arslan, the son of Ferooz, the son of Yezdijird, king of Persia. ^14a Soon after Subooktu-geen had assumed the ensigns of royalty, he had nearly lost his life by the hands of one Toghan, an independent chief, on the confines of the province of Ghizny. Toghan had lately been restored to his government (from which he had been expelled by one of his neighbours), on condition that he should hold it of the crown of Ghizny. But he failed in his allegiance. Subooktugeen, while making a circuit of his dominions, came to this chief's province, where, having invited him to the chase, and being alone, he upbraided him with his breach of faith. Toghan, feeling the reproof bitterly, put his hand on his sword, the king drew his in self-defence; a combat ensued, in which Subooktugeen was wounded in the hand, and his attendants interfering, as well as those of Toghan, an action took place, wherein Toghan being defeated, fled to the fort of Boost. The fort was besieged and taken, but Toghan effected his escape.

It was here the king became acquainted with Abool Futteh, the most learned man of his day. He was originally secretary to the chief of Boost, ^15a whom Subooktugeen had expelled in favour of the ungrateful Toghan. Abool Futteh now became secretary to Subooktugeen, and continued in his office at Ghizny till the accession of Mahmood, when he retired in disgust to Toorkistan.

Subooktugeen, having reduced the fortress of Boost, marched to Kandahar, and conquered that province; the governor of which place, although made prisoner, was afterwards enrolled among the officers of the Ghizny court. Towards the close of

A. H. 367.
A. D. 977.

the first year of his reign, the King, resolving on a war with the idolaters of India, marched in that direction, and having taken certain forts, caused mosques to be built, and then returned with considerable spoil to Ghizny.

Jeipal, the son of Hutpal, of the Brahmin tribe, reigned at that time over the country, extending in length from Surhind to Lumghan, and in breadth from the kingdom of Kashmeer to Moultan. He resided in the fort of Bitunda for the convenience of taking steps for opposing the Mahome-dans; and finding, by their reiterated invasions, that he was unlikely to enjoy tranquillity at home, he raised a great army, and brought together numerous elephants, with a design to attack them in their own country. Subooktugeen, receiving intelligence of Jeipal's intentions, marched another force towards India. The two armies coming in sight of each other, on the confines of Lumghan, some skirmishes ensued, and Mahmood, the son of Subooktugeen, though then but a boy, gave signal proofs of his valour and conduct.

Many days elapsed without the opponents having engaged each other, when it was mentioned to Mahmood, that in the camp of Jeipal was a spring, into which, if a mixture of ordure should be thrown the sky would immediately become overcast, and a dreadful storm of hail and wind arise. Mahmood having caused this to be done, the effects became visible; for instantly the sky lowered, and thunder, lightning, wind, and hail succeeded, turning the day into night, and spreading horror and destruction around; insomuch that a great part of the cattle was killed, and some thousands of the soldiers of both armies perished. But the troops of Ghizny being more hardy than those of Hindoostan, suffered less than their enemies. Jeipal in the morning found his army so dispersed and dejected from the effects of the storm, that, fearing Subooktugeen would take advantage of his condition to attack him, he made overtures for peace, in which he offered to pay to the king of Ghizny a certain tribute, and to propitiate him with presents of elephants and gold.

Subooktugeen was disposed to accede to these proposals, but his son Mahmood prevailed with his father to reject them. Jeipal now sent other ambassadors to explain to Subooktugeen the customs of the Indian soldiers, particularly the rajpoots, who, if driven to desperation,” said he, “murder their wives and children, set fire to their houses and property, let loose their hair, and rushing on the enemy, are heedless of death, in order to obtain revenge.”

Subooktugeen, convinced of the truth of Jeipal's statement, consented to terms. Jeipal agreed to pay a large sum in specie, and to deliver to Subook-tugeen fifty elephants. Unable to discharge the whole sum in camp, Jeipal desired that persons, on the part of Subooktugeen, should accompany him to Lahore, to receive the balance; for whose safety hostages were left with Subook-tugeen. On reaching Lahore, finding Subooktu-geen had returned to Ghizny, at the instance of his Braminical advisers, Jeipal refused payment, and imprisoned the persons left to receive the money.

It was then customary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to assemble a council consisting of an equal number of the most respectable brahmins, who sat on the right of the throne, and of the noblest Kshetries, who sat on the left. The Kshetries perceiving that Jeipal meditated so impolitic a measure represented to him the fatal consequences of this step. “The troops,” said they, “have not yet forgotten the terrors of the enemy's “arms, and Jeipal may rest assured that Subook-“tugeen will not brook such an insult without a “dreadful revenge.”

The opinion of the council was that he should comply strictly with the terms of the treaty, that the people might enjoy the blessings of tranquillity. But the King remained obstinate, and refused to attend to their advice. Intelligence of the restraint put on his officers reaching the ear of Subook-tugeen, like a foaming torrent he hastened with his army towards Hindoostan.

Jeipal also, having collected his troops, marched forth to oppose him. It is related, that on this occasion the neighbouring Rajas supplied troops and money, particularly those of Dehly, Ajmeer, Kalun-jur, and Kunowj, whose forces having united in the Punjab, the whole composed an army of a hundred thousand horse, besides an innumerable host of foot.

The two armies having met on the confines of Lumghan, Subooktugeen ascended a hill to view the forces of Jeipal, which appeared in extent like the boundless ocean, and in number like the ants or the locusts of the wilderness. But Subooktugeen considered himself as a wolf about to attack a flock of sheep: calling, therefore, his chiefs together, he encouraged them to glory, and issued to each his commands. His soldiers, though few in number, were divided into squadrons of five hundred men each, which were directed to attack successively, one particular point of the Hindoo line, so that it might continually have to encounter fresh troops.

The Hindoos, being worse mounted than the cavalry of Subooktugeen, were unable to withstand them, and, wearied out by the manœuvre just mentioned, began to give way. Subooktugeen perceiving their disorder, made a general assault: the Hindoos were every where defeated, and fled, and were pursued, with great slaughter, to the banks of the Neelab. Subooktugeen acquired in this action both fame and wealth, for, besides the rich plunder of the Indian camp, he levied heavy contributions on the countries of Lumghan and Pishawur, including all the territory west of the Neelab; causing himself to be acknowledged king over that country, and appointing one of his officers, with ten thousand horse, to the government of Pishawur.

The Afghans and Khiljies ^19a who resided among the mountains having taken the oath of allegiance to Subooktugeen, many of them were enlisted in his army, after which he returned in triumph to Ghizny.

Abool Munsoor, king of Bokhara, died about this time, and his son Nooh the Sixth, of the house of Samany, sat upon the throne. Being attacked by one Fâïk, a rebel chief, Abool Nusr Farsy was deputed from Bokhara to Subooktugeen, to beg his assistance. Subooktugeen, influenced by gratitude to the house of Samany, hastened with his army towards Mavur-ool-Nehr, while Nooh advanced to the country of Suruksh to meet him. Subooktugeen sent a messenger to Nooh, requesting that on account of his age and infirmities, he might be excused from dismounting when they met. On advancing, however, and recognising the features of the royal house of Samany in the face of the young prince, he was unable to control his emotions of loyalty, and throwing himself from his horse, ran to kiss his stirrup, which the young king perceiving, prevented the attempt by himself dismounting, and receiving him in his embrace.

The season being too far advanced for military operations, it was agreed, that Subooktugeen should return, during the winter, to Ghizny; and Ameer Nooh, after conferring the usual dresses of honour, returned to Bokhara. Boo Ally Hussun, Bin Sunjur, who having seized part of Khorassan had given an asylum to Fâïk, heard of the alliance formed between Ameer Nooh and Subooktugeen, and now became apprehensive of the consequence of favouring the rebel. Having consulted his council as to where he should find protection in case fortune deserted him, it was resolved that he should endeavour to ensure the alliance of Fukhr-ood Dowla Delimy, ruler of Joorjan. ^20a He accordingly sent one Jafur Zoolkurnein ambassador to Joorjan, with valuable and curious presents, the produce of Khorassan and Toorkistan and a treaty of friendship was formed between these two princes.

Subooktugeen in the mean while put his troops in motion, and arrived at Bulkh†, ^20b where Ameer Nooh joined him with his forces from Bokhara. Fâïk and Boo-Ally-Hussun, hearing of this junction, marched (accompanied by Dara the general of Fukhr-ood-Dowla) from Herat, to oppose the king. Subooktugeen, pitching his camp on an extensive plain, awaited the approach of the enemy, who soon after appeared in his front. He then drew out his army in order of battle, and took post in the centre, having with him his son Mah-mood, and the young king of Bokhara.

At first the rebel troops advanced with great intrepidity, and pressed so closely on the flanks of Subooktugeen, that both wings began to give ground, and his army was on the point of being defeated. At this critical moment Dara, the general of Fukhr-ood-Dowla, galloping up to the centre where Subooktugeen in person led his troops, laid his shield over his back (a signal of friendship), as he approached, and riding up to him, begged he would accept of his services. After this, returning to his division, he immediately brought it over to the side of Subooktugeen, and faced round on his deserted friends. Subooktu-geen, taking advantage of the confusion which ensued, charged and put the enemy to flight, pursuing them with slaughter, and taking many prisoners.

Thus this unhappy man (Fâïk), who had raised his hand against his sovereign, lost his honour and his wealth, a tenth part of which might have maintained him and his family in splendour and happiness. Fâïk and Boo-Ally-Hussun fled, and took the route of Nyshapoor. ^21a Subooktugeen, after this signal victory, received from the king of Bokhara the title of Nasir-ood-Deen (Hero of the faith), and his son Mahmood that of Syf-ood-Dowla (Sword of the state).

Ameer Nooh marched to Bokhara, and Subook-tugeen and his son Mahmood to Nyshapoor. Fâïk and Boo-Ally-Hussun fled, at their approach, into Joorjan, and took refuge with Fukhr-ood-Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Su-booktugeen returned to Ghizny, while his son Mahmood remained at Nyshapoor with a small force. Fâïk and Boo-Ally-Hussun, availing themselves of this circumstance, collected their forces and attacked Mahmood, before he could receive reinforcements either from the emperor or his father, on which occasion he was defeated, and lost all his baggage.

Subooktugeen, hearing of his son's situation, hastened towards Nyshapoor, and meeting with the troops of Fâïk, attacked them without delay. In the heat of the action, a dust was observed suddenly to rise in the rear of Boo-ally-Hussun, which announced the approach of Prince Mahmood. Fâïk and Boo-ally-Hussun, finding they should soon be surrounded, made a desperate but unavailing charge against Subooktugeen. Mahmood arriving at that instant, attacked them like an angry lion, and they, unable to resist his fury, fled, and took refuge in the fort of Kilat.

After this victory, Subooktugeen resided at Bulkh, in peace and tranquillity, but in less than a year he fell into a languishing disorder, which not yielding to the power of medicine, he determined to try change of air; and accordingly commenced a journey to Ghizny. He became so weak when he arrived at Toormooz (not far from Bulkh), that

Shaban,
A. H. 387.
August,
A. D. 997.

he was obliged to stop there, and expired in the month of Shaban (August), in the year 387, his remains being carried on to Ghizny for interment.

Subooktugeen was a prince of great bravery and conduct, and governed his subjects with prudence, equity, and moderation, for twenty years. He died in the fifty-sixth year of his age. After him fourteen kings of his race reigned at Ghizny and Lahore. His Vizier, Abool Abass Fazil, Bin Ahmud Isferany, was considered a great minister in the management both of civil and military affairs.

The author of the Jama-ool-Hikayat ^23a relates, that “Subooktugeen was at first a private horse-“man in the service of Aluptugeen, and being of “a vigorous and active disposition, used to hunt “every day in the forest. It happened on a time, “as he was engaged in the amusement of the chase, “he saw a doe grazing along with her fawn. On “which, spurring his horse, he seized the fawn, “and binding its legs proceeded on his return “home. Having ridden but a short distance, he “looked back, and beheld the doe following him, “exhibiting every demonstration of affliction. The “soul of Subooktugeen melting with pity, he un-“bound the fawn, and restored it to liberty: the “happy mother turned her face to the wilderness, “often turning round to gaze on Subooktugeen. “He is said to have seen during that night, in a “dream, the Prophet of God, (on whom be peace!) “who said to him, ‘That generosity which you “have this day shown to a distressed animal has “been appreciated by God, and the kingdom of “Ghizny is assigned to you in this world as your “reward: let not thy power, however, under-“mine thy virtue, but thus continue the exercise “of benevolence towards mankind.’”

It is stated, also, in the Maasir-ool-Moolook, that his son Mahmood, having built a pleasure-house in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizny, invited his father, whenit was finished, to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him.

Mahmood, in the joy of his heart, desired the opinion of Subooktugeen concerning the house and garden, which were much admired on account of the taste displayed in their formation. The king, to the great disappointment of his son, told him that he viewed the whole as a bauble, which any of his subjects might raise by the means of wealth; observing, that it was the business of a prince to raise more durable fabrics to fame, which might stand for ever, as objects worthy of imitation, but difficult to be surpassed by posterity. The poet Nizamy Oorazy of Samarkand makes upon this saying the following reflection: “Notwith-“standing the numerous palaces built by Mah-“mood, who vaunted of their beauty and mag-“nificence, yet we see not one stone in its proper “place; though the poems of Oonsurry ^25a still “remains a splendid monument of his talents.”

It is related in the Turjooma Yemny, that a short time previously to his death, Ameer Nasir-ood-Deen Subooktugeen held a conversation with Sheikh Abool Futteh of Boost. He observed, “In “the exertions we make to avert disease with the “hopes of recovery, I am forcibly reminded of “the condition of sheep and the butcher. In “the first instance, the sheep is brought into a “strange place, is bound by the feet, and is appre-“hensive that his end is approaching. After much “exertion he submits; and, on being shorn of his “fleece, is allowed to get up and be at liberty; “this ceremony is more than once renewed during “his life; and, lastly, when the moment of death “arrives, he permits himself to be quietly bound, “and resigns his throat to the knife, while he firmly “hopes he is only thrown down to be shorn. So “we become, in the course of time, accustomed to “the bed of sickness; we have recovered so often, “that we have no apprehension of danger, till at last “death comes suddenly upon us, and throws his “noose round our necks, and we are in an instant “throttled.” It is said this conversation occurred only about forty days before the King's death.