Taẕkirah al-vaqi'at - Memoirs of Humāyūn

THE author of these Memoirs, Jouhar, was a constant attendant of the Emperor Humayun. His post being that of an Aftabchy, or an ewer-bearer, he had to attend on his Majesty wherever he went. The services of an aftabchy in the Moghul Emperors’ establishment were a sine quâ non, more so with an Emperor of Humayun’s stamp, who was too fastidious an observer of the laws and injunctions of Mahomet. An aftabchy had to look after the “Ewer Department” of the Emperors, which consisted of ewer, musek and flagons of water for the purposes of ablutions and drinking. Besides, the aftabchy had to prepare cordial and refreshing drinks, such as sherbets, for the Emperors. The office of an ewer-bearer was formerly well-known in all the courts of Europe, and is still to be found in the establishment of the King-of-England’s household. Besides the very meagre account which Jouhar gives of himself in the Preface of these Memoirs, nothing further can be known. Jouhar does not tell us what position he held when he wrote these Memoirs; but that he became a man of some marks, is beyond the shadow of a doubt. Abul Fazl mentions his appointment in the district of Haibatpur, and subsequently speaks of him as “Mihtar Jauhar, treasurer of the Punjab.” Jouhar too affirms that Humayun assigned to the “humble servant Jouhar,” the collection of the revenues of the Hybetpur Purgunnah

The composition of these Memoirs to which the the author gives the name of Tezkirat-ul-Wakiat,^* or the “Relation of Occurrences,” was taken in hand not earlier than 1587 A. D., thirty years after the death of the Emperor. The “long-choosing and beginning-late” policy of the biographer is a great stumbling block to the accuracy of some of the incidents depicted herein. The truth and honesty of the author, in his delineation of the incidents in which he himself had been a participator, are unquestionable. “The fact of their having been commenced full thirty years after the death of Humayun,” says Professor Dowson, “greatly diminishes their claim to be considered a faithful and exact account of the occurrences they record.” The author had not kept notes of events as they occurred, but he had to depend solely on his memory which, perhaps, misled him in several material points. Prof. Dowson further remarks:

“They are not contemporary records of the events as they occurred, but reminiscenes of more than thirty years’ standing, so that, whatever the sincerity and candour of the writer, time must have toned down his impressions, and memory had doubtless given a favourable colour to the recollections he retained of a well-beloved master. The conversations attributed to the various personages who figure in his Memoirs must therefore contain quite as much of what the author thought they might or ought to have said as of what really was uttered.”

The most reliable authorities on the reign of Humayun are, Feristah’s accounts, Jouhar’s Memoirs and Abul Fazl’s Akbar Namah. Col. Dow has wholly relied on Feristah’s account and has translated a portion of it for his celebrated History of Hindostan, while the Honourable Monstuart Elphinstone has diligently collected materials for his History of India from the three authorities. Baber’s autobiography and Humayun Namah of the veteran historian Khonda Mir, may also be of invaluable help to those scholars, who, unlike the superficial and circumstantial readers, see deeper into things of the past, especially when they are connected with the chronology of that vast empire, which boasts of its own material prosperity and civilisation, long before the pre-historic times of Assyria, Babylon, Athens or Rome. Elphinstone’s indebtedness to Jouhar, the aftabchy to his Imperial Majesty Humayun Shah, is too large to have been adequately repaid with a few frigid but sincere remarks on these Memoirs. Says Mr. Elphinstone:

“He was in constant attendance on Humayun, and although unacquainted with his political relations and secret designs, was a minute and correct observer of all that came within his reach, and describes what he saw with simplicity and distinctness. He was devoted to Humayun, and anxious to put all his actions in the most favourable light; but he seldom imagined that anything in his master’s conduct required either concealment or apology.”

The author of these Memoirs was a faithful adherent and a constant attendant of a personage who was so kind and generous to him, that he looked upon him not as a stern master but as a fostering father. Moreover, he owed his rank and promotion, which perhaps, he did not well deserve, solely to the generosity of his master. When a man, so devoted an admirer of his patron, writes his memoirs almost in a spirit of filial reverence, he very seldom sees anything to reproach in his hero’s conduct. The author was, perhaps “anxious to put all his (Humayun’s) actions in the most favourable light,” as Mr. Elphinstone very pertinently remarks. But this anxiety, we are led to believe, is inherent in a protêge.

Jouhar, a menial of the Emperor and a man of scarcely more than ordinary wit, was not endowed with that knowledge and acumen of a biographer which had created a new epoch for the works of Plutarch, Abbot or Boswell. “The Author of this work,” says Major Stewart, the translator, “was not a learned person, it has no claim to erudition.” “This book,” he continues, “being written with the greatest sincerity and naïvetê, sometimes to the disparagement of his hero, I have no doubt of its authenticity.” Professor Dowson also remarks that “these Memoirs afford much amusement from the naive and simple style in which they are written.” He praises the book because it bears all the “appearance of truth and honesty” and compliments its author, who is “to a great degree exempt from the exaggeration and fulsome eulogy to which Oriental biographers are prone.”

These Memoirs which purport to be a faithful and true representation of the life and career of Humayun, lack in one vital point, viz., they do not give us an inkling into his private and domestic traits. They do not give us sufficient personal traits and anecdotes—data for judging Humayun as a man, not as a King. The autobiographies of his illustrious father Baber and his ease-loving grandson Jahangir, abound in such anecdotes. Jahangir has carried them to such an extent, that a certain portion of his autobiography is full of incredulous, weird stories more amusing than a best written romance. But none can give us a more vivid and life-like portrait of the great personality in all his public affairs than Jouhar. The minute and glowing description of Humayun’s escape after his defeat by Sher Shah, of his adventurous retreat through the deserts and unfriendly countries, of his perilous situation at the court of Shah Tahmasp, of his courage and fortitude in times of danger and peril, of his bearings in adversity, of his forbearance and clemency, of his kindness and humanity, and after all, of his piety and resignation, has stood without its equal. In kingly virtues, Humayun has been accused of showing unmistakable signs of weakness. But his weakness “leaned to virtue’s side”; and, it has been even said, that “if he had been a worse man, he would have been a greater King.”

We have already said that these Memoirs do not commence till his mounting the throne of Dehli at the age of twenty-three. Here too the Memoirs do not give us any light as to his career, prior to the assumption of the crown, which covers a period of more than two decades. It is certain that he rendered valuable services to his father in his wars with the Afghans and his campaign in India. Baber always tried to put him on the right track with good advice and gentle reprimands. Baber writes to him:

“Fail not to exert yourself streneously to meet every situation as it occurs; for indolence and ease suit but ill with royalty... The great should excercise self-command; and I do hope that you will always maintain a good understanding with him (Kamran)...... If you are desirous of gaining my approbation, you must not waste your time in private parties, but rather indulge in liberal conversation and frank intercourse with all about you.... There is no greater bondage than that in which a King is placed, &c.”^*

He reprimands Humayun for the lack of warmth of his parental affection in this strain:

“I have some quarrels to settle with you. For two or three years past, none of your people has waited on me from you, and the messenger whom I sent to you did not come back to me for a twelvemonth.”^†

Baber is famous for his vast learning and erudition; he is also a first rate composer and his style is simple but dignified and unaffected. Once he was very much offended with Humayun for his writing him a letter full of sonorous and bombastic words, without paying particular heed, either to orthography or adequate sense, for which Baber takes him to task in the following manner:

“In compliance with my wishes, you have indeed written me letters, but you certainly never read them over; for had you attempted to read them, you must have found it absolutely impossible, and would then undoubtedly have put them by. I contrived indeed to decypher and comprehend the meaning of your last letter, but with much defficulty. It is excessively confused and crabbed. Who ever saw a Moâmma (a riddle or a charade) in prose? Your spelling is not bad, yet not correct. You have written iltafât with a toe (instead of a te) and kuling with a be (instead of a kãf). Your letter may indeed be read; but in consequence of the far fetched words you have employed, the meaning is by no means very intelligible. You certainly do not excel in letter-writing, and fail chiefly because you have too good a desire to show your acquirements. For the future, you should write unaffectedly, with clearness, using plain words, which would cost less trouble both to the writer and the reader.”^*

Baber has had no occasion to complain of his son for any gross misconduct shown towards him. Humayun, on one occasion, had repaired to Dehli, and had there opened several houses which contained the treasure, and taken possession by force of the contents. “I certainly never expected such conduct from him,” writes Baber, “and, being extremely hurt, I wrote and sent him some letters containing the severest reprehension.”^† Humayun had committed a guilt—nay, the highest crime against the State for which the Emperor, his father though, was only hurt and wrote “some letters containing the severest reprehension!” But unfortunately, not one of these letters has been preserved for us in the Memoirs of Baber, so as to be able to see the nature of the “severest reprehension.” It also goes to prove, how much Baber loved his son. It is said, once Humayun fell ill and his life was dispaired of. Abul Baka, a venerable and pious man told Baber, that in such cases God had sometimes granted a further lease of the dying man’s life in exchange for the most valuable thing possessed by a nearest and dearest friend of the invalid. Baber, without a moment’s hesitation, made a sacred vow to offer his own life for that of Humayun. The Omrahs entreated him to retract that terrible vow and offer the diamond taken at Agra, which had been reckoned the most valuable on earth. But he was inexorable. Mussulman historians assure us, that Humayun almost immediately began to recover, and that, in proportion as he recovered, the health and strength of Baber visibly decayed. Baber died shortly after the recovery of Humayun. (Vide Memoirs of Baber p. 427 seq.)

Humayun’s character, as far as we can judge from these Memoirs, is irreproachable. But unalloyed goodness is a virtue, rarely to be found in mortals. He has, however, shown a weakness, which is the only black spot in his otherwise pure character. Baber, at his death-bed, besought him to be kind and forgiving to his brothers. (Vide text, p. 38) His brothers had been guilty of high treason and the grossest misdemeanor. Humayun not only forgave them on several occasions, but embraced them as his loving brothers. Prince Kamran is the most guilty of them all. At last being driven to exasperation, Humayun was compelled to take recourse to a violent act. (Vide text, pp. 154-56). Prudent politicians will declare the action as the policy of self-preservation, while moralists will universally condemn it.

MY LORD,

I have the honour to dedicate to your Lordship the Memoirs of Humâyûn, Emperor of Hindûstan; the vicissitudes of whose reign bear a great resemblance to those of our Royal Stuart family, and of the late Bourbon dynasty.

It affords me great pleasure to have an opportunity of dedicating these pages to a Personage who, from his own knowledge of the Oriental tongues, can duly appreciate the difficulties of clothing in European language the ideas and idioms of the natives of Persia and Hindûstan.

That you may long continue to support that praise-worthy Institution, of which you are the Founder, is the sincere wish of,

CHARLES STEWART.

DURING the period I was engaged in translating the Memoirs of the Emperor Timûr, I received, from my friend Major William Yule, a Persian manuscript, containing Private Memoirs of the Emperor Humayun, son of the celebrated Baber, and father of the no less famous Akber, sixth in descent from Timur, and contemporary with our King Henry VIII. with a recommendation that I should translate it. In compliance with my friend’s recommendation, and at the request of the Oriental Translation Committee, I have undertaken the task.

As the Author of this Work was not a learned person, it has no claims to erudition; I have therefore not thought it requisite to give any part of the original text; and although, in conformity to the practice of the times, he has ornamented his book with various quotations from the Koran, with many passages from Persian poets, and historical anecdotes, I have not taken the trouble of following him in these his prolix digressions.

This book being written with the greatest sincerity and naïvetè, sometimes to the disparagement of his hero, I have no doubt of its authenticity. The manuscript was purchased at Lucknow, the capital of Oude, and is, I believe, the only copy now in England: it is a large octavo volume, written in the common hand, and is about a century old.

The Anglo-orthography of this work is nearly the same as that of the Memoirs of Timûr, viz. a free use of the Persian letters; and the short e, representing the vowel zubber of that language.

I take this opportunity of declaring that I have scarcely ever met with an idea in any European poet, of a passage in any historian, that I have not found a parallel to it in Oriental writers. I must also request the readers who are inclined to criticise the style of this work, or my other Translations, that they will previously compare them with English books of the same period, not with those of the present day.

CHARLES STEWART.

P. S. I beg leave to add, that the book mentioned in my Preface to the Memoirs of Timûr should have been Ajaib al Mukdur, “Wonders of Destiny,” instead of Ajaib al Mukhlukat.

Humâyûn, Emperor of Hindûstân, was the son of Baber, son of Omer Shykh, son of Abû Saied, son of Muhammed Myrzâ, son of Myran Hussyn, son of Timur.

His descendants, or successors, were the Emperors Akber, Jehangyr, Shâh Jehân, Aalumgyr-Aurungzyb, Behadur Shâh, Ferrukhsyr, Muhammed, Ahmed, Aalumgyr II. Shâh Aalum, Akber II.

Humâyûn was born at Kabul (A. H. 913, A. D. 1508), being the same year in which his father had taken the title of Padshâh, the second brother was named Kamrân, the third Hindal, the fourth Askery: they all bore the title of Myrzâ (Prince) following their names, and will make a conspicuous figure in this history.^*

When Baber invaded Hindûstân (A. H. 932, A. D. 1525), he gave the command of the right wing of his army to Humâyûn, and he was the first general that engaged the Afghans. After the battle of Paniput he was sent on to secure the city of Agra, and the treasures of Sultân Ibrahîm; he also commanded the army sent against the combined forces of the chiefs possessing the country on the eastward of the Ganges: in all of which measures he succeeded, and was rewarded by his father with a present of one crore and seventy laks of dâms,^* and a palace at Agra with all its contents. He afterwards took the city of Joanpûr, and then joined the imperial army previous to the bloody battle fought with the Hindû Princes near Biana, in which he highly distinguished himself.

It has been deemed requisite to state these circumstances, because the Memoirs do not commence till his mounting the throne; and he has been accused of want of energy as a monarch; nay, it has been even said, that if he had been a worse man, he would have been a greater king. See Memoirs of the Emperor Baber, by William Erskine, Esq. London, 1826, and Dow’s History of Hindûstân.

As the Author has seldom inserted any dates, I have been under the necessity of supplying them from other sources.

P. S. Although the dynasty of Timur are in India called Moghuls, the family do not acknowledge themselves to be so; they are properly Jagtay Turks, of a very superior clan to the Moghuls or Tartars; but in order to discriminate them from the Turks of Constantinople, the former title has been continued to them both in this work and in the Memoirs of Timur.

It is necessary also to observe here that the Tukhti Soleyman mentioned in the XIVth Chapter is not the Persepolis of the Greeks: I have not been able to discover the European name of it.

Glory be to God, the Lord of all Worlds, Praise and benedictions be also on his Prophet, and on all his descendants and companions;—

The dedication of this illustrious volume, is in the name of the Emperor, the Asylum of the world, the Just monarch, the Redresser of grievances, the Supporter of Church and State, Defender of the faith, Muhammed Humâyún, the victorious Prince; may God illuminate his resting place, and perpetuate his kingdom;—

Thus saith the humble servant of the Court, the Asylum of mankind, Jouher, having had the good fortune, while still a youth, to be admitted into the service of his Majesty Humâyùn, and having continued in it till his death, I was at all times, and in all situations, in constant attendance on the royal person; it therefore occurred to me as desirable that I should write a narrative of all the events to which I had been an eye witness, that it may remain as a record of the past interesting occurrences; I have endeavoured to explain them to the best of my humble ability, although in a style very inferior to the dignity of the subject. I commenced this work in the year 995 (A. D. 1587), and have named it the Tezkereh al Vakiãt, Relation of Occurrences.^*

It is not my intention however to narrate all the occurrences which have taken place during the late reign, but shall confine myself to those operations in which his Majesty was personally concerned; I shall therefore commence this work with Humãyún’s ascending the throne, and shall nearly conclude with his return from Persia and his regaining the sovereignty; I shall further explain with what fortitude and perseverance the late Emperor encountered so many hardships and difficulties, and through the favour of Almighty God, thereby recovered his dominions, in the hope that this book may hand down the name of the Author to posterity, and inform mankind of these extraordinary events.

Of the death of the Emperor Zehyr-ad-dyn Muhammed Baber, (whose soul dwelleth in Paradise) and the mounting the throne by his son Nesyr-ad-din Muhammed Humayun.^* A. H. 937.—A. D. 1530.

The first events that occurred, after his Majesty’s succession to the throne, were the rebellions of Byn and Bayezid, Afghãns, and of Mahmud Lody, in the eastern provinces of the empire; in consequence of which his Majesty led his army (from Callinger) towards Joanpûr, and, having encamped on the banks of the river Goompty, fought and defeated the rebels with great slaughter, A. H. 938. After this victory his Majesty proceeded against the strong fortress of Chunar, which was commanded by Jelal Khãn, the son of the celebrated Shyr Khãn, who after a siege of four months made his submission, and peace was concluded on the condition of a party of Afghãns commanded by Abdal Rashid, second son of Shyr, joining the King’s army, which in consequence marched to Agra, the capital of the Moghuls. (See History of Bengal, page 138.)

Account of his Majesty’s expedition to Gujerat, and the conquest of that province. A. H. 940.—A. D. 1533.

When the royal army approached the fortress of Chêtûr on its way to Gujerãt, a letter was received from Sultãn Behãder of Gujerãt representing that he had laid siege to Chêtûr, and hoped very shortly to subdne the Infidels and exalt the fame of the Mussulman faith, and therefore hoped his Majesty would not interfere.

The King, from his attachment to the true faith and his heroical spirit, complied with the request; and having halted his troops waited till the fort was taken, after which Sultãn Behâder having returned to his own dominions, his Majesty then continued his march till he reached the village of Mury, a dependency of the district of Burhânpûr.

Here he was opposed by the army of Sultan Behader; on which his Majesty consulted with his chiefs how he should fight the enemy; each of the generals gave his opinion according to the best of his ability; at length the King issued orders that his troops should surround the army of the Sultan, and cut off all their supplies; in consequence of this determination several of the Moghul chieftains were detached, and ordered to act as Cossacs, by preventing any grain or other provisions from entering the enemy’s camp: this mode of warfare continued for nearly three months, when provisions became so scarce that the enemy were obliged to live on horse-flesh, and suffered great distress; during this time skirmishes took place daily between the advanced parties.

One night a dreadful noise and tumult was heard in the enemy’s camp; soon after which Ala Kuly, the chief engineer, came to his Majesty’s tent door, and when questioned respecting the cause of the uproar, represented that, he supposed the enemy were retreating, and that Rûmy Khân, the commandant of their artillery, had burst his two large guns, called Lyly and Mujenûn; during this conversation a person arrived from the enemy’s camp, and informed his Majesty that Sultân Behâder with his army had taken flight, on which his Majesty returned thanks to the Almighty. The King then mounted his horse and pursued the Sultân, but on his way was joined by Rûmy Khân, who, having deserted from the enemy, came and offered his services.

Intelligence having been brought that Sultan Behader had taken refuge in the fortress of Mundû, in the province of Malwa, the victorious army proceeded towards that place, and laid siege to the fort; after some time the Sultân again made his escape; and shut himself up in the strong fortress of Chunpanyr. In the mean time the royal army having taken possession of Mundû found much plunder and treasure; but his Majesty not paying any attention to such trifles eagerly pursued the Sultân, and having arrived at Chunpanyr, the capital of Gujerât, laid siege to it.^* After the siege had been carried on for a considerable time, a person waited on his Majesty and in private informed him, that he could lead the troops across the summit of a mountain to a place which completely commanded the fortress: the King placing confidence in this representation, selected a small body of brave men, and accompanied by two drummers and a trumpeter secretly left the camp, and, having by a difficult pathway ascended the mountain, got into the fort. He then ordered the drummers to beat and the trumpeter to sound, on which the different chiefs made a simultaneous attack on all the bastions, and, the enemy finding themselves thus beset, called out for quarter; in the mean time some of the garrison made their escape, and Sultan Behader fled to Cambay: thus his Majesty got possession of this celebrated city with all its stores, but could not discover the treasure and jewels.

After a few days one of the Sultân’s principal officers, named Aalum Khan, came to pay his respects to his Majesty; on which occasion several of the counsellors advised his being seized and put to the torture, in order to make him discover where the treasures were concealed; but the King replied, “as this personage has come to me of his own accord, it would be ungenerous to make use of force: if an object can be attained by gentleness, why have recourse to harsh measures? Do ye give orders that a banquet may be prepared, and ply him well with wine, and then put the question, where the treasures may be found.”

In compliance with the King’s commands a banquet was prepared; and when Aalum Khân was intoxicated they asked him respecting the treasures. Aalum Khân being highly gratified by the reception he had met with, said, that if his Majesty wished for the Sultan’s wealth, he had only to order the water to be drawn off the large bath over which they were then seated. This being reported to the King, he ordered them to collect a number of buckets and other vessels, and to empty the bath: while the people were thus employed, Aalum Khân told them that there was a more expeditious mode of doing it: he then directed them to dig under the Bath, where they discovered a drain and a plug-hole, which being opened allowed the water quickly to run off; they then found a great quantity of treasure, which was immediately divided among the army, by filling the shield of each person with materials in proportion to his rank: they afterwards discovered a well filled with gold and silver that had been melted (into ingots), which was preserved untouched by the army.

After this the King appointed Terdy Beg to the command of Chunpanyr, and prepared to set out for Cambay in pursuit of Sultan Behader.

But the counsellors cunningly represented to his Majesty, that as he had through the grace of God obtained the objects for which he had commenced this war, viz. by defeating and expelling Sultân Behâder, and obtaining immense wealth, it would now be advisable to advance one or two years pay to the army, to keep the remaining treasure in deposit for future emergencies, and then appoint Sultân Behâder his deputy to rule the province of Gujerât;^* that such a liberal action would redound much to his fame, and would afford him leisure to look after his other dominions; more especially his presence being now required at Agra (the capital), from whence unfavourable rumours had reached them respecting the rebellion of Muhammed Zemân Sultan and some other chiefs. His Majesty was much displeased with this advice, and said, “After having subdued this valuable province by the power of my sword, shall I give it up for nothing? No; I will keep it, and add it to the kingdom of Dehly.”

When the counsellors found that the King was displeased, and would not listen to their advice, they instigated the Prince Askery^* to march off with his division of the army, and to give out that he was going to seize upon the province of Delhy: this measure was carried into effect. About the same time the Prince Yadgar Nassir went privately to the governor of Chumpanyr, and told him that he had been sent by the King to take command of the fortress, and also possession of the treasures; but Terdy Beg refused to comply, and sent off an express to his Majesty on the subject, and to request his further orders, which were immediately sent, viz. to keep possession of the place and treasure. But when the King found that the princes and chiefs were thus confederating against him, and that his force was much reduced by the various detachments that had been sent to different places, he ordered the latter to be recalled, and proceeded towards Ahmedabad.^* On the route, having received information of various insurrections, he resolved to march to his capital, where he arrived in health and safety. Sultan Behader, finding that his Majesty had marched towards Agra, entered into a treaty with the Europeans (Portuguese) of Surat, and having through their assistance raised a force of 6,000 Abyssinians or Negroes returned to Ahmedabad.

I must now revert to the insurrection which took place during his Majesty’s expedition to Gujerat. During the period that the King was employed in subduing the province of Gujerat, Muhammed Zeman Sultan, (a descendant of Timur,^† and favourite of the late Emperor) taking advantage of his Majesty’s absence, gained possession of the countries situated on the north-east side of the Ganges, and fixed his own residence at Belgram, but despatched his son Aleg Myrza, with a considerable force to seize on the provinces of Joanpûr, Kurra and Manikpûr. As soon as this intelligence reached the Prince Hindal, the King’s youngest brother and representative at Agra, he collected an army and marched to Canouge; in consequence of this event Sultan Muhammed recalled his divisions and encamped with all his force on the northern bank of the Ganges to oppose the royal troops: in this situation the contending armies remained for some time. At length the emissaries of Hindal discovered a ford about ten miles above Canouge, the Prince immediately took advantage of this circumstance, and having ordered that his camp should remain standing, marched quietly in the night, and without being perceived by the rebels crossed the river with all his troops.

As soon as the day broke the two armies drew up in order of battle; but just as the engagement was about to commence a very violent storm from the north-west arose, and raised such a dust that the sky was obscured, and blew with so much force in the faces of the rebels that they could not distinguish friend from foe; in consequence of which they took to flight, and proceeded towards Joanpur. The Prince Hindal having thus gained possession of the district of Belgram followed the enemy, and again came up with them in the vicinity of Oude; but, as the force of the two armies were now nearly equal, a considerable time was lost in skirmishing, and endeavouring to gain the advantage of each other. At length Muhammed Sultan, having received information that the King was returned in health and safety to his capital, was afraid to contend any longer, and fled with all his family towards Couch Behar, which adjoins the territory of Bengal. The Prince Hindal then proceeded to Joanpûr, and took possession of that district.

The arrival of the King at Agra—Return of the Prince Hindal to Court—Intelligence arrives of the rebellion of Shyr Shah in Behar—The King marches to Chunar and takes that fortress. A. H. 944.—A. D. 1537.

Some time after his Majesty had arrived in safety at his palace of Agra, the Prince Hindal and his officers returned from their expedition, and had the honour of paying their respects at the foot of the throne: they were all distinguished by honorary dresses; a sumptuous banquet was given them, and the marriage ceremony of the Prince Hindal was celebrated with great rejoicings: the Prince Askery also, in reward for his good conduct, had the district of Sumbul conferred on him, with orders to drive from thence all the partisans of the rebels. At this time his Majesty was informed that Shyr Khãn, the Afghãn, had taken possession of the district of Jarkund in Behar, and by artifice had seized the strong fortress of Rhotas;^* that he was then besieging Gour, the capital of Bengal, and it was expected he would very shortly take that city.

On hearing this intelligence his Majesty was much incensed, and said, “The insolence of these Afghãns exceeds all bounds; let us go and take Chunar from them.” He then consulted Rumy Khãn, the Engineer, (who had deserted from Sultân Behâder) what was his opinion as to the practicability of taking that fortress. Rumy Khân replied, “If it pleased God we shall take it by force.”

In short the army marched from Agra and arrived within ten miles of Chunar on the day of Shebberat of A. H. 945, A. D. 1538. The engineer then deliberated how he should gain information respecting the strength and defences of the fortress, and against which of the bastions he should make his attack, or where he should run his mines; in order to effect this measure he adopted the following cruel expedient. He had a faithful Negro slave called Kelâfât, whom he flogged in such a manner that the stripes were conspicuous on his back and limbs; he then commanded the slave to go to the Afghâns, and say that he was the servant of Rumy Khãn; but that his master having unjustly flogged him he had deserted, and had come to offer his services to them; that if he succeeded to get into the fort by these means he should minutely examine it, and then return to him, when he should be well rewarded.

Kelâfât strictly complied with the orders he had received, went to the Afghâns, was admitted into the fort, where his wounds were dressed and cured; he then informed them that he was well skilled in engineering; that if they would employ him, he would point out to them where they should mount their guns more effectually to annoy the enemy, and would indicate to them where the fortifications required strengthening, in order to prevent Rûmy Khãn from making any impression on them.

The scheme succeeded, and the deserter was allowed to examine every part of the fort.^* A few nights after this having made his escape, he came and reported all the circumstances to his master; advised him to attack the bastion on the river side, to run a sap on the land side, and to surround the place in such a manner as to cut off all communication with the country.

In consequence of this useful information Rûmy Khãn brought his great guns to bear on the bastion near the river, and appointed different batteries round the fort to various officers.

During the period Muhammed Sultân, and the other rebel chiefs formerly mentioned, came and asked forgiveness for their transgression, which his Majesty was graciously pleased to grant, and gave them suitable commands in the army.

Rûmy Khân finding that his guns did not make a proper impression on the fort, requested permission to erect a wooden battery on the river: he was ordered to take any measures he thought best to effect the end. He therefore procured three large boats, on which he formed a battery, and built up a high tower which commanded the walls of the fort. After some months, when every thing was prepared, the floating battery was impelled during the night across the river, and anchored close to the fort. A general attack was then commenced; but the besieged so well defended themselves, that the floating battery was injured, and seven hundred of the King’s troops were killed, while but little impression was made on the fortress.

On the following morning the artificers were employed to repair the floating battery; but the besieged finding that his Majesty was determined on taking the place, and that they had no prospect of being relieved, agreed to surrender on condition of their lives being spared.

After the fort had, in consequence of the capitulation, been taken possession of, Rûmy Khân selected from the prisoners three hundred artillerymen, and cruelly ordered their hands to be cut off: his Majesty was very angry on this occasion, and said that, as the garrison had asked for quarter, it was base and improper to maim them in this manner.

As soon as this important fortress was in his Majesty’s possession, he gave orders for a grand banquet to be prepared, and great rejoicings to be made; he conferred a number of promotions on the officers, and bestowed honorary dresses on all the chiefs.

The King asked Rûmy Khãn what he thought the best mode of securing the fort, and to whom he should entrust it; the engineer replied that no person should be allowed to approach near it, and that he did not think there was an officer in the army worthy to command it, unless it was Beg Myrek: in consequence of this advice, his Majesty appointed that officer to the command of the fortress; but the other chiefs were so much incensed at Rumy Khân for his candid advice that they confederated together, and in a few days had a poisoned cup presented to him, which caused his death.

The King proceeds to Bengal, and subdues that province. A. H. 945—A. D. 1538-9.

His Majesty having taken possession of the strong fortress of Chunar, marched towards Bengal; when encamped near Benares, he made particular inquiries respecting Shyr Khân; in answer to which the Raja Buja of Benares informed him that Shyr was then besieging Gour, the capital of Bengal, and expected every day to take it, and probably was ere this time in possession of the whole province. His Majesty replied, that in order to prevent the Afghãns uniting, he would go and take the fortress of Rhotas^* from them. In short, the royal army marched towards the district of Bherkund (Jarkund), but when they had reached the river Soane, intelligence was brought that Shyr Khan had taken the city of Gour and intended to remove all the treasures to the fort of Rhotas.

His Majesty now determined to detach the Prince Hindal and Yadgar Myrza to secure Delhy and Agra, while he himself proceeded towards Bengal. In consequence of this resolution, these two princes were detached with their respective forces to assume the command of the above mentioned provinces, and his Majesty continued his route towards Bherkund, but at the same time sent forward Hussyn, the Tûrkumân, as his ambassador to Shyr Khân, with the following message, viz. “that he should immediately send to his Majesty the umbrella, the throne, and the treasure of Bengal, and that he should evacuate the fort of Rhotas, and give up possession of the territory he had taken; in exchange for which he might have the fort of Chunar the city of Joanpûr, and any other place he chose.”

Shyr Khân received the ambassador graciously; but replied, “that, it having cost him five or six years toil to subdue Bengal, with the loss of a great number of his soldiers, it was impossible he could resign that conquest.” When the ambassador returned with this message, he further explained to his Majesty that Shyr Khân, attended by a large force, was proceeding by the hill road with all the treasures towards Rhotas.

When the royal army arrived at Muneah (situated at the junction of the Soane with the Ganges), Syed Mahmud, the expelled king of Bengal, joined the camp,^* having been severely wounded while making his escape. He represented to his Majesty that he had yet several granaries and stores in Bengal sufficient for many armies, and urged his Majesty to proceed thither.

Humayun received the unfortunate monarch with great courtesy; encouraged him to keep up his spirits, and assured him he would reinstate him in his kingdom of Bengal.

From Muneah the King detached Jehangyr Kuly with a large force to precede the army, and to gain possession of the strong passes of Terryagurhy and Sikryagurhy.

In compliance with these orders Jehangyr Kuly made several forced marches; but, on his arrival in the vicinity of the passes, found that Jelal Khan, son of Shyr Khân, had strongly fortified them, and was encamped there with a large force.

The royal army was therefore obliged to halt; and while they were endeavouring to explore a road through the hills, Jelal Khan made a sally; surprised the camp, and killed a number of brave officers and men. On this event the advanced party retreated, and joined the main body at Colgong: while at this place a very heavy rain fell for several days, which compelled the King to halt, during which time Hajy Muhammed Beg was sent forward to explore the passes and procure further intelligence.

When the Hajy reached the pass he obtained information that Shyr Khan had written to his son Jelal, that all the treasures of Bengal being now secured, he might evacuate the passes, and permit the Moghuls to enter that province, whilst some means might be devised to surround and entrap them. In obedience to this order Jelal immediately commenced his retreat.

On receiving this unexpected intelligence the Hajy sent back two of his officers to congratulate his Majesty on the success of his arms, and on his being master of the passes. On obtaining this information the King moved forward with the whole army, and in four days with little difficulty took possession of Gour, the capital of Bengal, and drove away all the Afghâns.^*

After cleansing and repairing the city, the first act of his Majesty was to divide the province into Jagyrs among his officers; after which he very unaccountably shut himself up for a considerable time in his Haram, and abandoned himself to every kind of indulgence and luxury.

While the King had thus for several months given himself up to pleasure and indolence, information was at length conveyed to him that Shyr Khàn had killed seven hundred Moghuls, had laid siege to the fortress of Chunar, and taken the city of Benares; and had also sent forward an army along the banks of the Ganges to take Canouge; that he had, further, seized the families of several of the officers, and sent them prisoners to Rhotas.

When his Majesty was informed of these inauspicious events, he affected not to believe them, and said, “it was impossible that Shyr Khan should have dared to do so.” At length, his Majesty, being convinced of the truth of the intelligence, called a general assembly of his officers, and consulted with them what was advisable to be done, and whom he should leave in charge of Bengal: the officers replied, “that he might promote and appoint to that honour whomsoever he thought best fitted for it.” The king then said, “Zahid Beg has often urged me to promote him: I will now appoint him governor of Bengal, and leave with him several other officers with their quotas of troops.”

Zahid Beg, being present, and not liking Bengal, said, “What! could you find no other place to kill me in than Bengal?” On hearing this speech, the King was very angry, and said, “I must put this scoundrel to death.” Zahid Beg immediately rose and left the assembly.

It is requisite to observe that the cause of this officer’s presumption was his being married to a sister of Bykê Begum, one of the King’s concubines. He therefore immediately went to claim the protection of the Begum, who strongly interceded for his pardon; begged the King to forgive him, and leave him in charge of Bengal: but his Majesty positively refused, and said, “he would put him to death.” On this the Begum sent a message to Zahid Beg, informing him that she had in vain tried to obtain his pardon; he had better therefore look to himself. On this hint the culprit resolved to make his escape; and having prevailed on two other officers to join him, fled towards Agra, where having arrived in safety, they took refuge with the Prince Hindal.

When the assembly broke up, his Majesty ordered Khãn Khãnãn Ludy to take the command of the advanced guard and proceed to Mongier, there to wait the arrival of the main body: these orders were duly complied with, and Khãn Khãnãn having reached Mongier, halted there.

In the mean time, the king having settled all the affairs of Bengal, appointed Jehangyr Kûly to be governor, and marched towards Mongier; but previous to his arrival there, he received intelligence that the rebel, Shyr Khãn, had sent a detachment which had come unexpectedly on Mongier, had burnt the gates of the town, and had taken Khãn Khãnan prisoner,^* and sent him off to Shyr Khan.

This event gave the King great uneasiness; he therefore sent for the Prince Askery, his best general, and offered him anything he chose to ask, provided he could deliver him from the present calamity: the Prince replied that he would consult with his officers, and then inform his Majesty. Having assembled his officers, the Prince communicated to them the King’s offer. After some delay they said, “what are the wishes of your Highness?” he replied, “I should wish for money; for some of the valuable manufactures of Bengal; for some young elephants, and a few eunuchs.”^* The officers were quite astonished at this answer; and the Prince seeing that they were dissatisfied, insisted upon their giving their sentiments frankly: they at length said, “the fact is, the King is now in hostility with Shyr Khân, and placed in a very perilous situation, from whence nothing but our bravery and devotion can extricate him, let us, therefore, demand from him something of importance. In the first place, an augmentation of each of our corps, and an increase of allowance; secondly, a large sum in ready money: if he shall comply with these terms, we will be answerable that Shyr Khân shall not injure him.” Askery approved of this counsel, and represented it to his Majesty, who immediately agreed to the terms; gave them a sum of money, and various presents; he also sent to them a reinforcement of brave men and distinguished officers. He then ordered the Prince to proceed towards the enemy, to force his way through the passes, and wait for the coming up of the main body at Colgong; but in the mean time to send all the information he could obtain respecting the movements of Shyr Khân, who had now taken the title of Shãh (King). Askery complied with these orders, and sent intelligence from Colgong that Shyr Shâh was at the same time besieging Chunar and Joanpûr, and had actually taken possession of all the country as far as Canouge; further, that he was collecting a large army in the vicinity of Rhotas, and had completely blocked up the road to the western provinces.

On receipt of this bad news the King advanced rapidly to the vicinity of Mongier, on the northern side of the river; and while encamped there was waited on by the Prince Askery, and the officers of the advance guard.

The King then summoned a general council of all the Chiefs, and demanded their opinion whether he should cross the Ganges, or continue his route on the northern bank of the river; many of the Chiefs advised that the army should continue on the northern bank, and proceed direct to Joanpûr, where, being refreshed and recruited, they might then proceed towards any object that might appear advisable.

Muvyd Beg, in whom his Majesty unfortunately placed too much confidence, was of a different opinion, and represented that if the army did not pass the river and proceed by the high road, Shyr Khân would suppose the King was afraid of him, according to the proverb, “when fate descends the eyes of prudence become blind;” and the advice of Muvyd Beg was adopted.^*

In short, the army crossed the river and marched on till it reached Mûneah, at the mouth of the Soane, where is situated the tomb of the celebrated Sufy Saint Yehy. Here a crier was sent round the camp to proclaim that the soldiers should put on their armour, and be on their guard, as the enemy might be hourly expected; in fact on the next day some of them appeared, and a skirmish took place between the advanced parties.

The day following, while we were preparing to march, news was brought that the enemy had seized the boats, which were laden with all the great guns that had been used at the siege of Chunar. This intelligence much vexed his Majesty; but he gave orders to proceed in battle array.

On the fourth day, while we were encamped near the village of Chowsar,^† the army of Shyr Shâh, having made a forced march, came in sight. His Majesty then consulted with the Chiefs what was proper to be done. Kasim Hussyn said, “that, as the enemy had come thirty-six miles that day, and their horses were much tired, while ours were quite fresh, it was advisable to attack them immediately, and let us see to whom God would give the victory.”

The King approved this measure; but Muvyd Beg was again of a contrary opinion to the other officers, and said, “there was no necessity for hurry or perturbation;” to which his Majesty having at length agreed, the army encamped; but the troops were disheartened.

Shyr Khân also encamped, but threw up an entrenchment around his camp. In this situation the armies remained for nearly two months; but skirmishing took place daily between the pickets, and a number of brave men were killed on both sides.

At this juncture the rains set in with great violence, and the camp of Shyr Khân was under water; in consequence of which he changed his ground, and encamped on the skirts of a hill five or six miles to the westward; but the skirmishing still continued, till at length it was thought advisable to enter into a treaty with the enemy and make peace.

In consequence of this determination, the very respectable and reverend Shykh Khelyl, who was descended from the celebrated saint, Feryd Shekergunjy, was sent to Shyr Khân for the purpose of settling the treaty. Shyr Khân agreed to make peace on condition of Chunar with its district being given up to him.

At first the King would not consent to this measure, but at length was obliged to comply with his insolent demands, and peace was accordingly concluded.

Of the night attack made by Shyr Khan, and its consequences. A. H. 946—A. D. 1539.

As soon as the peace was concluded, the treacherous Shyr Khân summoned his principal officers, and said to them, “is there any of you brave enough to go and storm the Moghul camp?” At first not one of the Afghân officers would undertake the task. At length a person called Khuâs Khân said, “if he would give him a detachment of good soldiers and a number of war elephants, he would attempt it, and exert himself to the utmost;” adding, “this is a business of chance; but let us see to whom ‘God will give the victory.’”

Shyr Khân was much pleased with Khuas Khan’s proposal, and gave him his choice of all the troops and several war elephants; but although the detachment marched from the camp at ten o’clock of the morning, the artful general loitered about till night. In the mean time, Shykh Khelyl sent off a messenger to his Majesty, cautioning him to be on his guard; but “when fate descends, caution is in vain.”

(Here follows a long story taken from the history of Muhammed on the fatal effects of presumption.)

The King would not believe the information, or that Shyr Khân would be guilty of such a breach of honour or religion, and passed the night without taking any precautions; but just as the sun rose next morning, the Afghâns entered the rear of our encampment; made a dreadful uproar, and caused the greatest confusion both among the troops and followers. His Majesty on hearing the noise ordered the kettle-drums to be beaten, and in a short time about three hundred cavalry assembled around him. In a few minutes one of the enemy’s war elephants approached; on which his Majesty made a sign to Myr Bejkê, who was celebrated for his valour, and who, with his two sons, Gurk Aly and Tetta Beg, one of whom carried the King’s double-barrelled gun and the other the royal spear, to attack the elephant; but as none of them had the heart to do it, his Majesty snatched the spear from the hand of Gurk Aly, spurred on his horse, and struck the elephant with such force on the forehead that he could not draw out the spear again: in the mean time an archer who was seated on the elephant discharged an arrow, which wounded the King in the arm, and the enemy began to surround him. His Majesty then called to his troops to advance and charge the enemy, but no one obeyed; and the Afghâns having succeeded in throwing every thing into confusion, one of the King’s followers came up, seized his bridle, and said “there is no time to be lost; when your friends forsake you, flight is the only remedy.” The King then proceeded to the bank of the river, and although followed by one of his own elephants, he urged his horse into the stream,^* but in a short time the horse sunk. On seeing this event a water carrier who had distended his leathern bag (musek) with air, offered it to his Majesty, who by means of the bag swam the river. On reaching the northern bank he asked the man his name; he said, “Nizam:” the King replied, “I will make your name as celebrated as that of Nizam-addyn-Aulia (a famous saint), and you shall sit on my throne.”

On this memorable day a great number of the royal troops were killed, and an equal number drowned in attempting to cross the Ganges;^* in short his Majesty, having escaped this dreadful danger, proceeded towards Agra.

In a little time the King received intelligence that Myr Feryd Gûr was pursuing him from the eastward, and that Shâh Muhammed Afghan was encamped in his front, and determined to prevent his progress. On hearing this bad news the troops were very much discouraged, and inclined to desert their standards.

At length Rajah Perbehãn represented, that if his Majesty would permit him, he would undertake with his own troops to stop Feryd Gûr; in the mean time the King might continue his march and encounter his enemies. These measures were approved, and the army advanced; upon which the Afghans retreated, and left the road open.

After a number of marches the royal army arrived at Calpy,^† where the governor, the son of Kasim Kerãchy, had prepared a number of presents for the King, but by the shameful advice of his father, who commanded one of the divisions of the army, only offered a few trifling articles. On hearing of this circumstance his Majesty would not accept any of them but an embroidered saddle, which he said he would take for his brother Kamran.

From Calpy the army continued its march till it reached Agra, in the vicinity of which place the Prince Kamrãn was encamped in a garden called the Zer Afshân (scattering gold): when the Prince heard of his Majesty’s approach he came out to meet him; and the King having alighted from his horse embraced him; after which they went and sat in the Prince’s tent. After some time Kamran said, “as your Majesty has now arrived in safety, and regained possession of your throne, I request you will forgive our younger brother, the Prince Hindal, his improper conduct for my sake.”^* The King replied, “I forgive him at your request: write to him that he may come to court in safety. ”

Soon after the King had remounted his throne, the water carrier who had enabled him to swim the Ganges paid his respects; and his Majesty remembering his royal promise, seated him for two hours upon the throne, and desired him to ask for whatever he wished.

Some days afterwards the King held a public court at the Stone Palace in the garden of the late Emperor Baber, at which were present all the Princes and Nobles.

When the assembly were seated, the King, turning to his brother Kamrân, said, “tell me honestly what was the reason of Hindal rebelling against me.” Kamrân did not answer his Majesty; but addressing Hindal, asked, “how did it happen that, instead of sending assistance to his Majesty, you deserted him in his distress?” Hindal was much ashamed; laid the blame on his evil advisers, and pleaded his own youth and inexperience; acknowledged his fault, and asked forgiveness. The King replied, “very well, as you now repent and have asked pardon, I forgive you, but it is at the request of your brother; I hope this will be a warning to you never to listen to the insidious advice of evil-minded persons; don’t you recollect the story of the discord that took place among the companions of the prophet in consequence of the malicious advice of some of his slanderers.” He then added, “what has passed, has passed, let us think no more of it, but let us be unanimous and devise means to repel Shyr Shâh and the Afghâns, who after concluding peace with me at Chowsar, acted treacherously, attacked me at night, and have now gained possession of all my territory as far as Canouge.”

The Princes and Nobles replied, “by the grace of God, and the good fortune of your Majesty, we will henceforward evince our bravery and attachment in such a manner as completely to subdue all your enemies.” Soon after this conversation the prayer for success was read, and his Majesty commanded that at the end of the month Zykâd the royal tents should be pitched in the garden of Zer Afshân, as the preliminary of our marching against the enemy.

The Prince Kamrân entreated that the King would remain in his capital, and permit him to command the army, and promised that he would give a good account of the Afghâns, but the King replied, “No, Shyr Khãn defeated me, and I will have my revenge of him, do you remain here;” in short it was determined that the King should lead the army in person, and the Prince continue in charge of Agra.

The King marches to meet the enemy and is defeated. Rebellion of the Prince Kamrãn. A. H. 947. A. D. 1540.

The following day the King, attended by the whole army, left the city and encamped on the plains of Abhypûr; he then reviewed and mustered the troops, the number of which amounted to 90,000 cavalry, but as some of them were not properly equipped his Majesty ordered them to be well supplied from the arsenal.^* He also conferred honorary dresses and other marks of distinction on all the principal officers, and omitted nothing to rouse the spirits and encourage the soldiers for the ensuing campaign. After a few days’ march, the army reached Canouge, which is situated on the western bank of the Ganges, and here learned that Shyr Khãn was encamped on the other side of the river; at this time an express arrived from Raja Perbehãn of Aroul offering to join him with his troops, provided the King would meet him at Pute. His Majesty, however, would not agree to this measure, but gave orders for the army to cross the river at Canouge.

It was on the 10th day of the month Muharrem that the army clothed in armour, with kettle drums beating and trumpets sounding, passed the Ganges, the right was commanded by the Prince Hindal, and was opposed to Jelal the son of Shyr Khãn; the left was led by the Prince Askery, and was opposed by Khuas Khân, and the centre under the orders of his Majesty advanced against the main body of the Afghâns, when a fierce battle ensued beyond the powers of description.

After the battle had raged for some time, information was brought to his Majesty that the Prince Hindal had discomfited the Afghâns opposed to him, but that the left under Askery was compelled to retreat; Myrza Hyder represented that in order to let the fugitives pass, it was requisite to loose the chains of the carriages which formed a barricade in front of the centre, his Majesty unfortunately complied with this advice, and the chains, being unloosed, the runaways passed through the line of carriages in files.

During this time an Afghân clothed in black, advanced and struck the King’s horse on the forehead with a spear, on which the animal turned round and became unmanageable.

Here follow several verses of the Korãn, to prove we cannot contend with fate.

His Majesty afterwards related, that as soon as he could control his horse he saw the Afghâns employed in plundering the carriages, and wished to have charged them, but some person caught the reins of the steed, and led him to the bank of the river. Here, while undetermined how to act, he saw an old elephant which had belonged to the late Emperor, he called to the driver to bring the elephant to him, who did so, he then mounted, and asked a eunuch who was in the Howdah, what was his name, he replied “Kafûr,” his Majesty then ordered the driver to carry him across the river, but the fellow refused, and said the elephant would be drowned, on which the eunuch whispered, that he suspected the driver wished to carry them over to the enemy, it would therefore be advisable to take off the fellow’s head; the King said, “how shall we then make the elephant cross the river;” the eunuch replied, “that he understood something of driving an elephant,”^* upon hearing this, his Majesty drew his sword and so wounded the driver that he fell off into the water, and the eunuch stepped down from the Howdah on the neck of the animal, and caused him to pass the river; his Majesty further related, that when he arrived near the bank, it was so steep that he could not find a place to ascend, at length some of the camp colour men, who were on the look out for him, tied their turbans together, and throwing an end of the cloth to him, he with some difficulty climbed up, they then brought him a horse on which he mounted and proceeded towards Agra, the King further added, “that the persons who commanded the colour-men were two brothers who seemed so affectionate to each other, that it aroused a sympathy in my breast, and I became very anxious for the safety of my brother Hindal and my other connections. In about an hour, the arrow of my prayer hit the butt of consent, for my dear brother came and paid his respects, on which I returned thanks to the Almighty God, by whose single command of Be! the whole universe was instantly produced.”^*

O my friends, although his Majesty was in some respects unfortunate, as who can contend against fate; still you see his prayers were accepted.

Here follows a verse of the Korãn, which is followed by three anecdotes taken from the ecclesiastical (Muhammedan) history, to prove that good fortune and adversity, depend upon times and seasons.

In short the King having been joined by the Princes Hindal and Askery and the Myrzãs Yadgãr Nasir, &c. proceeded joyfully towards Agra, when they reached the village of Bhyngãng, the peasants who were in the habit of plundering a defeated army, stopped up the road, and one of them wounded Myrzã Yadgâr with an arrow, on which the Myrzâ^* said to the Prince Askery, “do you go on and punish these villagers, while I stop to dress my wound.” The Prince was displeased at this request, and gave the Myrzâ some abuse, on which the other retorted in harsher language, and the Prince struck him three times with his horsewhip, which was returned with interest on the other side.

When intelligence of this unpleasant fracas reached the King, he said, “they had better have vented their spite on the robbers than on each other, what has happened cannot be recalled, but let us hear no more of it.”

In short the King reached Agra in safety, and alighted at the house of Syed Rafia Addyn (a religious person), who immediately brought forward bread and melons, and whatever else was ready for his Majesty’s breakfast, but the King ordered the Prince Hindal and all the servants to go into the Fort and bring out his mother and family, and their domestics, also the treasures and stores.

It now becomes requisite to mention the strange conduct of the Prince Kamrân. It has been stated that when the King marched, from Agra, he left his brother in charge of the city and commander of the province; a short time after the departure of the army, the Prince was taken ill, and supposing that the climate disagreed with him, he prevailed on several of the officers of government to accompany him to Lahore, where he recommenced his insidious conduct, which shall be further explained.

After the King had refreshed himself, his host the Shyed entered into a religious discourse with him, and said, “the affairs of this world are sometimes like a running stream, and at other times like a standing pool! It is, therefore, advisable that your Majesty should now abandon this place.” He then presented a handsomely caparisoned horse, and gave the King his blessing.

The King having mounted proceeded towards the town of Futtypûr Sikry, on the march he was joined by the Prince Hindal, who, after paying his respects, presented a rich dagger and inlaid sword, which he had brought from the arsenal of Agra. The first day the King halted in the garden of the late Emperor Baber, but while he was seated there an arrow came from the hill of Sikry, two of the attendants were immediately sent up the hill to discover who was the perpetrator of this act, but they both soon returned severely wounded without seeing any body.

His Majesty, suspecting some treachery might be intended, again mounted his horse and proceeded towards the village of Chuneh; at this time, besides the domestics, there were but a few officers in attendance, one of these however, named Fakher Aly, had the insolence to precede the King, on which his Majesty became very angry, and said to him, “it was by your advice that I crossed the Ganges (previous to the late battle) I wish you had been killed there, how dare you presume to go before me;” in consequence Fakher Aly turned round his horse, made his obeisance, and fell into the rear of the troop.

When the King had safely arrived at Chuneh, and was halted on the bank of the Kenbyr river, the Prince Askery came up and informed him that he had obtained intelligence of Shyr Khãn having detached Feryd Gûr in pursuit, and that the enemy were approaching. He, therefore, advised that his Majesty should immediately proceed, while he and the few remaining troops would cover his retreat. In consequence of this advice, the King mounted his horse and set off, but the followers were thrown into the greatest alarm, not knowing what to do, no one attempted to assist another, the son paid no attention to his father, nor the father to the son, but each person endeavoured to conceal whatever valuables he had, and to make his escape; to add to their distress a very heavy rain fell, in short, God preserve us from seeing such another day.

When the King found that the people were so dispirited and in such confusion, he halted, and having assembled the Princes and Nobles that were still in attendance, said to them, “formerly I had soldiers in my army from all parts of the world, some of them were killed at the battle of Chowsar, others at the battle of Canouge, those that remained are now in a wretched state; I would rather be killed myself than be cause of such misery; I will now retreat with circumspection, and thereby hope to preserve the lives of my faithful followers;” he then ordered the troops to alight, and having divided them into three bodies, the right he gave in charge of the Prince Hindal, the left to Yadgâr Myrzâ, and retained the center under his own command, some other officers were appointed to bring up the rear, and the whole to march slowly and in regular array. He further ordered that if any person ventured to precede the royal division, or to plunder, he should be severely punished.

After some time a Moghul came and complained that an officer, named Chumputty Behãder, had taken his horse.

The King immediately sent a messenger with the complainant and ordered that Chumputty should give back the horse, but the insolent officer refused to do so, and made use of some improper expressions, on hearing this his Majesty commanded that he should be beheaded; the order was obeyed, the head was fixed on a spear, and shewn to the whole army, in order to frighten, render them obedient of command, and to restrain them from plundering the villages.

Marching from this place, at the rate of twenty or twenty-four miles per day, the army reached the town of Sirhind; here the Prince Hindal was ordered to remain some days, while his Majesty proceeded to Muchwareh, situated on the banks of the Sutlege; as the river was very full and boats were scarce, it was with much delay and difficulty that the troops were carried over, in the mean time intelligence was brought that Shyr Khãn had himself halted in Delhi, but that his troops were only eighty or one hundred miles in our rear.

The army having been joined soon after by Hindal’s division continued its march to Jallindher, here the Prince was again ordered to halt, while the King proceeded to Lahore, and took up his abode in the house of Roushen Ayshy, on the day following he sent off Muzuffir Beg, the Turkuman, with some troops, to relieve the Prince Hindal in the defence of Jallindher, in consequence Muzuffir encamped on the western bank of the Gundwal or Beyah river, and the Afghãns soon after made their appearance on the opposite bank.

In short, his Majesty having assembled all the Princes and Nobles in Lahore, consulted with them what in this exigency was proper to be done.

In the mean time news was brought that Shyr Khãn had sent an Ambassador to treat of peace, the King therefore consulted with his friends, where and how he should receive the Ambassador, at length his Majesty gave orders that the interview should take place in the garden of the Prince Kamrãn, and directed that all the principal inhabitants of the city from seven to seventy years of age^* should attend the ceremony.

The Ambassador was accordingly admitted, and brought a letter from his master to the Prince Kamrãn, who, previously to the King’s arrival, had entered into a correspondence with Shyr Khãn on the subject of peace, but as Shyr Khãn declined entering into any treaty with him, the Ambassador was dismissed. After this event the King remained inactive in the palace of Lahore not knowing what to do, or where to go; during this time he was advised by his Council to make away, in the first place, with the Prince Kamrân, whom they suspected of intriguing with the troops in order to depose his Majesty, but the King said, “No, never, for the vanities of this perishable world, will I imbrue my hands in the blood of a brother, but will for ever remember the dying words of our respected parent (Baber), who said to me, ‘O Humâyûn beware, beware, do not quarrel with your brothers, nor ever form any evil intentions towards them,’ these words are engraved on my heart for ever.”

The King permits his brother Kamrãn to proceed to Kabul, and his Majesty marches to Ouch, A. H. 947. A. D. 1540.

Some days after this conversation, the Prince Kamrân requested permission to wait on his Majesty, but the counsellors seeing that the Prince’s followers were all armed, advised the King to have his guards on the alert and take the necessary precautions, but the King said, “there is no necessity.” After the Prince had been seated a short time, he said to his Majesty, “Sire, since the day that your slave entered Hindûstân, he has been uneasy; there has been constantly some unfortunate circumstance occurring, and my followers are all in a wretched plight: permit me to proceed to Kabul,^* where I may arrange my affairs, recruit my army, and then return to your presence.” The King readily assented and gave him his blessing.

His Majesty having at length determined on going to Moultan, the whole army having crossed the river Ravy proceeded towards the village of Hezareh, and after a march of eight miles halted. Here his Majesty learned that the Princes Hindal and Yâdgar, having been persuaded by some evil counsellors to go to Gujerât, had quitted the army and had been followed by a number of the royal attendants.

About this time a letter was received from Kelân Beg who commanded the district of Behêra, inviting his Majesty to come thither, and assuring him of every aid and attention in his power. Unfortunately a similar invitation was sent to the Prince Kamrân. The King not knowing this circumstance readily accepted the invitation, and proceeded towards Behêra. At the time of afternoon prayer the royal party came to the river (Chunâb), and his Majesty commanded Terdy Beg to swim his horse over as an example to the followers; but the horse after swimming a short distance turned back; on which the King ordered an elephant to be swam across; and as soon as the elephant had entered the river he spurred on his own horse, and was followed by all the party, now reduced to forty persons. They travelled all that night, and in the morning arrived at the town of Behêra.^†

On his Majesty’s entering the place he found that the Prince Kamrân not only had anticipated him, but had seized on the house and person of Kelân Beg. On this unlooked for intrusion his Majesty’s servants were much vexed, and one of them, named Kûly Kurchy, offered to go and assassinate the Prince; but the King forbade him, and said, “I refused this request when at Lahore, and certainly will not now agree to it: go and get me a fresh horse, and I will proceed to Khushâb, and there visit Hussyn Sultân” (the ruler of that district).

The horse having been procured his Majesty continued his journey, and arrived at Khushâb the next day about noon. Here he was most hospitably received by Hussyn and his sons.

In the course of conversation the King asked him, “Host, in case of Kamrân’s attempting to do with you, as he did with Kelàn Beg, how would you act?” He replied, “I am your Majesty’s attached servant, and will shed my blood in your defence.” Upon this the King asked him to join the royal party, which he did.

The next day they quitted Khushàb, and proceeded towards Moultan. When they had marched twelve miles they came to a place where the road was very narrow; a little beyond this pass there are two roads; one leading to Kabul, the other to Moultan. Unluckily the royal party and the followers of Kamran came to the pass at the same time: his Majesty wished to go through first, but Kamran refused to give way, and said, “he would go first.” The King was much displeased; on seeing which a very brave officer, named Myrzâ Abû Beka, rode up to the Prince, and pointed out the impropriety of his conduct in such language that convinced him of his error; and his Majesty, having by these means cleared the pass, took the road to Moultan, and the Prince took the road leading to Kabul.

After some days his Majesty arrived at Gul Baluch, and halted. Here he was informed that the Princes Hindal and Yadgar, who had also quitted the army, had been intercepted by the Buluchians, who would not permit them to pass on to Gujerât. At this place intelligence was also received that Khuâs Khân, the Afghan general, was still in pursuit, and had arrived within forty miles of us; but this was either a false report, or he did not persevere in following us.

The Prince Hindal, Yadgâr, &c. on finding they could not proceed on their journey, made a virtue of necessity, returned to the royal camp, and had the honour of kissing his Majesty’s feet.

From Khushâb the royal party proceeded by easy marches to the vicinity of Ouch,^* where they encamped; from this place a messenger was despatched to Bukhshu Lengãh, a powerful Zemindar, with a Firman promoting him to the title of Khan Jehan (Lord of the world); also conveying to him a banner (Tûgh), a shield, and four elephants; in return for which honour he was commanded to send provisions to the camp, and to furnish proper boats to convey the heavy baggage.^† The said Bukhshu did not wait on his Majesty, but he sent the boats, &c. &c.

His Majesty proceeds from Ouch to Bhiker. A. H. 948.—A. D. 1541.

As soon as Bukhshû Lengah had sent the boats, the royal party crossed the river in the vicinity of Ouch; and marching along the banks, at length arrived at Bhiker (Baker of the maps), and alighted in the gardens of Shah Hussyn Sultan, Ruler of Tatta,^* who had assumed the title of Majesty, being lineally descended from the Emperor Timur.

After some days the King ordered the Prince Hindal to proceed with his followers to the town of Pãt, which was in the district of Sehwan (Sewastan), and Myrza Yadgar with his followers to go to Behylê, which is forty miles down the river; he also despatched Keber Beg and the Reverend (Pyr Zadê) Myr Zahir as his Ambassadors to Shah Hussyn at Tatta.

The Ambassadors safely arrived at Tatta; but as a long time elapsed before any intelligence was received from them, his Majesty sent them an order either to return, or send him some information of their proceedings: they in consequence sent a letter, requesting his Majesty to have patience, and that they would shortly return. A considerable time however having passed without their coming, the King sent another order, “that if they could not prevail on Shah Hussyn to come and pay his respects, they should instantly return to him at Bhiker.”

On receipt of this order Keber Beg quitted Tatta, but left his companion to negotiate the business; he however brought with him some trifling presents from Shãh Hussyn, viz. some tents and carpets, also nine horses, a camel, and a mule.

After informing the King of what he had seen at Tatta, Keber Beg advised his Majesty to proceed on his journey without delay, as it was uncertain whether it was now the intention of Shâh Hussyn to wait on him, although at first he had agreed to do so; but had since altered his mind, under the pretence that the distance was too great for him to travel, and would delay his Majesty unnecessarily.

Previous to this intelligence the Prince Hindal had requested his Majesty’s permission to take possession of the district of Sehwân, in the royal name; but the King forbade him, saying, “that as he had sent Ambassadors to Shâh Hussyn, the Ruler of the country, he must wait their return.” But as soon as the Ambassador had made his report, the King communicated the subject of it to the Prince, and informed him that the royal division would soon join, and that they might then act in concert.

Accordingly the King recommenced his march, and in four days reached Behylê, where Yadgâr Myrzâ was encamped: the Myrzâ came out to meet him, and had the honour of paying his respects.

The next day the King halted, and was most hospitably entertained by the Myrzâ Yadgâr. The day following the King marched on, but ordered the Myrzâ to remain where he was, while he went on to join the Prince Hindal, and that he would send orders for his future proceedings.

In three days the King reached Pãt, which is situated twenty miles west of the Indus: the Prince Hindal came out to meet him, carried him to his own habitation, and performed all the rights of hospitality in the most affectionate and liberal manner.

Account of His Majesty’s marriage with the ornament of women, a second Mary, Hemyd Banû Begum, and his return to Ouch. A. H. 948.—A. D. 1541

During the King’s residence at Pat, Dildâr Begum, the mother of the Prince Hindal, gave a grand entertaiment, at which all the ladies^* of the court were present; amongst these was the daughter of the Prince’s preceptor, named Hemyd Banû. The King was much pleased with her, and inquired if she was betrothed. He was informed that she had been asked, but that the ceremony had not taken place: the King said, “I will marry her.” On hearing this, the Prince Hindal was very angry with his brother, and said, “I thought you came here to do me honour, not to look out for a young bride: if you commit this (ridiculous) action, I will leave you.”^†

Dildâr Begum was very angry with her son, and said, “you are speaking very improperly to his Majesty, whom you ought to consider as the representative of your late father.” The Prince however would not retract; on which the King was much displeased, left the house, and went on board a boat: the mother of the Prince however followed his Majesty, brought him back to her house, made up the quarrel between him and her son, and the next day gave a nuptial banquet; after which she delivered the young lady to his Majesty, and gave them her blessing.

The royal pair marched from Pât, and having embarked in a boat proceeded towards Bhiker. At the same time the Prince Hindal marched in an angry mood with his followers towards Candahar.

On the King’s return to Bhiker he alighted in the garden where he had before resided; but after a few days he again marched towards the fort of Sehwân, leaving Myrzâ Yadgâr in charge of the town of Bhiker. On his Majesty’s arrival at Sehwân, the governor of the fort on the part of Shâh Hussyn made a sally on the royal troops; but the officers having agreed among themselves merely to stand on the defensive until the garrison should return to the fort, when they would attempt to take it by surprise, they persuaded the King to remain quiet, and let them try the result.

As soon as night approached the governor, named Myr Alkum, returned to the fort, and took all the requisite precautions. On being thus disappointed, the royal Chiefs were ashamed of their conduct; his Majesty, therefore, gave orders that they should lay siege to the place, and erect batteries all around it; but Shâh Hussyn having bribed the Chiefs, they would not make any exertion to take the place. At length Aly Beg Jellayr represented to the King that he had received intelligence of Shâh Hussyn having quitted Tatta with his army, and that, if his Majesty would give him five hundred horse, he would make forced marches, surprise his camp, and destrory his army, which would be of the greatest importance in the issue of the war.

Although his Majesty was well inclined to this proposal, he could not get the Chiefs to agree to it, and nothing was done.

At length the King sent orders to Myrza Yadgar, whom he had left at Bhiker, to send a portion of his troops to assist in taking the fort. In obedience of these orders Terdy Beg, with one hundred and fifty cavalry, joined the royal division; but even with their assistance nothing could be effected against Sehwan.

In consequence of these repeated disappointments, the Chiefs persuaded the King to raise the siege, and proceed to the northward; but the fact was that Shah Hussyn, having embarked part of his troops on board boats, was coming up the river (Sinde) under full sail.

At this time there were several malignant reports in circulation over the country: first, that his Majesty had been thrown from his horse, and had severely bruised both his leg and his arm; second, that the troops of Shah Hussyn had seized all the boats conveying his Majesty’s stores, and that some of the women who were on board had fled half naked, and joined the camp; third, that the Ambassador sent by Shah Hussyn to make peace had been plundered on the route to the royal camp.

In consequence of the latter report, his Majesty sent Monaim Beg with a message to Shâh Hussyn to explain the circumstances, and to request that he would evince some sympathy for his sovereign in distress, and not pursue his vengeance any further; but Hussyn refused to see the messenger, and wrote an uncivil letter, asking “what benefits the King had ever conferred on him, that he should now have any consideration for his distress?”^* In short, by the time that the King reached the vicinity of Bhiker the greater number of his followers had dispersed and deserted.

The few remaining Chiefs then represented to his Majesty, that having safely crossed the large river Sinde, they had now no further fears of the Afghãns; it would therefore be advisable to proceed to Candahar.

The King was displeased at this advice, and said that, “never unless in a case of the greatest necessity would he take refuge, or even enter the territories of his ungrateful brothers.”^† He then commanded Rûshen Beg, his foster brother, to take a party with him, and collect from the villages a number of cows and buffaloes, and with their skins prepare vessels for recrossing the river. These orders were punctually obeyed; but by this time the fleet of Myrza Hussyn was fast approaching.

When the royal party began to cross over on the skins and rafts, there was one boat remaining at the ferry, which Terdy Beg (formerly mentioned) took possession of for his own family; but the Akā (superintendant) of the King’s household in an authoritative manner demanded it from him, saying, “empty that boat, that I may take his Majesty and the royal family over first, and then you may have it.” Terdy Beg called him a scoundrel; on which the Akã replied, “he is a scoundrel who dares to act in this insolent manner.” Terdy Beg, on hearing this speech, raised his horsewhip and struck the Aká: the latter instantly drew his sword, and made a blow at him, which fortunately fell on the pommel of his saddle: on seeing this the attendants separated them.

As soon as the King was informed of this distressing dispute, Terdy Beg being an officer of high rank, in order to pacify him his Majesty commanded that the hands of the Akã should be tied with a handkerchief, and led in that manner to the chief. When Terdy Beg saw this proof of the King’s attention he immediately loosed the handkerchief, seated the Akã in a very polite and respectful manner, presented him with a dress and a horse, and apologised to him for his conduct.

I must now return to relate the conduct of Myrzã Yadgãr.^* It has been before stated that Myrzã Yadgãr had been left in charge of the town of Bhiker, and it appears that while there, he had carried on a private correspondence with Shàh Hussyn of Tatta, who had promised him his daughter in marriage, and to confirm him as Governor of Bhiker.

In fact when the King returned to Bhiker, he observed something in the conduct of Yadgàr, which raised his suspicions; but while he halted there, the Myrza invited him to an entertainment, which he gave at a college in the vicinity of the town; and while they were seated together under a porch, which looked on the walls of the fort, the King, in order to try the effect of his guns, ordered one of them to be fired against a bastion of the fort; the shot however passed into the arsenal, and caused much confusion: in a very short time a shot was unexpectedly returned from the fort, which struck the porch under which the King was seated.

On which the King got up and went to another place; but the Myrza said, “it was only a frolic, and that his Majesty first began it.” Soon after this a person whispered to the King, “that he feared some treachery;” on which the King, having eaten very sparingly, ordered the repast to be taken off, arose and took his leave. Previously however to his Majesty’s departure, the Myrza presented him with a handsome horse, having a bridle and saddle mounted with silver, and a riding elephant, with which the King returned to his own abode.

A curious circumstance occurred shortly after, viz. one of the royal attendants, named Khuaje Muazim, took the liberty of asking the King to give him the horse presented by the Myrza, and (as it was probably of no great value) the King gave it to him. The fellow however immediately rode it off to the Myrza’s quarters, and there offered his service as a cavalier; but the Myrza was very angry, ordered the horse to be taken from him, and a pony to be given in exchange: he then sent the horse back to the King.

Sometime after this event the Myrza’s intentions became manifest, for he sent persons to entice the King’s followers to desert to him, and even made use of severe threats to those who refused to abandon their unfortunate master.

In consequence of this incidious conduct most of the remaining chiefs meditated to desert, and his Majesty was obliged to sit up all night, and by keeping them with him prevent their going off. In the morning, the King being necessitated to go out of the tent, said to Terdy Beg and Munaim, “remain here till I return;” but as soon as he went out, they both ran towards their horses; on which one of the attendants informed his Majesty that the two chiefs were going. He desired the attendant to call them back; but as they paid no attention to the call, the King himself ran after them, and with great difficulty prevailed on them to return. After this unworthy attempt, the King ordered that Munaim should be confined, and Terdy Beg being frightened, consented to remain.

We then marched on, and arrived at a village of the district of Bhiker called Aru, which was a great depot of the caravans, and to which place quantities of grain and various articles were brought from Jesselmere and other towns. But as soon as the persons in charge of the caravans heard of his Majesty’s approach, they began to load their camels and run off; however, a quantity of grain and other provisions were seized by the royal followers, which enabled them to halt there for some days in great abundance.

From thence we marched towards Ouch, but suffered great hardships on the route, till we reached the village of Mow, which is the boundary of the Bhiker district. After leaving Mow we met with great difficulties, especially the want of water. On one occasion his Majesty’s water bottle (Keruty) was empty; he therefore asked his humble servant Jouher Aftabchy “if he had any water in the Ewer?” his humble servant replied, “there was water;” the King said, “pour it into the bottle.” Although the water I had was for purification, I poured it into the bottle, and said, “what a horrid country this is where one cannot procure water! and as we are now travelling at night, should I be separated from your Majesty, I shall perish for want of something to drink.” I then poured a small quantity of the water back into the Ewer; the King approved, and said, “that will be sufficient for you.”

In the morning we fortunately came to a small lake, and encamped. It so happened that I was standing near the water when a deer was roused from the Jungel, and ran through the camp. Although many persons struck at it, it passed them and entered the lake. As soon as his Majesty was told of the circumstance he mounted his horse, with an intention of pursuing the animal, and said, “what a delicious prize this deer would be!” Seeing me, he desired I would call to a person who was standing on the other side of the lake to drive the animal back again: he did so; and as the deer was swimming, I ran into the water and endeavoured to lay hold of him, at the same time saying, “one quarter is mine;” the King replied, “very well:” luckily the animal was much tired by swimming, and I had strength enough to hold it till one of the attendants came to my assistance, and by his Majesty’s orders cut its throat: when it was brought on shore the King ordered that one quarter should be given to me, two quarters were sent to the royal kitchen, and the remaining quarter to the female apartments.

At this time the mother of the future Emperor, Akber, was seven months gone with child; we therefore continued our march towards Ouch,^* where after several days journey we safely arrived. From this place orders were sent to Bukhshuy Lengah, the Zemindar of the district, either to wait on his Majesty, or to send provisions for the royal party; but the wretch would not do one or other; nay, he even opposed the people who were sent out to purchase them, and the troops were obliged to take by force whatever was requisite for their subsistence, and, we were so much distressed that we eat the seeds and fruit or berries of trees which grew in the neighbouring jungle.

Of his Majesty’s marching again from Ouch, and of the difficulties he experienced in the Desert. A. H. 948.—A. D. 1541.

When the seeds and fruit of the trees Sunker and Perhem (probably the Jack fruit and wild bean) were all expended, it so happened that an erratic Dervish, who had been wandering through the Desert, saw a fort on the boundaries of Joudpûr, the territory of the Rajah Maldeo. The aforesaid Dervish immediately returned and informed his Majesty of the circumstance, who instantly said he would proceed thither. We therefore marched to the neighbourhood of the fort, and happily procured abundance of grain and water. We halted there for three days, during which time one of the officers, named Shykh Aly, proposed to the King to take possession of the place by surprise; but his Majesty said, “if you could make me King of the whole world I would not attempt so foul an action, or be guilty of such ingratitude.”

In short having marched from this fort we travelled all night, and till twelve o’clock next day in the Desert, without finding water; at length we discovered some wells, and halted there.

The next day we marched at noon, and travelled for twenty-seven astronomical hours before we again found water: during this horrid journey many of our people died, and all suffered exceedingly. When about four hours of the day remained we came to a few trees, where, through the grace of God, we found a well, a rivulet, and a pond of water: here his Majesty alighted, and having prostrated himself on the ground, returned thanks to the Almighty for his beneficence. He then ordered all the water bags to be filled, to be loaded on his own horses, and to be sent back to the people who had fallen in the rear to assist them in joining the party.

It so happened that a Moghul merchant, to whom the King was much indebted, was one of the persons who from fatigue and thirst had fallen down on the road, and his son was standing by him; as the King had also rode back part of the way, he came to where the Moghul was lying, and deeming it a favourable opportunity to cancel his debt, proposed to the unfortunate sufferer, that he should have as much water as he could drink, provided he would relinquish his pecuniary demand. The poor man said, “a cup of water is, in my present situation, more valuable than the wealth of the whole world, and I consent.” Three of the attendants having witnessed the agreement, the King ordered them to give him as much water as he wished: the Moghul being satiated, proceeded and joined the camp. His Majesty then gave orders to bury all the persons who had died from thirst, and to supply the survivors with abundance of water, to enable them to join the camp.

After being well recruited, we marched from the trees, and arrived at a village called Pylpûr; thence we proceeded to Pehlûdy,^* where we procured abundance of grain; from thence in one march we arrived in the vicinity of the residence of the Raja Maldeo.

As soon as his Majesty had alighted, he sent a Firman to the Raja to wait on him, but that chief made some idle excuse: he, however, sent a present of fruit.

We remained there for three days without any act of hospitality being shewn us, or any comfort given to the distressed monarch; during this time one of the King’s porters, named Rajû, deserted, and informed Maldeo that the King had a number of valuable rubies and pearls in his possession; another of the royal attendants, named Muhammed Ayshek, also deserted, and instigated the Rajã to demand these jewels. When the King found that Maldeo had no intention of waiting on him, but was rather inclined to molest him, he again marched, and halted at the pond of Jougy.

His Majesty proceeds to Amerkote,^* and the circumstances which occurred on the journey. A. H. 949—A. D. 1542.

When his Majesty had obtained a hint of the intentions of Maldeo, he resolved to set out for Amerkote; he, therefore, ordered two of the officers to go on and seize some guides; they did so, and brought in two camel drivers. The King ordered their animals to be tied with the royal camels, and the men to be disarmed and confined: he also sent to them the Kazy Mehdy Aly to explain, that no injury was intended them; but that if they would shew the route to Amerkote, they should be well rewarded: the two rustics pretended they knew nothing about the road, and would give no information. Some time after, they drew their daggers and killed one of the attendants who was sentinel over them; they then proceeded to where their camels were tied, stabbed them, and also a favourite horse and mule belonging to his Majesty, which reduced the royal stud to two horses and one mule. When the servants saw this, they rushed on the villagers and cut them to pieces.

This event, and other unfortunate circumstances, caused great dismay among the followers, and several of them talked of quitting his Majesty, who said to them, “if you leave me, whither will you go? you have now no other refuge.” Notwithstanding this, Khoja Kebyr, and two others of the most confidential attendants deserted, and went to Maldeo. In this scene of distress the King determined on marching to the westward, and ordered that some of the chiefs should move on in front, and that he would follow them at a short distance with the females and servants. In this manner we proceeded till morning; but at the dawn of day we discovered three parties pursuing us, each of these parties might consist of five hundred cavalry; and to add to our consternation, we at this time had lost sight of our advanced division.

The King then enquired of some of the attendants whether they thought our pursuers were friends or enemies; and when it was agreed that they were the latter, he ordered all the baggage to be taken off the horses and placed on the camels, and that the foot soldiers should mount the horses; by these means we mustered in all sixteen troopers. His Majesty then consulted with Shykh Aly Beg, what was advisable to be done: the Shykh replied, “we are now just in the situation of the martyr Imam Hussyn:^* nothing remains but to sell our lives as dearly as possible. Pardon me all the offences I have committed against you, and give me a few men with me, that I may go and bring you an account of these people.” His Majesty pronounced the form of forgiveness, gave him his blessing, and sent seven horsemen with him.

The Shykh then said to his companions, “we are but few, and our enemies many; let us act separately, and when we approach them discharge our arrows simultaneously on their line, and let us trust in Providence for the consequences.” The men did so, and when near the enemy let fly their arrows; and as “the decree of God is all powerful,” two of their chiefs were mortally wounded, and fell from their horses; on seeing which the others all fled, and left the field to the victors. Shykh Aly then caused the two heads to be struck off, and sent them by a Chobdar (wand bearer) with hearty congratulations to his Majesty. When the King saw a horseman approaching, he asked his people if they knew who it was; they replied, “it is Bhebud^† the Chobdar.” The man then rode up, and having untied the heads from his saddle bow, presented them to the King, who considered the circumstance as a fortunate omen.

The King then recalled Shykh Aly, and consulted with him what was further requisite to be done; the Shykh said, “if your Majesty will be pleased to move on a short distance in front, I with my seven horsemen will protect the rear.” This was agreed to, and we marched on.

I omitted to mention that, on our entering the Jesselmere district, his Majesty had detached a small party to collect provisions and bring them to the camp. It appeared that these people, having collected several cows and buffaloes, lost their way, and not knowing where to find the camp, had halted and refreshed themselves at a pond in the Desert; in this situation we fortunately found them; and their officers had again the honour of paying their respects to the King. When they heard of our miraculous escape, they were profuse in their excuses for having been absent at such a critical time, and hoped that the shadow of his Majesty would be for ever suspended over their heads, in the name of the Prophet and of his illustrious descendants.

At this place two messengers arrived from Maldeo, the Rajã of Joudpûr who stated, “that the King had entered his territory without any invitation; and although it must be known that the killing of kine was forbidden in Hindû districts, we had nevertheless killed a number of these sacred animals; that the King having intruded himself into these parts, he was now completely in the Rajã’s power, and must take the consequences.”

His Majesty consulted his friends what answer he should give to this message; they replied, “that as there was no chance of coming to an amicable arrangement, the only mode was to put a bold face on the matter and confine the messengers.” This was done, and we marched on; but on passing one of the forts of Jesselmere, the garrison came out and attacked us: the skirmish lasted for several hours; during which time they severely wounded several of our people; at length they returned to their fort. At the distance of ten miles from this spot, we came to a village where we found plenty of grain and water, but no vestige of any human being.

About this period the Rajã ordered his son, who was also named Maldeo, to precede our march, and to fill up all the wells with sand, so that we might perish for want of water. The son obeyed these orders; so that after we left the above mentioned village, and had arrived at the next stage, we found all the wells choked up with sand: we were therefore compelled to proceed on a second stage. Here we experienced the same difficulty; but as we were too much fatigued to proceed further, we were obliged to halt there during the night.

On this occasion the King ordered the camels to be placed in a circle round the horses and tents, directed that the people should be on the alert, and said, “he would himself keep watch by walking round the circle all night.” Shykh Aly would not consent to this proposal; but insisted on his Majesty’s lying down, and that he himself should keep watch. On this the King went and lay down; whilst he was asleep, a thief came into the camp, took the sword from under his Majesty’s head, and drew it half out; but being alarmed, left it in that situation and went away.

When the King awoke, he saw that his sword was half way drawn from the scabbard, and was much astonished; he therefore called to the servant, who was sleeping at the foot of the bed, and asked him if he had drawn the sword; who replied, “that he would not have ventured to do so for the world.”

In short we marched from that place, and arrived at a stage where there were four wells, in three of which we found water, but the fourth was choked up. In order to secure an equal division of the water, his Majesty assigned one of the wells for his own household; the second he gave to Terdy Beg and his followers, and the third to Khaled Beg and attendants; as we had no buckets to draw the water, a copper pot was let down, and pulled up by a camel; but as the well was very deep, and the pot a long time coming up, in order to prevent the people from crowding round the mouth of the well, they were directed to keep at a distance till a drum was beaten to give notice of the proper time, when they should be regularly served in turn: notwithstanding this precaution, in consequence of the anxiety to be first served, much quarrelling took place among the people; at length the domestics of his Majesty came and complained that Terdy Beg had given water to his own horses and camels, but would not let them have any for their animals; they also swore, that if he did not supply them they would fight for it, and either have water, or be killed. On this his Majesty, fearing contention, rode to the well, and said to Terdy Beg in the Tûrky language, “be so good as draw of your people for a short time from the well till mine are served, which will prevent disputes.” Terdy Beg complied with his Majesty’s command, and the servants procured a scanty supyly of water; in short the misery we suffered at this stage was intolerable.^*

About this time the son of the Rajã of Joudpûr, having in his hand a white flag, came in sight of our party, and sent a messenger to request an audience of his Majesty; the man having been admitted, delivered the following message: “You have entered this country without any invitation; and although you well knew that in all Hindû countries it is forbidden to kill kine, your people have frequently done so; if you had acted with due politeness, you should have informed me of your wishes to pass through my country; I should then have performed the rights of hospitality towards you, as is the custom of all Hindû princes, or Zemindars. Now, if you choose to halt here for some time, I will send bullocks to draw the water, and will give you some buckets; but it was very unkind and improper in you to confine my two messengers; I therefore desire you will release them.”

After some consultation the King ordered the two messengers to be released; and having learned that at the next stage there was only one well, he gave orders that we should move in three divisions, at a day’s interval; the first party to consist of the royal family, escorted by Terdy Beg; the second party to be under the command of Munaim Beg, and the third under charge of Shykh Aly: notwithstanding this precaution, a number of people died on this journey through thirst.

At length we arrived within twenty miles of the fort of Amerkote; but here a very distressing circumstance occurred, viz. the horse of an officer, named Rûshen Beg, having been knocked up, he insisted on taking one which he had lent the Queen; when his Majesty was informed of this transaction, he immediately alighted from his horse, sent it to the Queen, and, after walking some distance, mounted a camel belonging to the Ewer department; in this manner we proceeded three or four miles; when Khaled Beg rode up and presented his horse to his Majesty. Some hours after this the King entered Amerkote, attended by only seven horsemen. The Ranâ Pursaud sent his brother to wait on his Majesty with a polite message, “that the day was not a fortunate one, but hoped that on the following day he would mount the throne.” Provisions were then supplied for the whole party, all of whom joined us during the course of the day.

On the following morning the Ranâ Pursaud had the honour of paying his respects, and congratulated his Majesty on his safe arrival; he then represented that he had 2000 horsemen of his own tribe, and 5000 cavalry belonging to his allies, all of whom were devoted to him with heart and soul: these troops were at his Majesty’s service, and by their aid he might easily conquer the districts of Tatta and Bhiker.

The King replied, “that he had no money to pay the troops with, but probably he might raise some from his attendants.” On hearing this, Shâh Muhammed whispered “that he knew where they, the servants, had hidden their valuables.”

Soon after the Ranâ had retired the King undressed, and ordered his clothes to be washed, and in the meanwhile he wore his dressing gown; while thus sitting, a beautiful bird flew into the tent, the doors of which were immediately closed, and the bird caught; his Majesty then took a pair of scissors and cut some of the feathers off the animal; he then sent for a painter, and had a picture taken of the bird, and afterwards ordered it to be released.

About this time the King ordered all the officers to assemble in the tent, and while they were there seated, he sent some of his confidential domestics under the direction of Shâh Muhammed to search the baggage of the officers, and to bring to him whatever valuables or money they might find. The servants went, and having examined all the portmanteaus and bags, and opened the camel saddles, found some money and other valuables, which they laid down before his Majesty. It happened that an old woman, having a small box, gave it in charge of Hussyn Kurchy to take care of till we should arrive in a place of safety; on seeing what was going forward, Hussyn endeavoured to conceal the box, but he was seized with it in his hands, and brought before the King. When the box was opened, it was found to contain three (Bricks) ingots of pure gold, forty-two gold Mohrs, and several golden and inlaid trinkets. Kafûr, one of the eunuchs, was ordered to cut the end of Hussyn’s ear as a punishment for his treachery, but the eunuch mistaking the order, cut off the whole ear; on seeing this the King was very angry, sent for a surgeon, and had the ear sewn on again, assisted in the operation, and apologized to the sufferer. When all the plunder was collected, his Majesty ordered that one half of the money should be restored to the owners, the other half to be divided among the servants and followers; but of the clothes he took one half for his own use and the other half he gave back to the proprietors.

After some time his Majesty again consulted the Ranã on what was most advisable to be done. The Ranã advised that the King should proceed to Tatta,^* or go on to Jûn, where he might depend upon being joined by all the people of that district. Having adopted this advice, his Majesty waited for a fortunate hour, and then commenced his journey, leaving all his family in the fortress of Amerkote: the first day we marched twenty-four miles, and encamped on the banks of a large pond.

Birth of the Prince Muhammed Akber, may God perpetuate his kingdom, in the fortress of Amerkote—and the events that followed. A. H. 949—A. D. 1542.

The next day, while the King was encamped at the large pond, a messenger arrived from Amerkote with the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son and heir. This auspicious event happened on the night of the full moon of the month Shâbân 949; in consequence of which his Majesty was pleased to name the child, The Full Moon of Religion (Budr addyn) Muhammed Akber. On this joyful occasion he prostrated himself, and returned thanks to the Almighty Disposer of all events.^*

When this joyful news was made known, all the chiefs came and offered their congratulations. The King then ordered the author of this Memoir (Jouher) to bring him the articles he had given in trust to him; on which I went and brought two hundred Shãhrukhys (silver coin), a silver bracelet, and a pod of musk; the two former he ordered me to give back to the owners from whom they had been taken, as formerly mentioned; he then called for a China plate, and having broken the pod of musk, distributed it among all the principal persons, saying, “this is all the present I can afford to make you on the birth of my son, whose fame will I trust be one day expanded all over the world, as the perfume of the musk now fills this apartment.” After this ceremony the drums were beaten, and the trumpets proclaimed the auspicious event to the world.

As soon as the evening prayers were finished we marched from the pond, attended by a number of the Amerkote Ranâ’s troops, and one hundred Moghuls, commanded by Shykh Aly Beg. After five marches we arrived in the vicinity of Jûn;^* here we found Jany Beg, the former possessor of Amerkote and a celebrated Cossac, drawn up with a formidable body of his cavalry to oppose us. The Jât troops of the Ranâ and the Moghuls immediately charged the Cossacs, put them to flight and killed a number of them; amongst the prisoners taken was a Moghul deserter, who had been severely wounded in the face. On being brought before the King, Myrzâ Kûly said in the Tûrky language, “this is the follow that abused your Majesty on such an occasion;” the King said, “well, he has received his reward, let him go:” but he ordered all the other prisoners to be killed.

After this affray we moved on, and took possession of Jûn, where the royal tent was pitched in a large garden. At this place a number of Zemindars came and offered their services to the King, who first employed them to dig a deep ditch all round the garden, so as to form it into a respectable fort; from this place a messenger was despatched to Amerkote to bring the young Prince and his mother. On the 20th of the month of Ramzân the Prince arrived, and had the honour of being first embraced by his Majesty on the 35th day of his age.^*

I am now obliged to revert to some circumstances which occurred in the last year, in order to preserve my narrative. During the period that the King laid siege to Sehwãn it was observed that a soldier in the fort made so good a use of his musquet, that he never failed to hit some of our people; on which his Majesty said, “I hope I shall one day get hold of that fellow;” he also said, “I wish I could catch the person who took the sword from under my head, and drew it half way out of the scabbard.” By chance it now happened that these two men were both in Jûn when we took it, and having met in an arrack shop were boasting of their feats of bravery: their conversation having been overheard, they were seized and brought before the King, who, after inquiry, ordered the musqueteer to be put to death, but forgave the thief, and made him a handsome present.

During our stay at Jûn the King issued orders that all the Chiefs of that country should wait on him; in consequence of which, the Rajãs of Sudha, of Symech, of Cutch, and Jam, who was formerly the Chief of Bhiker, had the honour of paying their respects, and not less than fifteen or sixteen thousand horsemen were collected.

About this time Shâh Hussyn having marched from Tatta, arrived within eight miles of Jûn, and took post on the bank of the river (Indus). It was one evening during the fast of Ramzân, just as his Majesty had taken his first mouthful of water, that intelligence was brought him of the desertion of Tersh Beg, and of his having joined his enemy Hussyn. This news greatly affected the King, and he said, “may a speedy death overtake him!” and it really so happened that the arrow of Fate did suddenly strike him; for when he arrived with Sháh Hussyn, the latter made him a present of a slave, who having soon after committed some fault, Tersh Beg cut his nose; in revenge for which, three days afterwards, the slave assassinated him: upon hearing this, the people all declared that “the King was a worker of miracles;” and no wonder, as it is written in the Korân, that “the Kings are the Vicegerents of God,” and is a proof of the legitimacy of our monarch, the Emperor Humâyûn.

About this time, Shâh Hussyn sent from Tatta a messenger to the Ranâ of Amerkote, then with the Emperor; and in order to induce the Ranâ to desert to his party, sent him an honorary dress, a rich dagger, and several other presents. The Ranâ immediately brought these presents, and shewed them all to the King, who desired him to put them on a dog, and send them back to his master. This was actually done; and caused Shâh Hussyn to be much ashamed of himself.

Some time after this event an unfortunate quarrel took place between one of the Moghul chiefs, named Khauajê Ghâzy, and the Ranà, who in consequence of the dispute left the camp with all his followers, saying, “that any attempt to assist the Moghuls was a loss of labour and time.” As soon as the Ranâ had abandoned us, all the Zemindars also returned to their own homes, and left us to our fate. The following day Munaim Beg also deserted, and informed Shàh Hussyn that the Emperor was now left alone, and was encamped on an open plain, where he might be easily seized or defeated. Luckily this conversation was reported to his Majesty, who instantly ordered all his people to set to, and dig a ditch round the encampment; he even in person took a stick in his hand and pointed out to each party where they were to commence working; and so much diligence was used, that in three days the ditch was completed; so that when Shâh Hussyn arrived and found the camp well fortified, he accused Munaim Beg of having deceived him; in short some skirmishing took place between the adverse parties, and Mahmûd Gird Bãz, one of our chiefs, was killed.

During this time intelligence was brought that Byram Beg (Khân),^* who had fled from the battle of Canouge, was come from Gujerât to join his Majesty. On hearing this joyful news the King ordered all the chiefs to go out and meet him: he was shortly introduced, and had the honour of being presented to his Majesty, who was much rejoiced by the arrival of so celebrated a character.

The following night the Bastard, Shâh Hussyn, came to the edge of our ramparts and blew his trumpets: on hearing them Byram Beg and several other chiefs sallied forth, but his Majesty recalled Byram, and ordered Rûshen Beg and others to pursue the fugitives: they did so; and when arrived near the enemy’s camp a duel took place between Rushen Beg and Baber Kuly, one of our opponents: Rushen unhorsed his adversary; but a foot soldier cut the thigh of his horse in such a manner, that although he brought his master back to the camp, he immediately died. This is said to be a peculiar quality or virtue of the Tupchãk horses.

After the affair his Majesty ordered Shykh Aly Beg to proceed to Chekaw, and from thence send grain to the camp, which he accordingly performed; but Sháh Hussyn having heard of this, sent a superior party to cut off our supplies; in consequence of which the King ordered off Tehur Sultán to reinforce our detachment: this measure however gave offence to Shykh Aly, who complained of the supercession, which caused a quarrel between these two officers.

His Majesty being now wearied of the confinement to his entrenchments, said, “that the next time Sháh Hussyn approached the camp, he would go out in person and chastise him;” and orders were given to have his arms and horses in readiness; we were therefore in expectation that a battle would take place the ensuing day, although it was in the holy month of Ramzán; but during the night a man came from the bank of the river, and said, “that some person on the opposite side was calling for a boat.” The King commanded that they should inquire his name, and what he wanted with a boat; he replied, “that he was Tehur Sultán;” on hearing this his Majesty said, “God grant that all may be well!” in short a boat was sent over, and he was brought into the presence, where he reported that the convoy had been attacked, that Shykh Aly was killed, and that he had with difficulty made his escape.

As the King had determined to go out next morning to battle, he was much affected by this news, and did not sleep during the whole night.

In the mean time Sháh Hussyn, having received reinforcements, was also resolved upon battle; but during that night a chief, named Muhammed Bynuaz, deserted to him, and communicated the cutting off of our detachment, and of the King’s intention of engaging him the next day. He added that as his Majesty was now desperate, he advised him (Sháh Hussyn) to conciliate matters.

In consequence of this advice Sháh Hussyn, some days afterwards, sent the chief, Baber Kûly, with a few trifling presents to the King, accompanied by an apology for his past conduct, and an assurance that shame alone prevented him from paying his respects in person. His Majesty in a condescending manner asked the ambassador to tell him the circumstances of the duel between him and Rûshen Beg. He repeated that Rûshen Beg had dismounted him with his lance, but did not injure him any farther, and that some other person had wounded his competitor’s horse; his Majesty then sent for Rushen Beg, and made them embrace each other. After this his Majesty dismissed the ambassador, with an assurance that he would immediately quit the country of Sinde.

His Majesty marches from Sinde, and proceeds towards Candahar. A. H. 950.—A. D. 1543.

When the ambassador, Baber Kûly, returned to his master, and informed him that the King was ready to quit the country on certain conditions, he agreed to send his Majesty two thousand loads of grain, and three hundred camels, to be delivered at the village of Rutay or Runay, from which place he assured the King that he might procure all other requisites for proceeding to Candahar. In consequence of this amicable agreement, his Majesty put all his baggage on board boats, crossed the river, and halted in the village of Rutay, till the grain and camels arrived; soon after which a distribution was made of them to all the followers; after which we proceeded towards Suhân (Sehwân.)

It here becomes necessary to relate, that Yadgãr Nasir Khusru Myrzâ, who had been deceived by the deceitful promises of Shãh Hussyn of a kingdom and his daughter in marriage, as formerly related, having in consequence been puffed up with pride, now suffered a severe retribution, by having been expelled by Hussyn, and obliged to pay a Shãhrukhy (silver coin) for each camel, and five similar coins for every horse belonging to his followers; after which he was sent in great disgrace across the river: “may such be the reward of every person that forsakes his liege lord!”

In short, his Majesty having passed Sehwân, in two more marches reached Futtypur Kundavy (Gundava of the maps); from thence, in two other marches, he arrived at a station situated between two ponds of water; one of which was brackish, the other sweet: at this time the King asked which was the pond of sweet water; the guide replied, “that it was the one which we had left seven coss in our rear.” On hearing this his Majesty was much displeased, and demanded why the camp had not been pitched at the sweet water, but learned that this was a monœuvre of Shâh Hussyn’s, in order to annoy us.

The King however rode back with a few of his attendants to the sweet water pond, leaving all the heavy baggage and followers at the brackish water; but as it was the first watch of the night when we reached the good water, the first thing his Majesty did was to perform his ablutions, and say his prayers; after which he and all the servants quenched their thirst; then, having rested for some time, each person took with him as much water as he could carry, and returned to the camp.

The people being much fatigued with their long march, we halted till two o’clock of the following day. When we had nearly reached the next stage, the camel which carried the purifying vessel being much tired, fell down, and could not move; on which the humble servant, Jouher Aftabchy, represented the circumstance, to his Majesty, who gave orders that the servants should unload the camel, and bring the vessels into the camp; but no one paid any attention to these orders, and the humble servant being left nearly alone with the camel, was attacked by robbers, who wounded him with an arrow and struck his companion with an axe. On this I bawled out to some people who were nearer the camp, “that the robbers had attacked me, and carried away all the contents of the sacks (Suleetas).” The people repeated my cries to those who were in the camp, and the King hearing the noise enquired what was the matter. Terdy Beg replied, “that it was only the shouts of some people who were playing;” the King said, “I hear the cry of robbers, what kind of play do you call that?” On this the chief eunuch galloped his horse to where I was, and saw that the thieves had carried away all the brazen vessels; he therefore, took hold of the camel and led him into the camp.

The next day we again marched, and encamped in an open plain, the soil of which has two opposite effects; in the hot season the Semum blows with such voilence, that the very limbs of a man are melted, and he dies; but in the winter the cold is so severe, that if a person takes his soup out of the pot, and pours it into a plate, it becomes instantly a piece of ice.

In short, all our people who were without warm clothing, suffered very severely; but on this occasion his Majesty, who had a fur cloak, graciously ordered it to be unlined, the exterior part of which he gave to Byram Beg, who had suffered much from the cold, and sent the lining to Mehter Anys. We again marched, and arrived at Salmustan or Mustung, which is one of the districts of Candahar.

In this place the King alighted in a garden; soon after which a man came up, and asked him, “if he knew any thing about Myrzã Askery?” his Majesty replied, “he did not; but if he could give any information regarding the Myrzâ, he would be obliged to him:” the man whispered, “send away your servants.” This was done, and I only remained. The man said, “send him off also:” the King replied, “he is only a boy; there is no fear.” On which he said, “before two watches of the morning shall be passed, Myrzâ Askery will be here; his object is to seize your Majesty.” The King asked him from whom he had this information? the man replied, “my son is one of the Myrzã’s servants, and left him in the hills about five coss from hence, but having come alone, has arrived here before him.” On hearing this news the King came into the camp, and breakfasted on whatever he could get.

After dinner his Majesty said, “the people of Hindûstân have an extraordinary mode of evincing their fidelity;” then turning to the servants, he said, “don’t you be afraid, if it please God all your wishes shall be accomplished.” On which the servants all raised their hands in prayer for his prosperity.

The next day the King arose with the dawn, and said his prayers; after which he lay down, and fell asleep; and the servants took this opportunity of going about their own business. At mid-day a horseman came out of the jungle at full gallop, and asked where the King was; the servant said, “alight; leave your horse here, and go in.” The man twisted the reins about his hand, entered the screens where the King was lying, and awoke him. The man then asked, “have you heard any news?” the King said, “no:” the man replied, “Myrzâ Askery is coming to attack you;” his Majesty asked, “what is your name?” he said, “Juy Behadur, of the Uzbeg tribe, and am sent by Kasim Hussyn Sultân.” On hearing this news the King ordered Byram Beg to be called; and when he came, consulted with him what was proper to be done.

Byram Beg advised his Majesty to move on immediately; the King said, “let us try a battle;” Byram replied, “there are but few of us, and our adversaries are very numerous; we had much better make our escape from this place;” but the King argued that he had two good blunderbusses, and most of the servants had fire arms;” he added, “at least let us fire a volley upon these scoundrels, and let us see to whom God will give the victory.”

But as the Prince Askery’s troops were known to be numerous, and we had but a few people, it was at length agreed to march on; his Majesty then asked Terdy Beg for the loan of his horse, but that officer refused, and the King was obliged to place the Begum on his own horse. The royal party was now reduced to forty-two persons, viz. forty men and two women; one of them her Majesty, Mariam Mukany; the other, the wife of Hussyn Aly, named Ayshek Aka, who was the daughter of a Bulouch chief; for his Majesty finding that it was requisite to leave the young Akber, then a year and a half old, behind, ordered all the domestics to remain with him.

Soon after the King’s departure, Khuaje Sekunder, the sudder (Justice) of Myrzà Askery, arrived in the camp and not finding his Majesty there, said, “the object of my master’s coming, was merely to pay his respects to the King, why has he ventured to enter these jungles?” After an hour or two the Myrzâ also arrived; upon which, we, the servants, took up the young child, and presented it to him: the Myrzá took the babe in his arms, and embraced it. He then ordered all the effects of his Majesty to be brought before him. Amongst other things was a chest, in which were several curious stones, of an opium colour; as the chest was heavy, the Myrzá supposed that it contained money; he therefore ordered it to be opened, and finding only stones, was much mortified.

In short, the Myrzá ordered the young Prince to be carried to Candahar, and I, the author, attended the child thither; but I shortly afterwards deserted, and rejoined his Majesty in the city of Herat.

Soon after my arrival the King did me the honour to inform me, that the royal party, consisting of forty horsemen and two women, as before mentioned, having quitted the camp, travelled all night; during part of which time they heard some dogs bark; his Majesty then said, “there must be a village here;” and immediately several Bulouches came up and stopped the road. His Majesty addressed them, and asked who they were; but as they replied in a language he did not understand, he enquired of the Bulouch lady, the wife of Hussyn Aly, what they said? she interpreted, “that they were followers of Mulk Khutty; but as their chief was absent, they insisted that the King must alight, and stop till he arrived; in the mean time he might come into the fort or village, and rest himself.” The King did so, and the Bulouches very politely saluted him, and spread a carpet for him to sit on. The King and the Begum sat down on the carpet, attended by the eunuch Anber. Shortly after the day broke, and his Majesty performed the morning prayer. About this time Mulk Khutty arrived; and as he was approaching, the King said to himself, “now if this person means to be friendly, he will come on my right side; but if on the left, his intentions will be the contrary.”

The chief however advanced to the King’s right side, and enquired after his health; he then said, “three days ago I received orders from the Myrzá Kamrãn, that if your Majesty came this road, to stop and seize you; nevertheless, as your Majesty has done me the honour of coming hither, I will not obey the Prince’s orders; but I request you will again mount your horse, and I will escort you safely to my boundaries.” The King immediately complied with this request, and the Bulouch chief convoyed the King the distance of fifteen coss, even to the limits of his own territory, and then respectfully took his leave.

The next march brought us to the district of Gurm Syr (warm climate), which forms the boundary between Candahar and Khorâsân.^* The stupid chief of that country, named Abdal Hy, paid no attention to his Majesty, but one of his servants prepared an entertainment for the King, which so incensed the chief, that he actually put out the servant’s eyes.

While we were at this place, Khuajê Jellal addyn, who was one of the followers of Myrzá Askery, deserted from Candahar, and joined the King, to whom he made an offering of some tents and screens, and several mules and horses; in reward for which his Majesty conferred on him the title of (Myr Saman) “steward of the household,” for which he returned thanks.

We then moved on, and after several days entered Seistan, a province of Persia,^* of which Kara Sultân Shamlû was the governor, who immediately advanced to meet his Majesty; and having paid his respects, made an offering of a celebrated horse called Leilet al Kudder (the night of power), after which he conducted the King to his own habitation, and performed all the rights of hospitality. He further invited the King to remain there, till he should be joined by all his followers from Candahar. The King agreed, and in a few days, was joined by several chiefs.

After some days had elapsed, Byram Beg and the other chiefs represented to his Majesty, that the King of Persia might possibly take offence at our having entered his territories without due notice; it would therefore be proper to write to him for permission to proceed. A letter was in consequence written, and sent, the contents of which were, “we are arrived in your country, and await your royal orders:” the remainder of the letter was in verse, and replete with compliments.

On receipt of this letter, the Monarch of Persia, the Asylum of the world, issued orders to all his governors and officers to pay the King Humâyûn every attention in their power, and to conduct themselves in every respect towards him, as they would to his Majesty himself; he also sent a consolatory letter, assuring the King of his support, and inviting him to proceed to his Court.

Note.—The town of Jun or Jown is not to be found in any of the maps I have access to, but it is mentioned in the Ayeen Akbery as being in the Sirkar Hajykan, and yielding a large revenue: it is also described by Abul Fazil as being situated on the Indus, and as a most delightful place.

The route of the King appears to have been across Buloochistan, viz. from Sehwan to Gundava; thence probably to Kelat, and Shurabek to the vicinity of Candahar, where being obliged to cross the Hiermund river, he entered Gurmsyr, and from thence by the town of Ferrah to Herat. See Map prefixed to Malcolm’s History of Persia. See also Beloochistan; Edinburgh Gazetteer.

ALTHOUGH more has been written about Persia than of any foreign country of which we have a knowledge, the want of a concise and connected narrative of the events that have occurred there, render its history but very little known. The compilers of gazetteers have considered it an unfathomable ocean, and therefore have not even dipped into it. Hanway’s Travels, and Sir John Malcolm’s splendid History, supply ample materials; but both these books are so large and so expensive, that few people have an opportunity, or leisure, to consult them: of the latter I could not procure a single copy in the extensive city of Bath.

I have therefore thought it requisite, before Humayun’s entering Persia, to give a sketch of its history, that the reader may be in some measure introduced to the people about to be described.

The conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great took place about A. M. 3635.

The nominal conquest by the Romans, under Trajan, about A. D. 100.

It was then governed by native dynasties till the year of our Lord 628, when it was subdued by the Arabians, and for about 180 years it remained subject to the Khalifs of Bagdad.

In the early part of the eighth century, the governors of the provinces assumed independence, and Persia was divided between a number of contending princes.

In the twelfth century these petty princes were all subdued by the Tartar or Tûrk Zingis (Jengyz) Khàn, whose empire extended from the eastern borders of China to the shores of the Mediterranean sea. The descendants of that conqueror, although disunited among themselves, retained possession of Persia till the end of the fourteenth century, when they were all subdued by the Great Moghul, Timûr.

Some time after the death of Timûr, the Uzbegs got possession of the northern provinces of Persia. But it is related in the Memoirs of Timûr,^* that after the defeat of Bajazet, the conqueror while returning towards his own dominions (A. D. 1402-3), in passing through the city of Ardebyl, visited a celebrated Musselman Saint, called Shykh Sudder addyan Seffy, and at the termination of the interview, the Emperor asked the Saint what he could do to oblige him? the Saint replied, “liberate your captives:” the Emperor responded, “I not only liberate them, but give them to you.” He did so; and these captives, amounting to 40,000 persons, many of them of good family, became the devoted adherents of the Saint, and their posterity continued the same attachment to his descendants.

This celebrated character (the Saint) claimed his descent in a direct line from Aly, the son-in-law of the Arabian prophet, and was a strenuous advocate for the rights of his progenitors, and thereby became the leader of the sect of Shyãhs in Persia. He is said to have been assassinated, but his magnificent tomb still exists at Ardebyl, and must not be confounded with the mausoleum of Shãh Seffy, which is at Kom; both are described in Chardin’s Travels. The Saint left three grandsons, the youngest of whom, Juneyd, was brought up privately in the province of Ghilan. He was educated in the tenets of his grandfather, with an avowed enmity to the reigning powers, and was killed by the Prince of Shirwân. He was succeeded by his son Hyder, whose mother having been a daughter of Uzun Hussen, the Uzbeg Chief, found a number of adherents; but he was also killed in an attack on Shirwãn.

Ismael, third son of Hyder, was a child during these events; but at the age of fourteen he put himself at the head of his followers, attacked the Ruler of Shirwân, and defeated him. Ismael then assumed the title of Shâh, and became one of the most celebrated monarchs of the age. He is said to have died A. H. 930, A. D. 1523.

He was succeeded by his eldest son Tahmásp Myrzâ, then only ten years of age, the person whose protection, nineteen years afterwards, was sought by the unfortunate Exile of Hindûstán. Authors differ much with regard to the character of this Prince; but we cannot do less than transcribe the portrait given of him by the able historian of Persia. (See Persian History, vol. i. page 508.)

“The reign of Tamâsp owes much of its celebrity to the truly royal and hospitable reception he gave to the Emperor Hoomãyun when that monarch was obliged to fly from India and to take shelter in his dominions. The Persians have in all ages boasted of their hospitality; and the vanity of every individual is concerned in supporting the pretensions of his country to a superiority over others in the exercise of this national virtue. The arrival of the fugitive Hoomâyun presented an opportunity of a very singular nature for the display of this noble quality; and we know no example of a distressed monarch being so royally welcomed, so generously treated, and so effectually relieved.” The reader is requested to keep this panegyric in recollection.

During the greater part of Sháh Tahmâsp’s reign, he was engaged in wars with Solimân the Turkish emperor. He died at the age of sixty-four,^* after a reign of more than fifty-three years. The Seffy (Sophy) dynasty ruled over Persia for two centuries, which period may be considered as its Augustan age.^† Their names were:

The Seffys were displaced by the Afghâns, who took the title of Sultân, but in their turn were expelled (A. D. 1736) by the celebrated Nadir Shâh.

The descendants of Nadir were overturned by the Zend family, who were succeeded by the Cajars (a Tûrky tribe), of whom Futteh Aly Shâh, the present monarch, is the second of that dynasty.

Arrival of Shãh Tahmâsp’s letter, and the march of Humâyun towards Meshed. A. H. 950-1.—A. D. 1543-4.

I THINK it requisite to repeat, that after the King had entered the province of Khorasan, and had arrived at the city of Herat, which is the capital of that country, he was waited upon by Muhammed Khan, the preceptor (Atalyk) of the young Prince Sultan Muhammed (eighth son of Tahmásp), who had previously given orders that every person of the city from seven years of age to seventy should advance to meet his Majesty; in consequence of which, the Prince, the preceptor, and an immense crowd of people, had the honour of paying their respects to the King, for whom an encampment was formed in the Murâd Bagh (Garden of Desire).

After we had remained about a month in this delightful situation, another letter arrived from the Persian monarch, inviting the King to proceed to Meshehed-Sheryf,^* where he would have the honour of meeting him.

At this time Bubek Beg, one of the nobles of Aby Khan who had taken refuge with his Majesty, represented, that as it was his anxious wish to make the pilgrimage of Mecca, he requested permission, to attend the royal stirrup to Arabia; but that if his Majesty should alter his intention, he might be permitted to accompany him as far as Meshehed, being assured that while under his Majesty’s protection the Persian monarch would not be displeased; and that from Meshehed he would proceed on the pilgrimage by himself. To this proposal the King very good-naturedly gave his consent.^*

In short, after various marches we arrived safely at the Holy Meshehed;^† the governor of the city, named Shah Kûly Sultan, having come out to meet the King, had the honour of paying his respects, and performed all the rites of hospitality.

We remained forty days in that city; when one night it entered the mind of his Majesty, that he would go privately and make his prostrations at the tomb of the Imâm Aly, son of Musa, on whom be the peace of God! He therefore selected five persons to attend him on this solemn occasion: there names were, Doust Baba, the Kourbegy (Chamberlain), Mehter Vasil, the Tushekbeg (Keeper of the Wardrobe), Yakûb Beg, the Suferchy (Butler), Kuchekbeg, and the humble servant Jouher, the Aftabchy. When we reached the tomb, the porter attempted to open the gate, but the chain was closed: the door-keeper then represented that it was impossible to open the chain: the King in consequence retreated a few steps, but afterwards returned, and said: “O Imam, every person who has ever offered up his vow at your shrine has obtained the object of his wishes; your slave has also come with similar hopes to your tomb, in expectation of succeeding in his request.” Having said this, he laid his hand on the door, when instantly the chain was unlocked; it might even be said it was cut in two: on which his Majesty entered the holy tomb, walked round it, and then offered up his prayers, after which he sat down at an appointed place, and began to read the Koràn.

The superintendant of the tomb then said to the King, “if you like you may snuff the lamp;” his Majesty replied, “if not too great a liberty, I will do so; the officer said, “you have leave.”^* The King therefore took up the scissors, and cut off the snuff of the lamp; after which having said his prayers, he came out, but commanded that one of the royal bows should be suspended on the gate as an offering.

Soon after this event another letter arrived from the sovereign of Persia, inviting the King to proceed to Cazvin; in consequence of which we marched from Meshehed, and after two journeys reached Nishapoor; from thence, after six days, we arrived at Subzwar. It so happened that Amyr Skemsaddyn Aly, the governor of Subzwar, was a relation of Myr Berkê, between whom and the King there existed a great intimacy; on which account we remained in that city for forty days; thence, in three days, we reached Damghan, and thence, in two more days, proceeded to Bustam; thence to Semnan, thence to the fort of Ayhzvar, thence to the fountain of Alhak, thence to the fort of Mesmyeh, where we encamped under a large walnut-tree. While his Majesty was admiring the prospect from this situation, he saw a messenger advancing quickly towards him. When the man came up and made his salutation, the King said, “whence come you?” he replied, “from the fortress of Bezan Suger;” the King said, “have you any thing for me?” the man replied, “yes, I have;” the King said, “bring it:” on which he gave into his Majesty’s hand a letter from Myrzâ Solimán, Chief of Badukhshan. The King having read the letter, said, “these people are very extraordinary foster brothers, witness the impropriety of their conduct to my late father (Baber), and are now guilty of want of loyalty towards me, for the foster brother (Kuke) of Myrza Soliman, named Allah Kûly Inderaby, has seized by order of Kamrân the Myrza Soliman with all his family, and carried them to Kabûl.” His Majesty then wrote an answer to the letter, the contents of which were, “Accept my blessing, and be hopeful. Please God, in a short time our affairs will improve.” Having sealed the letter, he gave it to the messenger, and added, “give my compliments to Myrza Soliman, and say I am sensible that he suffers all this inconvenience on my account; but let him be hopeful that every thing will yet turn out according to our wishes.”^*

After the second prayers we again marched; and as it happened that the King always travelled with a bottle of lemon juice, when we (the servants) were about to mount our horses, the Mehter (Groom) Dula said, “give me the bottle, and when you are mounted I will return it to you.” The humble servant Jouher, Aftabchy, would not agree; on which the Groom said, “it does not signify; after I have got on my horse I will take up the bottle.” Having mounted, he attempted to do so, when it dropt from his hand and was broken. When we arrived at a certain place it was about the time of evening prayer, and as soon as his Majesty had performed his ablutions, he called for the lemon juice, in order to make some Sherbet; it was therefore requisite to explain that the bottle had been broken. The King was very angry, and ordered that the Groom and I should travel in future on foot. After we had marched about two coss, his Majesty kindly said, “the fault was not Jouher’s, therefore let him mount; but the Groom shall walk all the way.”

We soon after came to the fountain of Savuk Belãk, and from thence to the fort of Ders. At this place another letter arrived from the sovereign of Persia, stating that he was at Cazvin, and that the King should now send forward Byram Beg as his ambassador. In consequence of this message, Byram Beg was despatched, attended by ten horsemen to the imperial presence. In a few days after his arrival at court, Shãh Tahmâsp ordered him to cut off his hair, and wear a Persian cap; Byram Beg represented that he was the servant of another person, and could only obey his orders. The monarch was very angry, and said “you may do as you please;” but in order to frighten him into compliance commanded some prisoners to be brought up and executed in his presence. Shãh Tahmãsp then marched to the fountain of Jeky Jeky, and wrote to the King Humâyûn to remain where he was till he should send for him; but sent Bubek Beg to be Mehmander to his Majesty.

Some time afterwards another order arrived from the Shãh Tahmãsp that the King should advance to Cazvin, and having rested there for three days, might then come and pay his respects to the monarch.

In consequence of this invitation his Majesty left Ders; and when he reached Cazvin,^* the governor of that city came out to meet the King, and lodged him with his suite in one of the palaces of the Persian monarch. On the first day a great entertainment was given to his Majesty in the house of the governor; the second day, the Cazy had the pleasure of exhibiting his hospitality; and on the third day, the principal inhabitants had the honour of supplying the feast.

The day following his Majesty left Cazvin in the afternoon, and travelled all night; towards morning, the King being tired, ordered his attendants to look out for a place where there was water, that he might halt; whilst we were employed in searching for water, intelligence was brought that Byram Beg (the King’s ambassador) was approaching. Shortly after the aforesaid personage arrived, and had the honour of paying his respects; and represented, “that the stage or place of halting was very near at hand;” but the King said, “he would not then proceed any further.”

In short the day having now broke, the King, having performed his ablutions, and said his morning prayers, fell asleep. Shortly after the Persian (bildars) pioneers, who were employed in smoothing the road, began to sing in their usual manner: their noise awoke his Majesty; and supposing that they were his own people, he ordered that they should be silenced, as he had been travelling all night, and therefore wished to sleep; the humble servant Jouher represented “that they were the pioneers of the Persian monarch, who were repairing the road to the next stage, and could not be interrupted.”

The King then ordered me to call Byram Beg; when the aforesaid person came, he represented that the officers deputed by the Persian monarch were now aproaching to meet his Majesty, and it was requisite to prepare for their reception: in consequence the King, having bathed and dressed, and the tents being pitched, sat in the Divan Khanê.

In a short time the deputies of the Princes came; after those a deputation of the Syeds,^* and were particularly noticed: after this the King mounted his horse, and advanced. He was soon after met by the retinues of the Princes and Nobility. But when Sám Myrzâ (the son of Shâh Tahmâsp) arrived within the distance of the flight of an arrow from his Majesty, he alighted from his horse; on which the King also alighted, and they embraced each other with the greatest respect and friendship; after which ceremony the Prince returned to where he had alighted, and again mounted his horse. Immediately after this Bahram Mirza (third brother of Sháh Tahmâsp) came and having brought with him a dress of honour and a Gezaleh (unbroke) horse, the master of the ceremonies having arranged the ranks, and spread a carpet, his Majesty was then clothed in the dress, except the cap,^* which he would not put on; and, having mounted the unbroke horse, proceeded. It so happened that this wild horse, which the Turcomans (Persians) had brought to try his Majesty’s skill in horsemanship, was perfectly tractable, which astonished them all exceedingly, and was considered an auspicious omen. After this the Kûrjy Bashy, and a number of inferior people mounted on Carmanian horses, came and made their salute; the object of their being introduced was, to prove that all the Persians, whether of high or low rank, were all on a footing with our King.