Tārīḫ-i Ṭabaristān - An Abridged Translation of the History of Ṭabaristān

The Funds of this Memorial are derived from the Interest accruing from a Sum of money given by the late MRS. GIBB of Glasgow, to perpetuate the Memory of her beloved son

and to promote those researches into the History, Literature, Philosophy and Religion of the Turks, Persians and Arabs to which, from his Youth upwards, until his premature and deeply lamented Death in his forty-fifth year on December 5, 1901, his life was devoted.

“The worker pays his debt to Death;
His work lives on, nay, quickeneth.”

The following memorial verse is contributed by 'Abdu`l-Ḥaqq Ḥámid Bey of the Imperial Ottoman Embassy in London, one of the Founders of the New School of Turkish Literature, and for many years an intimate friend of the deceased.

The aim of this book is a comparatively humble one, and even of this aim, now that it is completed, I fear that it may have fallen short. It was originally undertaken, not because I had made or intended to make any special study of Ṭabaristán, but in the search for fresh materials for the second volume of the Literary History of Persia on which I am still engaged. We are still far from having arrived at a point where, supplied with ample materials, and certain that no important ascertainable fact has eluded our knowledge, we can venture to dogmatise or generalise on the intellectual life and spiritual development of the Persians. Often the student of Persian must wait for months ere he can consult even the most important and indispensable histories, such as the Jámi'u `t-Tawáríkh of Rashídu’d-Dín Faḍlu’lláh, or the Ta`ríkh-i-Jahángusháy of 'Aṭá Malik-i-Juwayní; and, while thus waiting, he will take such opportunities as may happen to present themselves of acquainting himself with the contents of those little-read local and special histories of which some are to be found in every large collection of Muhammadan manuscripts, and which constantly supply details, wanting in the larger general histories, of considerable value for illustrative purposes.

Much has been done, especially by the Russians, towards supplying full materials for a history of the Caspian provinces of Persia, Gílán and Mázandarán. Between the years 1850 and 1858 Dorn published a whole series of works on this subject: first his Geschichte Tabaristan’s und der Serbedare nach Chondemir; then four volumes of texts, of which the first was Sayyid Dhahíru`d-Dín al-Mar'ashí’s History of Tabaristán, Rúyán and Mázandarán, composed about A.D. 1476; the second, 'Alí b. Shamsu`d-Dín’s History of Gílán, known as the Ta`ríkh-i-Khání, which is a continuation of the last-mentioned work to A.D. 1514; then Ibnu`l-Fattáḥ al-Fúmaní’s History of Gílán (from A.D. 1517—1628); and lastly a volume of extracts from the writings of twenty-two Arabic and Persian authors who have incidentally treated of matters connected with these provinces. Another most valuable work which I have constantly consulted during the preparation of this volume is Melgunof’s Das südliche Ufer des Kaspischen Meeres, oder die Nordprovinzen Persiens (Leipzig, 1868). Even for the dialect of Mázandarán more has probably been done than for any other local idiom of Persia, notably by the two Russian scholars mentioned above.

Separated from the rest of Persia by the lofty barrier of the Elburz Mountains, culminating in the great cone of Damáwand (Dunbáwand), the Caspian provinces have always possessed, to a certain extent, a history and character apart. Long after the Sásánian dynasty had fallen and the rést of Persia had been subdued by the Arabs, the Ispahbads continued to strike their Pahlawí coinage and maintain the religion of Zoroaster in the mountains and forests of Ṭabaristán; and their struggles against the Arabs were only ended about A.D. 838 by the capture and cruel execution of the gallant Mázyár, the son of Qárin, the son of Wandá-Hurmuz. Twenty-five years later was established the Shí'ite rule of the Zaydí Sayyids, which lasted till A.D. 928; and these were followed by the noble house of Ziyár, of whom Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús was especially conspicuous for his literary eminence. Even after the disastrous Mongol invasion, representatives of the ancient aristocracy of Ṭabaristán continued to wield a more or less considerable power.

Of this strange and interesting country the clearest and most ineffaceable recollection must remain in the mind of every traveller who has visited it. I merely traversed it in about a week on my homeward journey from Persia in the autumn of 1888, yet of no part of that journey do I preserve a more vivid impression; the first entry, from the great stony plain of 'Iráq-i-'Ajamí into the lower hills at Ágh, with its rippling streams and almost English hedge-rows; the long winding climb to the eastern shoulder of the mighty Damáwand; the deep cañons of the Lár; the Alpine beauties of René; the gradual descent, through rock-walled valleys, into virgin forests, bright with the red blossoms of the wild pomegranate, and carpeted with ferns and mosses; the sluggish streams and stagnant pools of the coast-ward fenlands; ancient Ámul, with its long slender bridge; Bárfurúsh and the swampy rice-fields of Shaykh Ṭabarsí, memorable in the history of the Bábí religion; and the sandy downs towards the Caspian Sea.

Of this land the author of this book, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. Isfandiyár — generally known, for the sake of brevity, as Ibn Isfandiyár —, is the earliest systematic historian whose work has come down to us. Of his life we know practically nothing save what he himself tells us at the beginning of his work (pp. 3—4 infra), while the few written sources from which, as he informs us, he derived his material — notably the Báwand-náma and the 'Uqúd of Abu`l-Ḥasan Muḥammad al-Yazdádí — appear also to be lost. Dorn (Sehir-eddin’s Geschichte von Tabaristan u. s. w., p. 6) gives A.D. 1216 as the date at which he composed his history, that is to say, 260 years before Dhahíru`d-Dín, who, as Dorn points out, made such free use of his materials. Were this use so free (which it is not) as to amount to complete plagiarism (a thing by no means unknown in Persian literature), it might render the publication of Ibn Isfandiyár’s book in the original a work of supererogation; but even then, I venture to think, an abridged English translation like the present might have its uses. If it does nothing else, it may save other students of Persian the trouble of reading the original, or the disappointment of seeking from the book more than it contains.

The best translation, however, cannot take the place of a good text, and the publication of a complete and carefully collated text can alone be regarded as a final and definitive piece of work; since even if the translator could be certain that he had in every case fully apprehended the author’s meaning, this assurance could not be shared by others to whom the original was inaccessible. This objection applies with still greater force to an abridged or condensed translation like the present, since the process of condensation is sure to be unevenly applied, according to the personal bias and proclivities of the translator. To me, for instance, all that throws fresh light on the literary history or intimate life of Persia is of extreme value; while the wars of rival princes and governors, when arising, so far as can be judged, from mere personal ambition, and not from conflicting ideals of nationality or religion, are comparatively unimportant, because unconnected with any essential antithesis. All that concerns Mázyár, for example, is to me of supreme interest, because he stands for the old Persian national and religious ideal; while the internecine struggles which mark the decline of the Seljúq power, and in which I can discern no underlying principle, appear merely as wearisome enumerations of irrelevant details. Yet to another, who regarded Persian history from a different point of view, the military or the political, for instance, the very matters over which I have passed so lightly might seem all-important.

I need say little more in this Preface. Profiting by the liberality of the India Office Library, which stands in such noble contrast to the retrograde and obscurantist policy of several of the most important libraries in this country, I have been able to read through a comparatively rare work which cannot be ignored by the student of Persian history. As I read, I endeavoured to abstract from it, primarily for my own use, all that seemed to me of interest or importance. This abstract I had at first no intention of publishing; but the foundation by the liberality of the late Mrs Jane Gibb of the “E. J. W. Gibb Memorial”, intended not only to perpetuate the memory of her son’s rare scholarship and single-hearted devotion to learning, but to carry on such work as he loved and promote such aims as he so steadily pursued, created, almost for the first time in this country, facilities for the publication of works dealing with the history of Western and Central Asia actually in excess, for the time being, of the supply of such works. Under these circumstances, with the approval of the other Trustees of the Memorial, I decided to revise for the Press this abstract originally prepared only for my own personal use. In the work of revision I have received the most generous and invaluable help from Mr A. G. Ellis of the British Museum, whose knowledge of Muhammadan literature and bibliography surpasses, so far as I can judge, that of any other living European scholar. Notwithstanding his onerous duties and scanty leisure, he has read almost every sheet of the book before it was printed off; and to him I am indebted not only for the numerous foot-notes followed by his initials, and the observations on pp. 271—280, but also for the correction of many errors which would otherwise have marred these pages. I desire to avail myself of this opportunity of expressing my gratitude for this and numerous other obligations under which he has laid me.

With the Index (the most important part of such a book as this) I have taken considerable pains; and with its help it will, I think be easy for any Persian scholar to find any passage which he may wish to consult, not only in the India Office Codex which forms the basis of my work, but in any other manuscript which he may have at his disposal. Certain names occur so often that, without a more profound knowledge of the history of Ṭabaristán than I possess, it is often difficult to determine questions of identity. Hence, in all doubtful cases, I have placed in biackets after the name a Roman number indicating the century of the Christian era in which the person referred to appears to have flourished.

Bibliography. Sir W. Ouseley’s Travcls (London 1821), vol. ii, p. 214; vol. iii, pp. 304, 308, 554 etc.; Idem, Catalogue of several hundred manuscript works etc. (London 1821), N°. 283, p. 450; Dorn’s Schir-eddin’s Geschichte von Tabaristan, Rujan und Masanderan (St. Petersburg, 1850), pp. 3—6; Spiegel, in the Z. D. M. G. for 1850 (vol. iv), pp. 62—71; Rieu’s Persian Catalogue, pp. 202—204; Ethé’s Bodleian Persian Catalogue, pp. 160—161; Ethé’s India Office Persian Catalogue, pp. 222—223.

Manuscripts. N°. 1134 of the India Office (= N°. 568 in Ethé’s Catalogue), dated A. H. 1032 (= A). Add. 7633 of the British Museum, dated A. H. 1067 (= B), and Or. 2778, dated A. H. 1273 (= C). N°. 307 (= Ouseley 214) of the Bodlcian, dated A. H. 1068 (= D). Also a MS. in the Library of the St. Petersburg University; and a transcript of the same, collated by Dorn with the London MSS., in the Asiatic Museum of St. Petersburg. Another MS., dated A. H. 1295, which belonged to the late M. Ch. Schefer, is now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and bears the class-mark Suppl. Pers. 1436.

A portion of the text (corresponding with f. 6b, 1. 4—f. 20b, 1. 5 of A), containing the letter of Ardashír Bábakán’s minister Tansar to Jasnasf, king of Ṭabaristán, cited by the author on the authority of the celebrated 'Abdu`lláh ibnu`l-Muqaffa', was published with a French translation in the Journal Asiatique for 1894 (Series ix, Vol. 3, pp. 185—250 and 502—555) by the late M. James Darmesteter, who found the India Office MS. greatly superior in point of correctness to the British Museum Codex of which he made use.

The only other portion of the text (corresponding with f. 155a, 1. 17—f. 157b, 1. 12) which, so far as I know, has been published and translated is the account of Firdawsí cited from the Chahár Maqála of Nidhámí-i-'Arúdí of Samarqand, which Dr. Ethé transcribed for Professor Nöldeke’s use, and afterwards published in the Z. D. M. G. for 1894, vol. XLViii, pp. 89—94.

After the customary doxology, the author, Muḥammed b. al-Ḥasan b. Isfandiyár, states that, on returning from Baghdad to 'Iráq in the year A. H. 606 (?? A. D. 1209—1210), he was overwhelmed with grief at the news of the murder of Rustam b. Ardashír b. Ḥasan b. Rustam, the ruler of Ṭabaristán, on the 21^st of Shawwál in that year (April 1, A. D. 1210), on which he exclaims:

For two months (f. 3a) he remained in Ray, weighed down with sorrow, and finding his only consolation in the perusal of books. One day he found in the library of the College founded by the Sháhinsháh Rustam b. Shahriyár a few quires on the history of Gáwbára, and thereupon remembered that the late king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír had repeatedly enquired of him whether he had ever come across any mention of a king of Ṭabaristán called Gáwbára in Arabic or Persian books (f. 3b), to which he was obliged to reply that he had not, and that he knew of no history of Ṭabaristán save the Báwand-náma, a work filled with fables and popular legends compiled for the king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Shahriyár b. Qárin. On examining these quires, he found them to contain the 'Uqúdu siḥr wa qalá`idu durar of Abu`l-Ḥasan Muḥammad Yazdádí, a work wherein the author sought rather to display his mastery over the Arabic language than to impart information to the reader. This he translated into Persian, adding to it some account of king Ḥusámu`d-Dawla Ardashír and his illustrious ancestors, and, encouraged by some of his literary friends, he was preparing to make a fair copy of his rough draft when he received a letter from his father warning him of his approaching end. Thereupon he at once started (f. 4b) with a single servant for his home, without saying good bye to any one, and by the morning of the following day reached the castle of Ustúnáwand<sup>1</sup>, where he was set upon and robbed by brigands. He ultimately, however, reached his father, and remained for a while at ´Amul in Mázandarán, whence, after a short time, he journeyed to Khwárazm (f. 5a), at that time a most flourishing and populous city, where he remained for five years. One day he found in a bookseller’s shop there a volume containing ten separate treatises, one of which was a translation from Hindf into Arabic () made for a native of Sind named 'Alá b. Sa'íd by a certain Dá`úd of Yazd in the year A. H. 197 (?? A. D. 812—813), while another was a translation from Pahlawí into Arabic, made by the celebrated 'Abdu`lláh ibnu`l-Muqaffa' († circ. A. D. 760), of the answer returned to Jasnafsháh, Prince of Ṭabaristán, by Tansar of Párs, the chief herbad () of Ardashír Bábakán, the founder of the Sásánian dynasty. These also the author used for the compilation of his work, which he constructed on the following plan (f. 5b):

This section opens with a short biography (ff. 5b—6b) of Ibnu`l-Muqaffa'. His proper name, says the author, was 'Abdu`lláh, and his father Dádawayh (Dádú'ê) was a Magian by religion, and one of the fiscal agents of the Arab government in Fárs. Being accused of embezzlement, he was tortured so that his skin was shrivelled and contracted (taqaffa'at), for which reason he received the sobriquet of al-Muqaffa', “the Shrivelled”. His son 'Abdu`lláh, better known as Ibnu`l-Muqaffa', was converted to Islám by 'Alí b. 'Isá (f. 6a), the primary cause of his conversion being the impression produced on him by the seventh and following verses of Súra LXXVIII of the Qur`án, which he heard a child reciting aloud. He was on terms of intimate friendship with Khalíl b. Aḥmad al-Furhúdí<sup>1</sup>. A certain man of learning was asked his opinion concerning them. He replied, “Khalíl’s understanding exceeds his learning, while Ibnu`l-Muqaffa'’s learning exceeds his understanding”. One day Ibnu`l-Muqaffa', while passing by a fire-temple, recited this verse:

When this was reported to the Caliph he said, “He is not yet a good Muslim,” and ordered him to be cast alive into an oven. It is related by al-Jáḥidh¹ in his Kitábu `l-Bayán wa`t-Tabyín that when Ibnu`l-Muqaffa' was handed over to the tormentor (), he said to him, “Thou hast money and wealth; if thou wilt pay into the Exchequer the sum demanded from me, I will return you double or treble the amount, and will never divulge the matter, for thou knowest me faithful in the guarding of secrets.” The tormentor, moved by coveteousness, paid the money and saved him from death and torture. It is also related [apparently by al-Jáḥidh] that a certain Háshim, gaoler to Yùsuf 'Umar [ath-Thaqaff], used to keep a register of all the prisoners who had died in prison, and submit it to Yúsuf. 'Abdu`lláh b. Abí Burda [b.] Abí Músá al-Ash'arí, being in prison, offered this man a thousand dirhams to include his name in this list (f. 6b), and so effect his release. This was done, but the Amír, on receiving the report, said, “Bring his corpse before me.” So the gaoler, being afraid, went back to the prison and smothered him with a cushion, so that his device cost him both his money and his life².

[Here follows the translation of Ibnu`l-Muqaffa'’s version of Tansar’s letter to Jasnasf, the king of Ṭabaristán. As this portion of the work has been published and translated, with excellent notes and comments, by the late Professor James Darmesteter (Journal Asiatique for 1894, series IX, vol. iii, pp. 185—250 and 502—555), it is omitted in this abstract. That this document rests on an authentic basis seems to be beyond doubt. See Darmesteter, loc. cit., pp. 185—192.]

(F. 20b). The kingdom of Ṭabaristán remained in the hands of Jasnasf’s descendants until the time of Pírúz († A. D. 484), but when the Turks invaded Khurásán and the confines of Ṭabaristán in the reign of his son Qubád (Kawádh, A. D. 488—531), it was decided in Council that Kayús ()¹, the King’s eldest son, should be appointed ruler of that province. So matters remained till the glorious reign of Núshírwán, concerning whom Jábir b. 'Abdi`lláh al-Anṣárí questioned the Prophet of God, saying, “How hath God dealt with Kisrá and Caesar?” The Prophet answered, “I asked my brother Gabriel this same question, and he said, ‘I was desirous to ask God concerning this matter, when behold, a voice came from God’s Throne, saying, “I would not torment in hell-fire kings who made my lands flourishing and my servants prosperous.”’” The Umayyad Caliphs (f. 21a), on the other hand, though they professed Islám, are universally condemned for their tyranny and injustice.

One of the early Persian converts to Islám, in answer to the enquiries of the Prophet’s companions as to which was the greatest and best of their kings, named Ardashír Bábakán, in proof of whose wisdom and clemency he related the following anecdote. Once, in a year of drought, the people petitioned him for help. Thereupon he issued this proclamation: “When rain is scarce, the rain-clouds of the King are generous; therefore distribute amongst them what they have lost.” Núshírwán (A. D. 531—578) imitated him in maintaining good practices and suppressing evil innovations, and was especially opposed to the promotion of persons of mean origin to positions of trust, as is shewn by the following anecdote².

King Núshírwán, being once in need of money for a campaign, instructed his minister to raise the sum required by a loan from the merchants and capitalists. The minister accordingly consulted one of the chief merchants, who at once offered himself to pay the money into the Royal Treasury, asking in return that his only son, a man of remarkable intelligence, in whose education he had for thirty years spared no pains, might be admitted to the government service (f. 22a), and given a suitable rank and title. When this proposal was submitted to the king, he replied, “When the children of the base-born are educated, they seek high offices, obtaining which they seek to abase the noble and the well-born, and to humble the great and mighty; but I will protect the honour of the noble from being shared by base and evil men.” The merchant, on hearing this answer, was deeply disappointed, but entreated the minister at least to accept the money, and to honour him by being his guest at a banquet. To this the minister consented, and on the morrow was entertained at an epoch-making banquet (). When evening approached (), wine was brought in, and they sat down to drink. A lamp-stand was set down before the minister, and, at a sign from the merchant, a trained cat ran in, lifted up this lamp-stand in its two paws, and placed it on its head, where it held it. The minister at once perceived that the merchant’s object in this exhibition was to say by implication, “If I can so train and educate a cat, which has no rational soul (f. 22b), how can it be supposed that I should fail in the case of my own son, who is endowed with so many natural talents?” Thereupon the minister secretly ordered one of his companions to go and fetch a mouse and shew it to the cat. As soon as the cat saw it, it dropped the lamp and rushed towards the mouse; the lamp-oil was upset, some of it on the clothes and hair of the guests. The merchant, overcome with shame, would have retired to his private appartments, but the minister summoned him and said, “I have no doubt as to your son’s capacity or training, but at the first promotion which he gets, he will make such disturbance as did this cat at the sight of the mouse.” It has been said:

and again:

Though Sámirí’s Calf (f. 23a) was of gold, it was only a calf.

Here follows a further dissertation on the impossibility of “making a silk purse out of a sow’s ear”, concluding with the verse:

It is related that one day 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Qurayb al-Aṣma'í, seeing the poet al-'Attábí in the presence of Faḍl b. Rabí', reproached him for wearing such shabby clothes; whereupon the other retorted that a delight in fine apparel was only for women, and that a man was exalted by greatness of heart and high resolve, a silent tongue and an unselfish spirit (f. 23b).

Man is not ennobled by wealth:

Here follow short and rather irrelevant anecdotes of sundry Ṣúfí saints, viz. Ḥátim “the deaf” (al-Aṣamm), Báyazíd of Bisṭám and Abú Sa'íd Khwár (f. 24a), followed by reflections on Divine Providence and human effort, and the depravity and rebelliousness natural to man when his affairs prosper.

'Ámir b. 'Abd Qays used to say (f. 24b) that though all wordly wealth should depart from him he would be fearful, because of three verses in the Qur`án (xi, 8; xxxv, 2; and x, 107). More traditions on the Divine Providence follow; e.g.:

Here follow anecdotes of Sufyán-i-Thawrí and Málik Dínár, two famous Ṣúfí saints (f. 25a), and of Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán Ziyád b. An'am al-Ifríqí. The latter was in earlier life a fellow-student of Abú Ja'far al-Manṣúr, afterwards second Caliph of the House of 'Abbás. One day Manṣúr invited him to a meal at his lodging. The meal was of the simplest: there was no meat, no sweets, not even dates. Manṣúr, on learning from his maid-servant that even dates were lacking, sighed and recited Qur`án vii, 126. Long afterwards, when he had become Caliph, Ziyád again stood before him. “O Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán!” said the Caliph, “I have heard that thou hast advantaged the Umayyads.” “Yes,” replied Ziyád, “they reaped advantage from me.” “And how was their rule?” enquired the Caliph, “and what thinkest thou of mine?” “Of their rule,” replied Ziyád, “I saw this, that thou didst take me to thy house and give me to eat with out meat, and recite the verse, ‘It may be that your Lord will destroy your foe, and will make you succeed him in the earth.’ God hath destroyed thine enemy and made thee Caliph (f. 26b): see what thou wilt do, and be not of those referred to in the verse (Qur`án xcvi, 6) ‘Verily man waxeth insolent, because he seeth himself abound in riches.’ Know that the Devil hath no more potent weapon than tempting man to sin to-day and to repent to-morrow.”

It is related on the authority of Abú Ḥamza ath-Thumálí¹ that the [fourth] Imám 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn Zaynu`l-'Ábidín said to him: “One day I came forth from al-Madína, and while I stood in thought, leaning against this wall, a man clad in two white garments, one over the other, accosted me, saying, ‘O 'Alí son of al-Ḥusayn! I see thee sorrowful: if it be on account of this world’s provision, God is guarantee therefor.’ ‘No,’ I replied, ‘my sorrow is not for this.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘dost thou grieve for the future life? For that is God’s promise, which He is able to fulfil.’ ‘No,’ I replied; ‘it is not for this, for I know that what thou sayest is true.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘since thou grievest neither for this world nor the next, for what dost thou grieve?’ ‘I grieve,’ said I, ‘for the mischief wrought by fools, and the contempt I suffer at their hands.’ Than the man laughed in my face and said, ‘O 'Alí son of al-Ḥusayn! Didst thou ever see one who trusted in God and was disappointed?’ ‘No,’ I replied. ‘Didst thou ever,’ he replied, ‘see anyone who sought anything from God which He did not vouchsafe to him?’ ‘No,’ I replied. And straightway the man vanished from my eyes.”

It is related by Ḥusayn b. Ḥamza, from Abú Ḥamza¹, from Sa'd², from Abú Ja'far Muḥammad b. 'Alí, generally known as [the fifth Imám, Muḥammad] Báqir (), that 'Umar b. 'Abdi`l-'Azíz during the time of his Caliphate (A.D. 717—720) visited al-Madína, and caused proclamation to be made there that anyone who had suffered wrong at the hands of the Umayyads should present himself before him and receive compensation, so far as was possible. The Imám Báqir presented himself, and al-Muzáḥim (), 'Umar’s client, notified the fact to his master, who bade him enter, and forthwith fell to weeping. When the Imám entered he found 'Umar in tears (f. 26a), and enquired as to the cause of his sorrow. Being informed, he turned to 'Umar and said:

'Alí, seeing 'Ammár b. Yásir sad and sorrowful one day, consoled him in the following words:

The following admonition is also ascribed to 'Alí:

One day Ḥasan of Baṣra was passing by a group of people who were speaking ill of Ḥajjáj b. Yúsuf. He said to them:

“I heard,” adds the author, “from a certain pious man in the city of Khwárazm, that the Children of Israel made complaint before one of their prophets, saying, ‘Say unto God, “What have we done that Thou hast set over us one who knoweth Thee not, and hast afflicted us at the hands of a people who do not confess Thy Lordship, seeing that we confess Thee and magnify Thee?”’ But God revealed to the prophet the following message to them: ‘Verily when those who know Me rebel against me, I set over them one who knoweth Me not.’”

Farshwádgar¹ is bounded by Ádharbayján, Áhár, Ṭabaristán, Gílán, Daylam, Ray, Qúmis, Dámghán and Gurgán, and was first so defined by Minúchihr Sháh. As regards its etymology, some say that it means “Live safe and sound” (), but certain natives of Ṭabaristán assert that farsh means “plain” (hámún), wád “highlands” (kúhístán), and gar “sea”, and that the name therefore signifies “land of mountain, plain and sea”; this interpretation, however, is modern. Older authorities say that gar (jar) means mountainous land susceptible of cultivation, where thickets and trees are found, Jar-sháh (or Gar-sháh) being an ancient title of the descendants of Súkhrá, the meaning of which is “King of the mountains”¹. The name Mázandarán is more recent. Its king was killed by Rustam the son of Zál. It was originally called “Múz-andarún”, because Múz was the name of a mountain on the confines of Gílán extending as far as Lár, Qaṣrán and Jájarm; and since this territory was “within [the mountains of] Mûz”, it received this name. But as for what belongs to Ṭabaristán, from Dínár-járí on the east to a village called Maláṭ, beyond Húsam on the west², they say that in ancient days it was all jungle and forest, lagoon and fen, mountain and sea (f. 27a), and that until the time of Jamshíd it was in the possession of the demons. He conquered them, and bade them level the mountains with the plains, fill up the lakes, drain the fens into the sea, open up the country, and distribute the rivers and streams. He also caused castles to be made and duly provisioned for the highlanders, and brought water from the mountains to the plains; and so they held Ṭabaristán for a hundred years or more. Thereafter he brought craftsmen and artificers into that province, assigning land to each, and giving the wise and prudent authority over the others. The oldest settlement is Láriján, where, in the village of Waraka ()¹, Ferídún was born; which happened in this wise. When Dahák the Arab () hewed Jamshíd in pieces, the family and descendants of that unfortunate king fled away and hid themselves wherever they could, and the mother of Ferídún and her attendants took refuge in the above-mentioned village, which is at the foot of Mount Damáwand. On the birth of Ferídún, they migrated to the more fertile Jíláb (or Chaláb: Dhahíru`d-Dín, p. 11, ), where pasture is abundant and the people live by cattle-farming. When Ferídún was seven years old, he used to fix a guiding-rope in the noses of the cattle and ride them², so that one would say that heaven was reflected on earth, and that a second “Sun” (i.e. Ferídún) was arising from “the Bull” (the Sign of Taurus). Later, the other youths had recourse to him for protection and guidance, and he, mounted on a cow (f. 27b), used to go forth with them to the chase. After a time they migrated towards Lafúr (; Dhahír, p. 12, ) to the village of Máwjakúh (; Dhahír, ), and were joined by the people of Ummídwár-kúh and Kúh-i-Qárin, who made for the young prince the famous cow-headed mace. As his fame waxed greater, the number of his followers increased, until he felt himself strong enough to invade 'Iráq. On reaching Iṣfahán he was joined by the blacksmith Káwa, and, acting in conjunction with him, took Dahák captive.

Having brought the fallen tyrant to his native village for one night, he conveyed him on the following day to the summit of Mount Damáwand, where he left him, bound and helpless, in a cave or pit which is still pointed out. Then, having established his authority over the Seven Climes, he took up his abode in Tammísha, where the ruins of his Palace are still apparent at a place called Bá-naṣrán ()¹, also the domes and cupolas of his bath, and the remains of the moat which he caused to be dug from the mountain to the sea. These, the author remarks, he had often seen and examined. Firdawsí says:

This forest is also called in the books Bísha-i-Nárwan (“the Forest of wild Pomegranates”), and the river Báwul (now Bábul) waters the country to this day. When Karshásf went to China, he sent the Emperor of that kingdom, bound with golden chains and accompanied by eighty other princes, in the custody of Naríman to Ferídún, who was then in Tammísha.

Sárí was founded in ancient times by Ṭús the son of Núdhar, at a place called Ṭúsán to this day. In the time of Kay-Khusŕaw (f. 28a), Faríburz, fearing the king’s wrath because of some fault which he had committed, fled thither and took refuge with the family of Núdhar, till Rustam came with a great army and carried him before Kay-Khusraw, who forgave him. The site of a castle built by him is still visible at a place called Lúman Dún ()¹. Sárí itself was ordered to be built in the time of the Great Farrukhán, king of Ṭabaristán, by Báv, one of his nobles, on the site of the village of Awhar (), which was chosen because of its high position, abundant streams, and pleasant surroundings. The inhabitants, however, bribed Báv to leave them in peace and choose another site, where Sárí actually stands. The king, on becoming aware of his disobedience, cast him into bondage, and caused him to be hanged at the place called in consequence of this Báv-ávíján (), while with the money taken as a bribe he built a village called Dínár-Kafshín (). The Mosque of Sárí was built in the reign of Hárúnu`r-Rashíd by the Amír Yaḥyá b. Yaḥyá, and completed by Mázyár b. Qárin. The four-doored dome () which stands opposite to the Palace of Bávandán was included by the late king Ardashír in his private garden. It was originally built by Minuchihr Sháh, but fell into dilapidation in the time of the Ispahbad Khurshíd Gávbán. It was then repaired², and is now so strong that it is impossible to detach a single brick from the fabric.

Its first foundation was in the time of Ferídún (f. 28b). When his sons Túr and Salm slew their brother Íraj, he left a daughter in the district of Lafúr at Máwjakúh. Ferídún was then at a very advanced age, and his eyebrows drooped so that they had to be bound up. His earnest prayer was that he might live to see the death of his favourite son ´Iraj avenged, and he gave the daughter of ´Iraj in marriage to one of his nephews. When a child was born to her, it was shewn to the aged Ferídún, who said, “Mánad chihr-ash bi-chihr-i-´Iraj” (“His face resembles the face of ´Iraj”)¹, so he was called Manuchihr; and, as is set forth in the verse and prose Sháhnámas of Firdawsí and Mu`ayyidí, he avenged his grandfather ´Iraj ere Ferídún departed from this world. Here are cited the well-known verses of Firdawsi:

Thereafter Pashang, the son of Afrásiyáb came with a great army to Dahistán to avenge the death of Salm. Minúchihr, king at Iṣṭakhr in Fárs², ordered Qárin [the son of] Gáwa, his brother Qubád, and ´Arish of Ray to oppose his advance. Afrásiyáb, having been worsted several times by the Persians, had recourse to a kind of treacherous stratagem of which, as Arab writers assert, he was the inventor. He wrote to Qárin saying, “I have received your letter and have taken note of your professions of loyalty³ towards me. When I take the kingdom of Persia, I promise, as God is my witness, to hand it over to you.” Afrásiyáb then arranged that the méssenger who bore this letter should fall into the hands of a Persian noble who was in the confidence of Minúchihr and ill-disposed towards Qárin. This noble (f. 29a), having read the letter, at once reported the matter to Minúchihr, who, entirely deceived by Afrásiyáb’s cunning ruse (for Qárin was perfectly loyal and meditated no treachery), ordered Qárin to be brought before him, and made over the command of the army to ´Arish. As soon as Qárin was thus removed, Afrásiyáb attacked the Persians and drove them back on 'Iráq. Then at length Minúchihr perceived that he had been duped, and reinstated Qárin in his command. Qárin advanced to Ray with his army. Afrásiyáb pitched his camp , and daily gained some advantage over Minúchihr, who ordered the Castle of Ṭabarak to be constructed, and there, a year later, after many serious defeats, he was obliged to take refuge. At that date the city stood over against the spot afterwards occupied by the Cupola of Fakhru`d-Dawla (), which place they now call¹ in Ray Diz-i-Rashkán, and it remained thus till the time of the Daylamites of the House of Buwayh, “and,” adds the author, “in the house of the Ṣáḥib Ibn 'Abbád I have seen a mound like a hill [which marks its site].” Minúchihr came from Ṭabarak to the city, fortified the walls, and abode there six months, when he was compelled to flee and escape by way of Láriján to Ṭabaristán, while Afrásiyáb made the wide world narrow to him as the eye of a needle:

Afrásiyáb pursued him into Ṭabaristán until he reached the limits of Rúyán, a village called Mánahar (). There, in one face of the mountain, is a great cavern, to the end of which no man hath ever penetrated, and in it Minúchihr concealed his treasures and stores. In the time of Ḥasan b. Yaḥyá al-'Alawí², called kúchak (“the Little”), this cave was entered, and much wealth found there. Afrásiyáb alighted at a village called Khusraw-ábád near ´Amul (f. 29b), which village still existed in the time of Washmgír (A. D. 935—967) the son of Ziyár, the father of Qábús. Above this village was a tree called Shátí-mází-bun (), beneath which Afrásiyáb pitched his tent for twelve years, and during all this time Minúchihr had need of nothing which is imported from foreign countries except pepper, in place of which they used to eat a herb¹ called kalíj (), in order that their bodies might be able to resist the moisture of the climate. Finally Afrásiyáb concluded peace with Minúchihr (since he could not capture him) on the understanding that he should surrender to him one bowshot’s width of territory. ´Arish thereupon shot an arrow from there to Merv, a statement recorded in many Persian and Arabic books, both verse and prose²; which some say that he achieved by virtue of some talisman or charm. This is one of the two shots in which the Persians glory, the other being the shot wherewith, in the reign of Kisrá (Anúshírwán), Wahriz slew the king of the Abyssinians³. From the conclusion of this war dates the prosperity of Rúyán, and the depopulation of this region (? Ṭabarak), for King Minúchihr thereafter established himself in Ṭabaristán.

There were two brothers from the country of Daylam, one named Ashtád (f. 30a), the other Yazdán, who, because they had slain one of the nobles of Daylam with an arrow (), were obliged, with their families, to flee from their country. They settled near Amul, where the one founded the village of Yazdánábád and the other the hamlet of Ashtád, both of which exist to this day. Ashtád had a very beautiful daughter. The great king of that time was named Fírúz, and had his capital at Balkh. One night he dreamed of this maiden, and on awaking cried¹:

In vain did the king strive to expel her image from his mind:

Love so wasted his frame that:

He then reflected within himself that the concealment of this secret was injuring his health (f. 30b):

and finally submits a very rhetorical statement of his condition to the chief Múbad (f. 31a)², who is greatly vexed and perturbed, declaring the king to be the victim of demoniacal possession, reproaching him for his unreasonable passion, and advising him to have recourse to a physician (f. 31b). The king endeavoured for a few days longer to get the better of his passion, and then, in accordance with the proverb, “Man eagerly desires that which is forbidden him,” and the verses:

he summoned his ministers and issued orders to all the Wardens of his Marches (marzubáns) to seek for the original of that vision. For some time their efforts met with no success, and the king’s melancholy increased, until at length he entreated one of his relatives named Mihr Fírúz to undertake the quest, promising him a rich reward¹ if he should be successful (f. 32a). Mihr Fírúz declared that he would leave no stone unturned in his endeavour to find the king’s desire:

He then questioned the soldiers as to what regions they had left unexplored, and they replied that they had traversed the East and the West, all Persia and Arabia, save only Ṭabaristán. So on that very day Mihr Fírúz set out from Balkh for Ṭabaristán, followed by a caravan of provisions for the journey and costly presents, until he came to Ṭúsán (), whence, aided by the governor, he pursued his search, grudging no expenditure, for rather more than a year, but met with no success. At length, accompanied by a few followers, he set off to explore the country lying towards the sea-coast. One day, near Ahlam (), his horse was drowned while he was fording a stream, and he himself with difficulty reached the further shore. Unable to return, he plunged into the forest, when at length he came upon a clear and beautiful stream, which he followed up till he reached the fountain which was its source.² There, to his amazement, he saw a girl whose appearance exactly corresponded with her whom the king had seen in his vision. He said to himself, “If she be a jinniyya, I will kill her (f. 32b), but if she be a human being, it is she whom I seek.” So he drew his sword and advanced towards the fountain. The girl looked up at him and said, “O youth, who art thou, and what is thy name, and what dost thou here? For I wonder to see such an one as thyself in this place.” Mihr Fírúz replied, “I am a human being. Tell me, now, of thy condition and family.” “I too,” replied the girl, “am of the human race; my home is in this place; and I have two fathers, to wit my father and his brother, and likewise a mother and many brothers.” The girl, on Mihr, Fírúz’s request, consented to take him to her home, and, on reaching it, informed her mother of his arrival. Her mother received him with the utmost respect and courtesy, and sent her youngest son to summon her husband and his brothers, who came with all speed, and, after the fashion of Daylam, entertained him for three days without questioning him as to his business or condition. When, after this period, they enquired as to who he was and what had brought him to the country, he informed them that he was one of the nobles of the King, and had come thither for solitude and the chase, and described his separation from his companions, the loss of his horse, and his meeting with the girl. “Know,” he concluded, “that I am not one of whom you need be ashamed, or who has need of your wealth or possessions. If you see fit, then give me this girl in marriage.” “Thine appearance,” said the father and mother,” sufficiently indicates thy nobility¹, and thy courtesy thy virtue (f. 33a); how then should we not desire thee as a son-in-law?” Then they related to him their history, and how they had been compelled to flee from their country, and added that they could promise nothing till they had consulted their elder brother. To him, accordingly, they went in company, and he received them with every honour, saying:

On hearing the propose of Mihr-Fírúz he readily agreed to it, and Mihr Fírúz at once sent off a messenger for the presents and supplies which he had left at Ṭúsán, informing the governor that he had fulfilled his quest, and bidding him notify the fact to the King. While one of the girl’s brothers took this message, another sought out Mihr Fírúz’s missing retainers. The King rejoiced greatly at the news, despatched valuable gifts, and ordered general illuminations and festivities (f. 33b). When the actual greatness of Mihr-Fírúz became apparent to Ashtád and Yazdán, they were overwhelmed with confusion, especially when he related to them the dream, and declared to them that it was not to himself, but to his master the king, that the girl was to be given in marriage. Then they sent off the girl in all haste to the Court, and when the king saw her, he at once recognized in her the original of his vision, and his love for her increased day by day. One day he asked her¹, “Why is it that the women of your country have such beautiful eyes, such fragrant mouths, and such soft skins?” She replied in her own language [of Ṭabaristán]²:

The King applauded her answer and bade her crave a boon. She asked that a city might be built at Páy-i-Dasht, her native place, situated above the river Hirhiz (), and called after her name. Engineers and surveyors were at once sent thither to prosecute the work, and that same year a son was born to her named Khusraw. She desired the king to send her thither for change of air, because the climate of Balkh did not agree with her. They told her that the engineers had been unable to bring the water of the river Hirhiz to the spot which she had indicated as the site of the city, so she ordered that its name should still remain Páy-i-Dasht¹; and there the signs of these buildings are apparent to this day (f. 34a). They called the place which the girl had chosen Sharistána-marz. The projected city was then transferred to the present site, called Ástána-saráy, but at first named Máta (), now the site of the Great Mosque [of ´Amul], wherein was formerly a fountain which drew its water from the Mountain of Wandá-ummíd, and which was still running in the time of al-Yazdádí (see p. 3 supra). And when they had brought the water thither, they built the city-wall of baked bricks, so thick that three horseman could ride abreast along the top of it, and dug round about it a moat 33 cubits () in depth, and a bowshot across; and in the wall they made four Gates, called respectively “of Jurján”, “of Gílán”, “of the Mountain”, and “of the Sea”. The area of the city was 400 jaríbs of land. The Palace of the king’s wife, ´Amula, stood where the “Street of the Washermen” () now is, and behind the “Cloth-sellers’ Market”; and her Tomb () was in the same place. In the reign of Ardashír excavations were made here to a depth of two spears’ lengths, and the sepulchre and surrounding buildings were disclosed. When the King’s son Khusraw succeeded to the throne, he greatly enlarged ´Amul, and made it his capital and residence, surrounding the original wall with another of clay. The space between the two walls they called , and what lay beyond the outer wall , “which terms,” says the author, “occur frequently in old title-deeds”. The meaning of the name ´Amul in their tongue is , both of these words meaning (f. 34b) “death”, the sense here being “May death never touch thee!” (). It is related that when the Ispahbad Mázyár b. Qárin destroyed the walls of ´Amul¹, they found on the top of the Gate of Gurgán a green casket (; Dhahír, p. 28, , explained by Vüllers as a cervical vertebra) sealed with tin (). The superintendent ordered it to be broken open, whereupon a small copper tablet bearing an inscription in the kustaj character² fell out. One who had skill in this character was summoned to read it, which, having mastered its contents, he could scarcerly be induced to do. On it was written, “The good construct and the wicked destroy; whosoever destroys this shall not survive the year.” And it was even so; for ere the end of the year Mázyár was taken captive and executed at Surra-man-ra`a (A. H. 224 = A. D. 839). The Great Mosque of ´Amul was built in the time of Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, in A. H. 177 (= A. D. 793—4), by Ibráhím b. 'Uthmán [b.] Nahík³. He could not at first buy the whole site required, until the grandfather of Abu`l-Hasan b. Hárún al-Faqíh, who was named Anbárak, was converted to Islám and changed his name to Mubárak, whereupon he sold his house for this pùrpose, and others who possessed land in this quarter followed his example. When the Mosque was finished, they desired to ascertain the direction of the qibla, but it rained unceasingly for forty nights and days, and they were obliged to have recourse to conjecture. The cost of the land occupied by the Mosque was 8032 dínárs, its length was 93 yards (), its dome or roof (), ten yards in length, contained 300,640 tiles (), and the cost of construction was 47,340 dínárs. In the time of Fírúz-Sháh, the original founder of the city, a ditch or moat was made from the frontier of Gurgán and Múqán, on the seashore, and traces of this moat, called “Fírúz-kanda” (“the Moat of Fírúz”) are still visible in many places in Ṭabaristán, a fact on which al-Yazdádí has greatly insisted in his book. At the time of the foundation of ´Amul (f. 35a), a certain man possessed one jaríb of land, which he refused to sell, lest his sons should forfeit the position of land-owners and sink to that of serfs. He appealed to the King, who admitted that he was right, and ordered him to receive an abundant payment for his little property.

Turícha (). The name of the place was originally Túrán-char (). In the time of Farrukhán the Great a treaty was concluded with the Turks whereby it was agreed that, in consideration of the payment of a tribute, they should abstain from invading Ṭabaristán. Two years later, having fortified the passes, the Persians refused to pay the tribute, and King Farrukhán retired to Fírúz-ábád, near Lafúr, and there entrenched himself. The Turks invaded Ṭabaristán, but Farrukhán fell upon them suddenly at night and slew them all. Túrán-char marks the site of this massacre.

Mámṭír (). This place was visited by the Imám Hasan b. 'Alí in the Caliphate of 'Umar, he being accompanied by an army of Arabs under Málik Ashtar an-Nakha'í¹, and because of the excellence of the site and its natural advantages, especially its good water and sweet-voiced birds, he said: , and the last words of this sentence, Má wa tír, became corrupted into Mamṭír¹. When Muḥammad b. Khálid was governor of the province (f. 35b) he constructed there a market and other buildings, to which, in A. H. 160 (= A. D. 776—7) Mázyár b. Qárin added a Mosque.

Gurgán was founded by Gurgín son of Mílád². It was always the capital of the marzubáns of Ṭabaristán, and has a circuit of about four parasangs. Gurgín’s ass-herds (kharbandagán) used to graze their beasts about Astarábád, which town sprung up to meet their needs and took its name from their mules (astar). The whole land, from Dínár-jáy³ to Malát (which is the extreme limit of Ṭabaristán in that direction), and from Ray and Qúmis to the seashore, was well cultivated and thickly populated, and there were 28 cities within the district of Tammísha, each with its mosques, oratories, markets, judges, and men of learning, as follows:

In the Plain. (1) ´Amul, (2) Sárí, (3) Mámṭír, (4) Rúbast, (5) ´Arazm (B. ´Ararm), (6) Turícha, (7) Muthla (), (8) Mihrawán, (9) Machúrí (B. Bíjúrí), (10) Ahlam, (11) Jálús (B. Sálús), (12) (B. ), (13) Ṭís (or Quhsibah, or B. Mahastiya), (14) Tammísha, (15) Gurgán.

In the Mountains. (16) Kalár⁴, (17) Rúyán⁴, (18) Namár, (19) Kajúya⁴, (20) Wíma (), (21) Shalanba, (22) Wabád (B. Wamád), (23) Abkhama (), (24) Sármám, (25) Farím, (26) Hazár-garí¹, (27) Damáwand, (28) Láríján.

The revenues of Ṭabaristán in the time of the Ṭáhirids (, i. e. A. D. 820—872) amounted to 6,003,000 dirhams, according to the following detail:

The farms () of Ṭabaristán were divided into three classes, and they produced in the time of the Ṭáhirids 7,000,900 dirhams, as follows:³

The total income from all the farms, land-taxes and imposts of Ṭabaristán beyond Tammísha in the time of the Ṭáhirids amounted to 13,300,000¹ dirhams.

In ancient times Ṭabaristán was always the refuge and stronghold of the old kings and nobles, because of its natural strength, its independence of other countries for the necessaries of life (f. 36b), and its fertility. Its only disadvantage, in short, is the moisture of its climate and the excessive rainfall, which result from its proximity to the sea.

It was related by the Qáḍí Abú 'Abdi`r-Raḥmán Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Abdu`l-Ḥamíd al-Lamrásakí () to Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b. Muḥammad al-Yazdádí, on the authority of his father, who had it from men of ancient time, that there lived in the neighbourhood of Lamrásak a man named Shahr-Khwástán the son of Zardastán (), possessed of great wealth in personal and landed property and cattle, aged, experienced, and surrounded by numerous sons, cousins and kinsmen, all loyally attached to him. When Farrukhán, the great Ispahbad, had completed the construction of Sárí and the great Dyke, all the people, save Shahr-Khwástán, offered him their congratulations and eulogies. The Ispahbad was vexed at this omission (f. 37a), and despatched two horsemen to bring Shahr-Khwástán before him. When they arrived, he was holding a great banquet, at which all the local nobles and gentry were present. Ordering the two messengers to be hospitably entertained, he packed in sacks samples of all the products of Ṭabaristán, garments of wool, silk, linen and cotton, bread-stuffs of all sorts, sweetmeats, apples, cereals, water-cresses, fresh and salted game, birds, fruits, wines, fragrant herbs, flowers, and the like, and, furnished with these, set off for Sárí, where he arrived at day-break. By chance the Ispahbad was giving a great banquet, at which he was presiding, seated on a high throne, whence, after pronouncing a khuṭba after the fashion of kings, he addressed the people as follows. “O men of Ṭabaristán, know that ye were a people dwelling apart in a corner of the world, of whom no fame was spread abroad, and to whose country none were attracted. Ye dwelt in jungles with the wild beasts and beasts of prey, ignorant of the enjoyments of life, the ways of men, soft raiment, good horses and agreeable perfumes. It was I who introduced you to nobler aims and a richer and more desirable life; who built for you fine cities which attracted travellers and merchants from afar, so that rare and precious merchandises flowed into your country, and ye became notable and famous in the world, and your cities celebrated for their wealth and splendour. For all this I deserve your thanks.” Then all those present, except Shahr-Khwástán, rose up and applauded. The Ispahbad, observing with displeasure Shahr-Khwástán’s silence (f. 37b), cried to him, “What ails thee that thou art tongueless as a fish and soulless as a serpent?” Said the other, “If permission be accorded me, I will speak;” and, on receiving permission, he produced and opened the ten sacks which he had brought with him, and displayed their contents. Then he spoke as follows: “May the Ispahbad-Ispahbadán live long! O assembly, we were in this land men independent of imports from other countries, contented with what sufficed for our needs, and enjoying ample ease and luxury. None hindered us, nor envied us, nor contended with us, nor coveted our country, nor was cognizant of its secrets. We had need of no one; we had houses, corn-lands and hunting-grounds within the Great Dyke, and every two parasangs was stationed a head-man, captain or squire, whom all man readily obeyed. Now this Prince hath made all strangers and foreigners to know us and our land, and hath caused them to flock hither and settle here, and ere long they will pick a quarrel with us, strive to take our land, and drive forth our children as wanderers and exiles.” Then the Ispahbad and the people perceived that he spoke truly, and asked what should now be done, to which he replied, “The thing is done, and there is now no averting it. Had you consulted with me sooner, I would have shewn you a way. Please, God that by the Prince’s good fortune no harm may result.”

The virtue, beauty, health and excellence of the women of Ṭabaristán have been already mentioned (f. 38a) in connection with the narrative of the building of ´Amul by Fírúz-sháh. 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán Khúrzád¹ says in his Book of Routes and Provinces () that physicians and sages have agreed that the two healthiest and most charming countries are Ṭabaristán and Samarqand. Of the latter, Ḥuṣayn () b. Mundhir ar-Raqqáshí said:

while of the former Buzurjmihr said, in reply to a question from Núshírwán, “Its name is Ṭarab (‘joy’) and Bustán (‘garden’).” 'Abdu`lláh b. Qutayba (A. has in error for ) said that it ought to be called Tabaristán (with for as the first letter), for it was as though it had been pruned with axes (tabar). “As for its plains, its mountains, its seas and its swamps,” runs another saying, “its mountains are a stronghold and refuge for its kings, its swamps are a treasury for its people, its seas are a hunting ground for them, and its plains are a paradise.” (Here follows an Arabic poem of seven couplets in its praise). In it are no noxious reptiles or hurtful beasts, like the snakes of Sístán and India, the scorpions of Niṣíbín, Káshán, Jáshk and Múqán, the locusts of 'Askar, the tarantulas and fleas of Ardabíl, the beasts of prey of Arabia, or the crocodiles of Egypt; nor plagues like the alopecia of Baṣra, or the drought of Syria, or the excessive heat of 'Umán, Shíráz and Ahwáz. In short, all men agree that there is no country so delectable as a residence; there are abundant fruits, fire-wood, spices, mountains, plains, sulphur-mines (f. 38b), sulphate of iron (), antimony (), gold and silver-mines¹, and all sorts of fabrics for clothing. Of its products in his time al-Yazdádí thus speaks:

In illustration of this last statement, that poverty is unknown amongst the natives of Ṭabaristán, the author relates how a certain man of that province, settled at Mecca, boasted of this fact. The people of Mecca, anxious to disprove his assertion, hunted high and low till at length they found a beggar who said he was from the parish of Ḥázima-Kúy in ´Amul in Ṭabaristán. Him they confronted with the man who had uttered this boast (f. 39b). “What,” said the latter, “do they call a skirt (dáman) in your town?” “Dáman,” replied the other. “And a pocket (jayb)?” continued he. “Jayb,” answered the beggar. “You are a liar,” said the other, “and no true-born Ṭabarí, for in ´Amul they call a skirt lunbur () and a pocket gurívun (or giryún, ).” The man then admitted that he had been born at Ray and only taken to ´Amul in childhood by his father and mother.

The taxes and imposts of Ṭabaristán are light, and especially was this the case under the rule of the House of Báwand, while the water is abundant, good, and freely accessible to all. The satraps, governors and Ispahbads of Ṭabaristán have always enjoyed a great influence, and Kisrás and Caliphs alike have sought their advice and counsel. Their doctors, scribes, physicians, astronomers and poets also include many famous names, and, from the time of Ferídún and Minuchihr, who have been already mentioned, many great and notable men have sought refuge there Thus when Rustam-i-Zál was hurled into the sea of Qulzum (the Caspian) by Akwán Dív, he came ashore in Ṭabaristán, and was hospitably entertained by the inhabitants. His son Suhráb sought him through Túrán, Trán, India and Rúm, and at length found him in Rúyán, at a place called Líkash (), where the fatal fight took place between them, in which Suhráb was slain. Rustam intended to carry his coffin back to Zábulistán, but, owing to the heat, he deposited it at Sárí, at the place called Qasr-i-Tús, where, it is said, it was eventually buried (f. 39b). So too Dárá, fleeing before Alexander, took refuge in Ṭabaristán, and sent a message to the invader, saying, “I grant that you have conquered the Seven Climes, but what will you do with Farshwádjar?” The author adds that in A.H. 611 (= A.D. 1214—1215) the Castle known as Diz-i-Dárá (“The Fortress of Darius”) was still standing near the sea (). Again in the time of Khusraw Parwíz (A. D. 590—627) his uncle Gustahm (Bisṭám), because the King had cut off his brother Bindú`è’s hands and feet, fled from his Government of Khurásán and took refuge in Ṭabaristán, and was only slain at length by treachery on the part of Bahrám Chúbína’s sister Gurdiya, who was instigated thereunto by the King. Again in Sásánian times a king named Salyán () took refuge in Ṭabaristán, and built himself a residence at the place called Kiya-Salyán (), the meaning of kiya () in the Ṭabarí dialect being “house”. This building was still standing in the author’s time, A.H. 613 (= A.D. 1216—1217).

Mount Damáwand. 'Alí b. Zayn al-Kátib, in his work entitled Firdawsu `l-Ḥikmat<sup>1</sup>, says that the ascent is made from the village of Ask in two days. It is a conical peak, and is covered with snow, save for a space of thirty jaríbs at the summit, which is free from snow both in summer and winter, and is covered with sand (? ashes) into which the feet sink. At and about the summit are thirty craters and fissures, whence issue forth smoke, sulphurous fumes, and strange rumbling noises, whereby men know that there is fire within the mountain. No animal can live on it, because of the violent winds which blow about it, and it is said that the Philosopher’s stone of the Alchemists () is to be found there (f. 40a). Al-Yazdádí relates that in the time of Qábús Shamsu`l-Ma'álí (A. D.,976—1012) there was a youth called the son of Amír Ká () who found this “Red Sulphur” () there, and with it made gold, until this matter became known to the King. In Mount Damáwand, it is said, Solomon imprisoned Ṣakhr, the jinní who stole his ring, praying God to torment him there till the Resurrection; and this tradition is vouched for on the authority of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. But the stories told concerning Bívarasp (i. e. Azhidaháka, or Dahák), which were enquired into by the Caliph 'Abdu`lláh al-Má`mún, and [what happened] in the reigns of Hurmuzd and Khusraw Parwíz, the Sásánian kings, and the story of Músá b. 'Isá as-Sarwí, which are related in the Book of Pírúz-Mihrján, and other similar legends¹) are here omitted as incredible and unauthenticated. In the books of the Herbeds and Magians it is related that Núshírwán the Just sent a trusty messenger to Ṣakhr the jinní, who, when the messenger came and saluted him, enquired who had sent him. On learning that it was Núshírwán, he rose to his feet, prayed, and gave three things to the messenger in a sealed packet, bidding him deliver them to the King, and entreat him in return to effect the release of the giver. These three things were three drugs, one to keep off old age, one to quicken digestion, and one an aphrodisiac. When these confections were brought to Núshírwán, he said, “I have no need of them, for old age is the ornament of man, and a source of dignity and honour: would that I were already old! Sexual desire, again, is only necessary for the continuance of the human race: whatever exceeds this is evil, not good. And artificial aids to digestion are only needful to him who eats too much; to the temperate man, who only eats to maintain his strength, they are useless and even pernicious (f. 40b). Over and above all this, these drugs may not possess the properties alleged, and may have been given me for my destruction.” Then he ordered the drug which was supposed to be a cure for old age to be given to a dog, and its head swelled up till it was as large as a cow’s, until it died in great agony, and was secretly buried by Núshírwán’s order.

There was once a king called Máhiya-sar, whose head was abnormally small, and devoid of hair. He therefore always wore a turban, summer and winter, night and day, so that no one could see his head. Some say that he was a Jew named Sham'ún (Simon) b. Khudádád, others that he was a Magian named Bálí the son of Farrukh-Ádín. His mother, Rúz the daughter of Khurshíd, was a cunning witch and sorceress, incomparable in her time in the arts of Magic. They dwelt in a place four parasangs from ´Amul, called now Âsí-Vísha and his palace was in a village which still exists and is called Vílír (). Between the villages of Kílankúr () and Shír-ábád is a great forest, thick and high, which is still called Máhiya-sarí Diz, and near it is a deep moat or dyke filled with water covered with duck-weed (), into which anything which falls disappears for ever, while no boat can cross it, and any animal falling into it does but drown the quicker the more it struggles. On that side where the north wind blows there is an open space, where grow daffodils the like of which in fragrance can be nowhere found; while in the village of Vílír is a certain species of fig (), superior to those of Ḥulwán. Now this king Máhiya-sar was a wicked and unprincipled tyrant, of whom his subjects stood in terror, and he had accumulated vast wealth which he had buried under various buildings, When 'Abdu`lláh b. Maḥmúd b. Núḥ Abu`l-'Abbás was governor of Ṭabaristán, an old man a hundred years of age came before him from that district, and gave him certain indications as to the site of these buried treasures. Abu`l-'Abbás accordingly sent skilled and trusted man to excavate (f. 41a), and in these excavations they expended much money, but whenever they came on traces of treasure a landslip always occurred, killing several and nullifying their labours, so that at last they were forced to abandon their attempts.

One of the Kisrás sent a confidential messenger to Máhiya-sar ordering him to present himself at his court, under pain of incurring the Royal displeasure, Máhiya-sar had prepared a talisman which kept all the frogs and other reptiles () quiet during the day, but at night they made so much noise that the whole heaven and earth seemed to be in commotion. When at night-time Kisrá’s ambassador heard this fearful riot (), he was dazed with wonder and fear, and asked what was the matter. They replied, “The king’s watchmen by night.” “And where,” enquired he, “are they by day?” “By day,” they answered, “they rest.” When the ambassador returned and related this to Kisrá, they told him that he must have been dreaming.

In the History of the Barmecides () it is said that this Máhiya-sar originally owned the “Barmecide Ring” () which afterwards belonged to the Umayyad Caliph 'Abdu`l-Malik b. Marwán (A. D. 685—705); but this story, as well as many others referring to Máhiya-sar which are given by al-Yazdádi, is discredited by the author on chronological grounds.

Near Ummídwár Kúh is a well called Cháh-i-Víjan (? “Bízhan’s Well”) which no one has been able to fathom, though loads of rope have been brought thither, knotted together, and let down into it (f. 41b). When a stone is thrown into it, the noise of its falling is heard for a long time until at last it ceases. During summer a cool breeze continually blows from this well, and round about it are trees, and thence they carry logs and planks to ´Amul¹, because of the fragrant scent of this wood. And one who sits on this wood in summer feels a coolness, and on these trees always sit birds of the kind called saqqá ().

Near Rúyán is a well-known village called Sa'íd-ábád, where every child born in the summer dies in infancy, so that it has become customary for women who are with child and expect to be delivered during the summer months to quit the place and go elsewhere.

Near Kalár () there is a village called Dilam (), and no one who is born there survives his twentieth year.

Near Nátil () is a village called Mandúr (), where over an area of 60 jaríbs when rice is sown so much water wells up from the ground that it suffices for all that rice-field without need of further irrigation, and at the time of reaping it all disappears. In the same district is another village called Nigáristán, on the summit of a hill, and in it is a rock, surrounded for five parasangs by plain and jungle, as far as ´Amul; and from this rock five streams of clear water issue forth, which are more abundant in proportion as the summer is hotter, while in winter they cease altogether.

Near ´Amul grows a herb called Gunduya Zúma (), the properties of which are thus described:

A peculiarity of the town of Jálús (Shálús) is that it makes people’s skins white, so that if an Indian or Kábulí girl remains there for one year, she becomes fair as a Greek or Slav.

In Wandád-Hurmuzd Kúh there is a place (f. 42a) into which, when there is a year of drought, the people throw triturated onions, whereupon rain at once falls, but the person who has pounded the onions dies within the year.

In Ummid-wár Kúh grows a herb called Gúr-tír ( or ), and if anyone picks it smiling, or weeping, or speaking well, or playing, and gives it to another to eat, that other, so long as the herb is in his stomach, behaves in the same way as did the gatherer while he was picking it.

Near Ṭabaristán is a place called Páníra-Kúh ( or ), where, in the time of al-Yazdádí, there was a dyke called Fírúz-Kúh, and adjoining this was another mountain whereon grew a poisonous herb.

Near Rúdbár hyacinths grow, and on Wandád-Hurmuzd-Kúh grow sweet rushes (), as at Mecca, which they call Mushkwásh ()¹.

In Siyáh-rúd, near Jamanú, in the village of Danakí, there is a whirlpool or eddy called Kanzgirdáb, where Alexander the Great buried the vast treasures which he had amassed. Many later kings and rulers have sought to recover them, but have always failed. Mákán the son of Kákí was the last to try, and he spent vast sums of money in removing the water, till at length he reached a point where signs of treasure, bricks and traces of buildings, were visible. “Tomorrow,” said they, “we shall finish our task;” but that night the water again broke in and concealed all, while Mákán dreamed that a voice cried to him, “Weary not thyself in vain, for it was not laid up for thee.” And thereafter no further attempt was made. Every twenty-five years there is a year of scarcity, and the price of corn goes up.

The poet of Ṭabaristán² says:

There once appeared in Shahriyár-Kúh a dragon fifty thousand cubits (gaz) in length, and in that region, as far as the sea-coast, no animal dared pass through plain or mountain for fear of it (f. 42b), so that they abandoned that district, whereupon it advanced as far as Sárí. Then the inhabitants besought Sám to help them, and he came forth, saw it from afar, and said, “With these weapons I can do nothing.” By the time he had prepared suitable weapons, the dragon had avanced to Alárash near the seashore, and he came upon it at a place called Gáw-Kaláda (). The dragon, on seeing Sám, rushed upon him. Sám smote it on the head with his mace, so that it fell asunder, and the dragon uttered so fearful a cry that all Sám’s companions fell to the ground in terror. It then strove to encircle Sám with its tail, but he sprang back forty paces. It continued to move for three days and then died, and to this day no grass will grow on this spot, as is well known.

1. Mázyár. — He was one of the most capable princes who ever reigned. One day his trainer () was riding one of his favourite horses. “Do you detect any fault in this horse?” enquired Mázyár. “It is one of the finest to be found in all the world,” answered the trainer; “what is wrong with it?” “There is no marrow in its shoulder-blades;” answered Mázyár. He then ordered the horse to be killed, and they found it was even as he had said.

On another occasion he was informed that a certain horse-breader in Tukháristán had in his stud a horse valued at 100,000 dirhams. He at once despatched several experts in horseflesh to buy it for him. When they reached their destination, the owner would only allow them to look at the horse and not to ride it. It appeared to be a beautiful animal, well-proportioned, graceful and strong. They wrote to Mázyár for instructions. He replied (f. 43a): “Assuredly the owner would not impose such a condition unless he was aware of some blemish in the animal. Before buying it, you must make it a condition that you shall be allowed to lassoo it. If, when the lassoo falls round its neck, it pricks up its ears, looks sharply down between its fore-feet, and draws its tail inwards, then buy it; but if it strains its neck against the noose, throws out its sides, and lays back its ears, then refuse to buy it.” When they tried the experiment, it happened even as he had said, and they rejected it accordingly.

After his death the Caliph put 'Alí b. Zayn in his place in the Foreign Office (), but the despatches written by him were less rich in meaning than those penned by Mázyár. They asked him why this was so. He replied: “He wrote in his own language; I translate into Arabic.” Mázyár’s cunning and generosity, as well as his capture and execution at Surra-man-ra`a, will be mentioned in their proper place.

2. Alandáy¹ the son of Sukhrá, King of Ṭabaristán. In strength and courage he was reckoned the equal of Rustam. One night he rode forty parasangs after a stag, and at the end swam a river in flood, and slew the quarry.

²

3. Wandád Hurmuzd the son of Alandáy, also celebrated for his courage. His doughty deeds, and how he slew Farásha and “the Devil of Far'án” (Sálim of Far'án or Farghán)³, will be told in its proper place. When Hárúnu`r-Rashíd reached Ray, he sent [his son] al-Ma`mún to be laid in his lap, and he bestowed on al-Ma`mún villages whereof the revenues amounted to 1,600,000 dirhams. When he slew Farásha, he gave to the Ispahbad Sharwín, “King of the Mountains”<sup>1</sup>, who came to help him, one third () of the spoils; and when, after the death of Farásha, Hárúnu`r-Rashíd came to Ray, Wandád Hurmuzd went out to meet him (f. 43b). When the Caliph’s eyes lighted upon him, he began to upbraid, reproach and fiercely threaten him, whereupon Wandád said, “I do not understand Arabic, but I perceive that the Commander of the Faithful is incensed against me, and is upbraiding me in unkind words. Why did he not speak thus when I was in my own highlands? Now that, unconstrained and of my own free will, I come before him loyally and obediently, it ill befits his greatness to address in such terms his guest and his faithful servant.” Hárún, when this was interpreted to him, admitted that he was in the right, increased his rank, and ordered a cushion to be brought that he might be seated. When the cushion was brought, Wandád, instead of sitting down on it, placed it on his head, saying, “A cushion from the Commander of the Faithful is an honour; it is better placed on the head.” When he rose up to depart, Hárún ordered the cushion to be sent with him.

Another day, while he was sitting with Hárún, the uncle of the latter entered the room. All those present rose up, except Wandád. This displeased the Caliph and those with him. Immediately afterwards Yazíd b. Murthad arrived and did obeisance. Wandád immediately rose up and paid homage to him. Everyone smiled, and Hárún said, “My uncle is my own flesh and blood, while this man is the least of my servants. Whence that uncalled for rudeness, and this unnecessary politeness?” Wandád Hurmuzd answered, “I did not recognize your uncle, and why should I rise up for one whom I do not know? But this is a brave and capable man, therefore I paid him a tribute of respect. When thou didst send him to my kingdom, he was encamped against me for a whole year, and every morning he set his army in battle-array in a different fashion. And I had there (f. 44a) a knight who was his equal in courage and valour, whom I sent out against him on the day of battle; but in less time than it takes one to draw a sword from its scabbard, I saw my champion’s head fall before him. Next day I myself went out to meet him. He struck me such a blow with his sword as I had never before experienced. Before such a man, though he be my enemy, I willingly rise up.” The Caliph was pleased at his speech, and thereafter promoted Yázíd b. Murthad to high rank.

In the palace of Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, in the house of Umm Ja'far, there was a tame monkey, which was treated with the utmost respect. It used to be girt with a sword and girdle, and had assigned to its service thirty men, who rode with it when it went forth. Everyone who came to pay his respect at the court was required to kiss its hand and pay hommage to it; and it was of such evil nature that, in the words of the author:

One day Yazíd b. Murthad went, after taking leave of the Caliph, to the house of Umm Ja'far to bid farewell to her. They brought the ape before him and bade him kiss its hand. He drew his sword and cut it in two, and turned back in anger. Hárúnu`r-Rashíd, being informed, summoned him and asked him what had impelled him to this action. He replied, “O Commander of the Faithful! Shall I serve apes after having served Caliphs? No, by God, never!” So the Caliph forgave him. Muslim b. al-Walíd says in a threnody which he composed on him:

4. Khurshíd the son of Dázamihr¹. A prince of Khurásán once came to pay his respects to him with many gifts and offerings, and a lodging was assigned to him near the Ispahbad. He asked for dishes and trays whereon to arrange the presents (f. 44b). They brought from the Ispahbad’s plate-room five hundred silver trays. The Khurásání demanded more. They sent to Farrukhán’s daughter, the chief wife of the Ispahbad, and obtained from her five hundred more. The Ispahbad then received the presents from Khurásán on these thousand trays, and in return sent to the prince two thousand trays filled with presents of the produce of Ṭabaristán, together with 100,000 dirhams.

On another occasion a man brought to him as a present a cup set with jewels and shaped like a cock, the two eyes of which were formed by two large red rubies of great value. The Ispahbad accepted it, and rewarded the donor. Some time afterwards it was reported to him that the donor was boasting that he had rendered to the Ispahbad an unparalleled service. Thereupon the latter invited five hundred guests, including the donor of the cup, to a wine-party, and before each of them was set a cup shaped like it, but far better. The donor of the original cup apprehended the rebuke, apologized, and received back his gift together with twice its value in money.

5. The Ispahbad Pádhúsbán². He used daily to feed six hundred man in three detachments, 200 in the morning, 200 at noon, and 200 at evening. 'Abdu`lláh Faḍlawayh as-Sarwí had fled from Muḥammed Yazíd and sought refuge with him. He made him an allowance of 200,000 dirhams for “bread-money”, and continued it to his sons after he died.

1. Ḥasan b. Zayd b. Isma'íl (called Jálibu`l-ḥijára, “the Stone-lifter”, because of his strength) b. al-Ḥasan b. Zayd b. al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. He was born and grew up at al-Madína, and was peerless in his time for courage, cunning and determination, as is strongly emphasized by [Ibn] Ṭabáṭabá al-'Alawí in his book called Ansábu Ashráfi`l-Amṣár (“Pedigrees of the Nobles of the Lands”). The cause of his insurrection and occupation of Ṭabaristán (f. 45a) will be mentioned in due course. One day when he had been bled Abu`l-'Amr the poet of Ṭabaristán () came before him and recited this verse:

For those two couplets the poet received ten thousend dírhams².

2. Muḥammad b. Zayd ad-Dá'í ila `l-Ḥaqq, brother of the above. Volumes might be filled with his praises. Sayyid Imám-i-Mufíd Abú Ṭálib relates that he had a learned secretary called Abu`l-Qásim al-Kátib al-Balkhí, noted for his eloquence and excellence, who used to say that this Prince so far excelled all others for whom he had acted as secretary that, to use his own expression, “I could have imagined that it was Muḥammad the Prophet of God dictating one of his revelations.” 'Abdu`l-'Azíz al-'Ijlí³) composed in his honour a qaṣída in which occurs the following verse:

¹ Dhahír, p. 282.

and received a gift of 30,000 dirhams. When Bakr b. 'Abdu`l-'Azíz al-'Ijlí, one of the great captains of that time, came before him at ´Amul, he alighted from his horse to do him honour, and Muḥammad b. Zayd presented him with a million dirhams contained in a hundred bags, besides weapons and other presents. Every year he used to send a thousand¹ gold dínárs to the shrines of 'Alí, al-Ḥasan, al-Ḥusayn, and other illustrious members of his family; and when the Caliph al-Mutawakkil (A. D. 847—861) destroyed the tombs of the Imáms, he was the first who repaired them.

One day he was sitting at the Pension Office (Díwán-i-'Aṭá) and distributing pay to the troops. They brought before him a certain man, of whom he enquired to what tribe he belonged. “'Abdu`sh-Shams,” replied the man. “To what family?” asked Muḥammad b. Zayd. The man was silent. “Art thou then of the children of Mu'áwiya?” he continued (f. 45b). The man answered in the affirmative. “By which son?” he further demanded. Again the man was silent. “Art thou then a son of Yazíd?” he asked. “Yes,” answered the other. “O lad,” said the Dá'í, “didst thou not perceive that thou should’st not be with the descendants of Abú Ṭálib?” Instantly the Sayyids there present drew their swords to slay him; but the Dá'í cried out at them, saying: “Muṣ'ab b. az-Zubayr was one day sitting distributing money when the herald announced a son of 'Umar b. Jurmúz. ‘O Amír,’ they exclaimed, ‘this son of Jurmúz is fearful and afraid because his father slew Zubayr.’ ‘He is a man of great courage,’ replied Muṣ'ab, ‘since he has risked being slain in retaliation for my father’s death. Bid him approach, and take his gift, and depart in peace.’ Then he gave him his journey-money and a horse, and sent trusty attendants with him to 'Iráq, lest he should be slain on the way by the descendants of Abú Ṭálib, and dismissed him.”

3. Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. 'Amr b. 'Alí as-Sajjád b. Ḥusayn b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, with the title of an-Náṣiru`l-Kabír, and the kunya of Abú Muḥammad. His virtue, learning, asceticism, and piety, and the results of his generosity, are still apparent in Gílán and Daylam, where also his way and doctrine command acceptance. His tomb, the College and Library which he founded, and the endowments bestowed by him, are still flourishing in ´Amul, while his grave is accounted holy, and visited by many pilgrims.

He had four sons, Muḥammad (from whom he derived his kunya of Abú Muḥammad) who died young, 'Alí ash-Shá'ir (“the Poet”), Aḥmad Abu`l-Ḥusayn, and Ja'far Abu`l-Qásim. Three of these left issue, and their descendants reigned for a long while in Gílán and Daylam. The genealogy of each will be set forth in the (f. 46a) Kitáb-í-Ansáb. Aḥmad b. an-Náṣir was of the Imámi sect, and of his sons Abú Ja'far Muḥammad, called Ṣáḥibu`l-Qalansuwa (“the Wearer of the Persian hat”) dwelt in Daylamán, and Abú Muḥammad al-Ḥasan, called an-Naqíb, in Baghdad. Of the sons of 'Alí as-Shá'ir were Abú 'Abdi`lláh Muḥammad al-Uṭrúsh (), and Abú 'Alí Muḥammad b Alí ash-Shá'ir, who held a distinguished position at Baghdad. The following verses are by him:

He was a man of many accomplishments, and has written much poetry, and he was for a long while in the companionship of the Imám al-Ḥasan b. Alí al-'Askarí (the Eleventh Imám of the “Sect of the Twelve”, who died A. H. 260), from whom he received instruction. Amongst his disciples were Ibnu`l-Mahdí al-Mámṭírí and Abu`l-'Alá as-Sarwí, of whose accomplishments ath-Tha'álibí has spoken in the Yatímatu`d-Dahr¹. The following is a specimen of his powers of repartee:

4. Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn al-Mu`ayyad Bi`lláh 'Aḍudu`d-Dawla and Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá an-Náṭiq bi`l-Ḥaqq, the sons of al-Ḥusayn b. Hárún b. al-Ḥusayn b. Muḥammad b. al-Qásim b. al-Ḥusayn b. Zayd b. al-Imám as-Sibṭ al-Ḥasan b. 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib. It is said that not one of the Prophet’s descendants who endeavoured by arms to claim his rights was more richly endowed with all the qualities requisite in an Imám than these two brothers. Sayyid Abu `l-Ḥusayn carried on his propaganda in Daylamán, and all Gíl and Daylam responded to it. His treatise on the Excellence of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib is so eloquent and so well-reasoned that it might almost be described as a miracle. Of his other writings the best known are the Kitábu`t-Tajríd, the Kítábu`sh-Sharḥ, the Kitábu`l-Bulgha, the Kitábu`t-Tabṣira and the Kitábu`l-Ifáda, all of which are still in the hands of the Imáms (f. 46b) and are eagerly studied by their disciples. The titles of his other less known works are omitted. His poems form a bulky volume. The following. verses are his:

His early studies were pursued in Baghdad, first with Sayyid Abu`l-'Abbás, and then with the Qáḍi`l-quḍát 'Abdu`l-Jabbár al-Hamadání. One night, when every one was asleep, he came to the house of the latter and awakened him to ask him a question on theology. “Did you come only for this?” enquired the Qáḍí. “Yes,” he answered, “I thought that I might perchance die to-night, being in doubt as to a matter of religious doctrine.” In his time Ibn Sukkara¹ wrote the following qaṣída against the descendants of 'Alí:

Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn answered in the following verses:

Ibnu`l-Khayr the Náṣibí² answered this in a long qaṣída containing this verse:

The Qáḍí Abu`l-Qásim 'Alí b. Muḥammad at-Tanúkhí, author of the Kitábu`l-Faraj ba'da `sh-Shiddat (f. 47a) replied to this in the following poem:

When Sayyid Abu`l-Ḥusayn had occupied Daylamán and established himself therein, men of learning came from all parts of the world to profit by his conversation, so that he even sent a message to the Qáḍi`l-quḍát 'Abdu`l-Jabbár bidding him swear allegiance to him. The Ḥákim al-Jaysham<sup>1</sup> in his book entitled Jilá`u`l-Abṣár relates that he died on Sunday, the day of 'Arafa [i. e. the 9<sup>th</sup> of Dhu`l-Ḥijja], A. H. 421 (= Dec. 8, A. D. 1030), aged seventy years and odd, and that he was buried on the Monday, the 'Ìdu`l-Aḍḥa (10<sup>th</sup> of Dhu`l-Ḥijja) in his home at Lanká, where his tomb is still visible. His doctrine is still (f. 47b) followed by the people of that region, and the Ustundár Kay Ká`ús and his descendants, and the people of Daylam generally.

5. Sayyid an-Náṭiq-bi`l-Ḥaqq Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá b. al-Ḥusayn aṭ-Ṭá`ir bi-ta`yídi`lláh was ten years older than his brother Sayyid Mu'ayyad bi`lláh, and was famous alike for his wisdom and his virtues. The father of these two brothers was of the Imámí sect, as were they also originally. This Sayyid received instruction first from Sayyid Abu`l-'Abbás, then from the great Imámí teacher Shaykh Abú 'Abdi`lláh; and imparted it to 'Abdu`l-Jabbár Qáḍi`l-quḍát; and amongst the Zaydís there was no more learned seeker after truth. He taught for several years in the College in Gurgán, where his lectures were much frequented by the learned. Later he went to Daylamán, and when his brother died, allegiance was sworn to him. When he became Imám, Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn wrote to him:

On his son, who died young, the Sayyid composed the following threnody:

Sayyid Abú Ṭálib Yaḥyá was born in A. H. 340 (= A. D. 951—2), and died in A. H. 422 (= A. D. 1031), aged 82, less than a year after his brother. Of his philosophical works the best known are the Kitábu `t-Taḥrír, the Commentary on the Kitábu`l-Mujzí, and the Kitábu`d-Dimá'a (f. 48a).

6. As-Sayyidu`l-Imámu`l-Faqíhu`l-'Àlimu`l-Mutakallimu`sh-Shá'ir al-Ḥasan b. Ḥamza al-'Alawí. His tomb is opposite the College of Zaynu` sh-Sháraf. King Ardashír was induced to repair and renovate it by Sayyid Imám Bahá`u`d-Dín al-Ḥasan b. Mahdí al-Mámṭírí. He was for many years in religious retirement at the shrine of the Imám 'Alí b. Músá ar-Riḍá at Mash-had, in praise of which town he composed the following qaṣída:

He was commonly called Sayyid Abu`l-Qásim; and it is related that “the Great Náṣir” (), that most accomplished and eloquent scholar, used to say, “Were it lawful to repeat the verses of anyone in one’s prayers, it would assuredly be the verses of Abu`l-Qásim!”

7. As-Sayyid Shamsu Àli Rasúli`lláh. He was a dervish, skilled in the traditions, and of ascetic and devout life. His tomb still stands outside the Gate, in the 'Awámma-kúy quarter (). Other learned Sayyids (? descendants of the above) contemporary with the author were: Sayyid Dhahíru`d-Dín Nassába of Gurgán, whose skill in scholastic theology and jurisprudence are recognized by all; Sayyid Ruknu`d-Dín of Sárí; and his learned and virtuous brother Sayyid Sharafu`d-Dín, whose tomb is in the College of Sayyid Imám Khaṭíb, opposite Mashhad-i-Sar, and who did much to check the Zaydí and propagate the Imámí doctrines in those districts.

8. As-Sayyidu`l-Imám Abú Ṭálib ath-Thá`ir. He was one of five brothers, whose grandfather was called “Ḥusayn the Poet” (). His brother was “the Great Náṣir”, and his father was known as Muḥammad al-Fáris. Náṣir-i-Kabír’s daughter had a servant named 'Umayr, and after the men of Gíl and Daylam had taken Ṭabaristán from the Sayyids, this servant also revolted, went to Gílán, and gave over all his master’s property to be plundered. The men of Gílán rallied round him and forsook the Sayyid, who expressed his feelings in the following verses:

This section opens with a glowing panegyric on this noble family, whose court is described, in very florid language, as an ever-open refuge to ṭhe distressed and the unfortunate.

1. The Ispahbad 'Alá`u`d-Dawla 'Alí b. Shahriyár b. Qárin. His virtues, his doughty deeds, and how he secured the kingdom to himself in spite of jealous brothers and kinsmen will be mentioned subsequently. Amongst those who took refuge at his court were the following. Shírzád¹, son of Sulṭán Mas'úd (III) of Ghazna, who for a while shared the throne of Ghazna with Bahrámsháh (his brother). When he expressed a desire to perform the Pilgrimage to Mecca, the Ispahbad arranged his journey and supplied all that he needed day by day at every stage. After his return he was enabled to proceed once more to Ghazna.

Sulṭán Mas'úd b. Muḥammad the Seljúq, nephew of Sinjar, twice took refuge with the Ispahbad; first, when the Caliph [al-Mustarshid] was assassinated [A. H. 529 = A. D. 1135] he came thither with his son; secondly, when he quarrelled with Ṭughril, he brought his women-folk thither, and placed them in the hamlet of ´Aram () in the palace of the Ispahbad’s son Sháh-i-Ghází Rustam, while he himself received help to enable him to return to 'Iráq.

When Muḥammad b. Maliksháh died, all his sons took the oath of allegiance to Maḥmúd, and when he died they fell to fighting with one another, and Ṭughril, being defeated, fled to his [the Ispahbad’s] house. At the Pass (Darband) of Kilís he was stopped by 'Alí b. Zarrín-Kamar, and his two brothers Muḥammad and Abú Shujá'. He told then that he was flying from pursuing foes, but they told him that without the King’s permission he could not advance. When news of this was sent to Sháh-i-Ghazí Rustam, he at once rode out as far as the village of Maqṣúra, brought in Ṭughril, and sent him to Sárí to his father the Ispahbad.

Khwárazmsháh-i-Sa'íd Muḥammad had four sons, who, on his death, fell to quarrelling, and two of them fled to the Ispahbad, who heaped such favours upon them that men still talk of his bounty.

The Amír 'Abdu`r-Raḥmán Ṭugha-Turk () the Atábek came to his court from Ardabíl with a number of his retainers, and was hospitably entertained and then sent back along the coast to his kingdom. 'Imádí the poet, who was the panegyrist of this Atábek, speaks of him as follows:

¹

The Amír of Ḥilla, the son of Ṣadaqa “King of the Arabs”, one of the most puissant, noble, generous and high-minded princes of the world, accompanied by 200 of his mounted retainers, took refuge with the Ispahbad, who on the first day of his arrival sent him a present consisting of 200 caparisoned horses, 300 coats and caps (), 100 girdles, swords, coats of mail, helmets, and suits of horse-armour, and 10,000 gold dínárs. On another occasion Baraka (), the brother of the above-mentioned Amír, came to beg the Ispahbad to intercede for him with the Caliph, whom he had offended. The Ispahbad did so, obtained for him a written pardon and assurance of safety, and supplied him with money and other necessaries to take him back to his kingdom.

When Qatírmish () rebelled against the Sulṭán, he confided his brothers, children and women-folk to the Ispahbad’s care; they received from him the utmost kindness and attention, and, when it was safe, were sent back to their home.

2. The Ispahbad Nuṣratu`d-Dín Rustam, son of the above. He was, according to the author, the greatest ruler of Ṭabaristán since the time of Ferídún and Minúchihr, and the greatest possessor of treasures since Khusraw Parwíz. His power extended from Jájarm, Gurgán, Bisṭám and Dámghán to Múqán. He was the first of this House to sit on a throne at his receptions. Even in the author’s time there remained forty castles filled with the gold and jewels and other precious things which he had amassed. When Kay-ká`ús Ustundár, with the approval of his chief judge, revolted against him, he marched to Rúyán to meet him, devastating and setting fire to the whole country. On this the Ispahbad Khurshíd b. Abu`l-Qásim Mámṭírí composed the following verses in the dialect of Ṭabaristán¹:

After the death of Sinjar, his nephew Sulaymán Sháh fled from Maḥmúd Khán, the successor of Sinjar and his sister’s son, and took refuge with the Ispahbad Rustam while he made preparations for attempting to recover 'Iráq. During the two months that he spent there, he and his followers were entertained daily at tables set in the Maydán-i-Tápán, till he had collected 20,000 man of Gílán, Daylamán and other parts of Ṭabaristán. The Ispahbad further supplied him with the necessary arms, stores and munitions of war, brought him to Ray, and set him on the throne. The amírs of 'Iráq and ´Adharbayján gathered round him, and Ray and Sáwa were surrendered to the Ispahbad. When Sulṭán Maḥmúd Khán learned his absence from Ṭabaristán, he marched thither with all Sinjar’s amírs. In two days the Ispahbad hastened thither from Ray, and encamped at the hamlet of Kúsán at the foot of the Castle of ´Ab-Dara; and one night gave permission to king Qárin () to attack the Turks with 400 ghuláms and 500 men of Báwand. These penetrated to Sulṭán Maḥmúd’s quarters, inflicting considerable losses on the Seljúq troops. Next day Maḥmúd sent his kinsman Ṃu`ayyid ´Ayi ´Aba to attack and plunder Sárí. The Ispahbad sent his son Ḥasan Sharafu`l-Mulúk by way of Lákash-i-Mihrawán to lie in ambush for the raiders, who fell into the ambush. A thousand Turks, including a kinsman of Sulṭán Maḥmúd, were taken captive, while Mu`ayyid, with a few followers, succeeded in effecting his escape. The Ispahbad treated the prisoners kindly, bestowed on them robes of honour, and sent them to Maḥmúd Khán with the following message: “Our people are independent house-holders, and what they do is done without our sanction.” Mahmúd than sent one of his chief nobles, 'Azíz-i-Ṭughrá`í, to the Ispahbad, and it was agreed that in consideration of the sum of 20,000 dínárs the Sulṭán should withdraw to Gurgán, and that the Ispahbad should pay over this sum to the tithe-collectors (muḥaṣṣilán). When Maḥmúd had retired to Gurgán, the Ispahbad drove away the collectors, bidding them say to their master, “We gave up the money for [fear of] their maces”

The trouble which at this juncture broke out in Khurásán prevented Sulṭán Maḥmúd from taking any further steps; and he was nick-named in Ṭabaristán “Maḥmúd the Wheat-crusher” (gandum-kúb), because his soldiers, finding no bread, used to cut and crush the ears of wheat which they found, and eat them.

Rashíd`d-Dín Waṭwáṭ, the Court-poet and secretary of Atsiz Khwárazm-sháh, composed many qaṣídas in praise of the Ispahbad, who in return used each year to send him 500 dínárs, a turban and coat (jubba), and a fully caparisoned horse. He composed the following qaṣída on the occasion when the Ispahbad went to Ray and seated Sulaymán Sháh on the throne:

On another occasion, when the Ispahbad went to Ray, set his own governor over it, and held it for a year and a half, Rashíd-i-Waṭwáṭ composed and sent to him the following poem:

The following verses are from a qaṣída which the same poet composed in honour of the Ispahbad when he took the Castles of Mihrín and Man'úr-kùh () from the Assassins:

The author says that, through many Arabic-writing poets have praised the House of Báwand, he has only cited Rashíd-i-Waṭwáṭ because he was the greatest and most famous of their panegyrists, and because his own eulogies would be discounted by reason of his connection with the Dynasty, and the country over which it ruled.

One of the customs of the Ispahbad Rustam was that at the close of a wine-bout he would give permission to his boon-companions to take what they liked from his treasury. On one such occasion his kinsman the Amír Sábiqu`d-Dawla 'Alí Gílkhwárán, 'Alí Riḍá the chamberlain () and his sons, As'adu`d-Dín Ḥusayn “the madman” (díwána), the Nidhám Muḥammad and the Qiwám Farámarz went together, when they rose up from drinking, to the treasury, but found that all the money and jewels and most precious things had been already taken, and that only some bundles () of silk were left. So each of them took three bundles of silk on their backs and twisted the contents of another round their feet. Being thus heavily laden, certain wits likened them to asses carrying bales of merchandise, and Bárbad-i-Jarídí, the Ṭabarí poet, extemporized the following couplet over them in the dialect of Ṭabaristán:

Another of the Ispahbad’s customs was that he would not suffer poets to recite his praises in his presence, saying, “They falsely ascribe to me deeds which I never performed, and thereby I am put to shame.” At length a poet named Mudhaffarí came from Khurásán and said, “I will praise you for deeds that you have done,” and he than recited a poem beginning:

For each couplet he was rewarded with ten gold dínárs, and he also received a horse, a coat () and a hat ().

3. The Ispahbad Táju`l-Mulúk 'Alí b. Mardáwíj.

He was sent by his father to Merv in the reign of Sinjar, who gave him his sister in marriage, and held him so dear that he would not go forth from his palace until he had first seen him. On his father’s death, he was made ruler of the Castle of Jahína and the country round about Tammísha (). On the death of Sinjar, Sulaymán Sháh, who succeeded to the Seljúq throne, first took refuge with him.

Mardáwíj was one of the hardest and most expert riders ever seen. He would sometimes, on mounting, put a gold coin between each foot and the stirrup and gallop till midday without letting either slip out. One day when he and Sulaymán Sháh were encamped together at Gulpáyagán, there was a wager between them, the former betting a certain Arab horse, 4000 royal dínárs, and 100 silken garments, etc., against a favourite slave belonging to the latter. Mardáwíj won the wager, but at once sent back the slave-boy mounted on the Arab horse fully caparisoned, and accompanied by two other slaves. The great poet Anwarí composed in his praise, besides other poems, the qaṣída beginning:

In the service of Sulṭán Mas'úd the Seljúq was a certain champion called Sábiq of Qazwín, whose fame had spread throughout 'Iráq, Arabia and Khurásán. Him the Ispahbad induced to enter his service, giving him Bisṭám, Dámghán and Jájarm in order that he might combat the Assassins. This Sábiq was very prodigal, and on one occasion he wrote to the Ispahbad complaining that he lacked money to pay his troops. The Ispahbad turned to his nobles and said, “He is an ocean (in munifence): what adequate gift can one confer on the ocean? Let 20,000 dínárs be now sent to him, and let an order be written that henceforth all that he can conquer in those regions shall be his, together with the fief-holds there.”

4. The Ispahbad 'Alá'u`d-Dawla Ḥasan b. Rustam b. 'Alí.

He also was a man whose generosity and statesmanship “had transcended perfection by several parasangs.” His only fault was that he was too impetuous and self-confident, which qualities brought disaster both on him and his subjects. Yet:

When ´Il-Arslán Khwárazmsháh died (A. H. 568 = A. D. 1172), and his son Tukush wrested the throne of Khwárazm from his brother Sulṭán Sháh Maḥmúd, the latter with his mother took refuge with the Ispahbad, who came to Tammísha to meet them, and sent forward his governors and officers from Gílán and the districts of Ray with presents, while in the plain of Ganjína, as far as Ispíd Dáristán, for a distance of a parasang, he caused such a feast to be spread as no man ever saw before or since.

5. The Ispahbad Ḥusámu`d-Dawla wa`d-Dín Ardashír b. Ḥusayn¹. He reigned for 35 years over Ṭabaristán. — Eulogy of his virtues and talents.

After the death of the Atábek Muḥammad b. Tlduguz, Sulṭán Ṭughril (II) b. Arslán, in consequence of a dispute which arose between him and his brother Qizil Arslán, wrote from 'Iráq:

²

The Ispahbad, in response to this appeal, being encamped at Dih-i-Fulúl in Láriján, sent out his amírs and nobles to Ray to meet the Seljúq king, and himself went forward to Lár, where, on meeting him, he alighted from his horse, brought his royal guest to Fulúl, and there enthroned and entertained him royally. Qizil Arslán, hearing of this, sent 'Izzu`d-Dín Yaḥyá to Ardashír to persuade him, by reminding him of the favours which he had formerly received from his father and brother, to arrest and bind Ṭughril and surrender him to his antagonist, promising the Ispahbad in return for this service the rule of Roy, Sáwa, Qum, Káshán and Qazwín, and full authority over 'Iráq and ´Adharbayján. The Ispahbad indignantly rejected the proposal that he should betray his guest, and after a while sent Ṭughril to Dámghán and Bisṭám, bidding his officers there supply all his needs day by day until he reached his capital.

In A. H. 579 (= A. D. 1183—4) an ambassador named Khujand (?), with two companions, came from the Maharája of India to the Ispahbad, stating that an 'Alawí of the Imámí (Shí'ite) sect had come to that country to endeavour to persuade men to his views, and ḥad prevailed in argument against their doctors; whereupon the Maharája had despatched a letter to “the just and upright king in Ṭabaristán, who is descended from the Kisrás (House of Sásán), and who holds this doctrine” with an embassy of 40 persons, of whom 38 had perished on the way. At the command of the Ispahbad, the answer to this letter was written at great length by Sayyid Bahá`u`d-Dín al-Ḥasan b. al-Mahdí al-Mámṭírí, who was living at this time. A long extract from this letter, written in very florid Arabic, and celebrating the praises of Ṭabaristán and its ruler Ardashír, here follows. Indeed it seems to have been not so much a letter as a tract, bearing the formal title Risálatu`l-Hunúd fí ijábati da'wa dhawi `l-'Anúd (“the Epistle to the Indians in reply to the pretensions of the obdurate”).

On one occasion Núru`d-Dín Ṣabbágh came to the Ispahbad as an ambassador from Tukush b. ´Il-Arslán at Dawlatábád near Sárí, (f. 56b) and there he caused a pulpit to be erected and preached a sermon, concluding with the following verse:

Indeed, says the author, there was never a more law-abiding () king than he. His capital was at Sárí, where dwelt his ministers, and where was situated their díwán, called the Díwán-i-Waṣl. Every year he used to disburse in pensions more than 100,000 gold dínárs, and every Friday, wherever he might be, he used to give 100 dínárs out of the palace treasury to the Minister of Justice (), who used then to go to the public square (maydán) and distribute the money amongst the most deserving persons whom he found waiting there. Sayyids, men of learning, poets and literary men used to flock to his court with books, poems and prayers which they desired to lay before him; and amongst the most distinguished men who were his pensioners were Sayyid 'Izzu`d-Dín Yaḥyá, the judges () of Ray, and the Shaykhu`l-Islám Ruknu`d-Dín (?), each of whom used to receive 700 dínárs, a fully caparisoned horse, a turban and a cloak (jubba), Khwája Imám Faqíh-i-´Al-i-Muḥammad Abu`l-Faḍl Ráwandí, Sayyid Murtaḍá Káshání, Afḍalu`d-Dín Máhabádí, the judges of Iṣfahán, the family of the poet Shafarwuh, and all the Sayyids of Qazwín, Abhar and the districts round Kharaqán. From Egypt, Syria and Arabia also two or three thousand 'Alawís used to come yearly to pass the winter in Ṭabaristán, where they received free entertainment, clothes and money for their expenses. When the Ispahbad rode out, these 'Alawís marched beside him in ranks, and whatever boon any one of them craved was granted to him, the Ispahbad saying, “In all the world these have no other door than this court; give them therefore what they need.” On one occasion he gave a sum of 29,000 dínárs of ´Amul from his treasury to enable poor 'Alawís of both sexes to marry. Every year at the season of the Pilgrimage, also, he used to disburse the following sums:

For “water-money” (), 4000 dínárs; and his standard was carried side by side with that of the Caliph, while the standards of all the other kings and rulers of the time followed behind.

For the Amíru`l-Ḥajj, or Leader of the Pilgrimage, 2000 dínárs and a fully caparisoned horse, in substitution for the tax which they used to levy on the pilgrims; and a herald used to proclaim. “All the pilgrims are the freed men of the King of Mázandarán.”

For the Shrine (mashhad) of Sámarra, or Surra man ra`a, 500 dínárs.

For the Shrine of 'Abdu`l-'Adhim in Ray, 200 dínárs.

For the Graves of Quraysh, 300 dínárs.

For the Shrines of the sons of the Imám Ḥasan at Madá`in, 200 dínárs¹.

For the Shrine of 'Alí b. Abí Ṭálib, 2000 dínárs.

For the Shrine of Salmán the Persian at al-Madá`in, 150 dínárs.

For the Shrine of Imám Ḥusayn at Kerbelá, 6000 dínárs.

For the Shrine of Abu`l-Ḥasan 'Alí b. Músa al-Báqir (sic), 1000 dínárs².

For the Amírs of Mecca, 200 dínárs for turbans and cloaks.

For the Shrine of the Ka'ba and the water-carriers (), 1000 dínárs.

For the pigeons of Mecca, the produce of a village, mill and hot bath.

For the poor of Mecca, 5 bales () of silk.

For al-Madína, 3000 dínárs.

For the Shrines of the Imáms buried at al-Baqí', 1000 dínárs.

For the poor of al-Madína, the value of 5 bales () of silk. These bales were sold in Baghdad, and the money thus obtained was spent on linen (), which was divided amongst the poor.

The most eminent of contemporary poets, Dhahíru`d-Dín Fáryábí, has many qaṣídas in praise of this Ispahbad, amongst them the following:

After the poet had been for some time at the Ispahbad’s court, and had received at his hands many favours, he asked and received permission to visit the Atábek Qizil Arslán, son of the Atábek ´Ilduguz, who was at that time in possession of 'Iráq and ´Adharbayján. There he composed a qaṣída in which occurred the following verse:

(f. 58a) Some of the servants of the Ispahbad Ardashír were present when this poem was ecited before Qizil Arslán, and they sent a copy of it to their master, who thereupon sent the poet 100 dínárs, a fully caparisoned horse, a necklace, a cap and a coat.

1. 'Abdu`lláh al-Ḥusayn b. Sahl, known as Tájí Duwayr, (). His yearly income was 200,000 dínárs. One night at ´Amul some of the courtiers and boon-companions of the Ispahbad came to visit him, and he bestowed on them 500 silken garments, and wrote them a cheque for 20,000 dínárs:

One day his master the Ispahbad Pádhúsbán went out hunting, and was beset by a number of petitioners (), of whom he asked, “whom do ye seek?” Being answered that they sought the Ispahbad in order to lay their needs before him, he said: “If ye seek the Ispahbad who is king and ruler, and who has wealth, servants, retinue, pomp, glory and a merry life (), then it is Tájí Duwayr at ´Amul; but if you seek that one who night and day is with his falcons, his cheetahs and his dogs, then it is I.”

2. Abú Isḥáq Ibráhím b. al-Marzubán constructed, out of his own income, most of the roads and bridges of Ṭabaristán and Rúyán.

3. Muḥammad b. Músá b. Ḥafṣ. The daily expenditure of his kitchen at ´Amul was 1000 dínárs, and at his own charges he sent 1000 pilgrims to Mecca, whom he fed so delicately during the journey thither that in the middle of the desert they had fresh fish and cress from Ṭabaristán to eat.

4. Abú Ṣádiq Hárún b. 'Alí al-Ámulí visited Mecca in this same fashion.

5. 'Alí b. Hishám al-Ámulí visited Mecca in this same way in the days of 'Abdu`lláh al-Ma`mún, and every day in the desert heralds proclaimed, “Come to the banquet of the Amír!” And at his table men of note and persons of no consequence alike sat down as his guests. Al-Ma`mún ordered that no one in Baghdad should sell him fire-wood or cress, but he brought paper to burn instead of fire-wood, and in place of cress he garnished his table with green silk torn up into shreds.

6. Sahl b. al-Marzubán possessed Láriján. He constructed a road through country which before his time was impracticable both in summer and winter, by cutting and tunnelling the mountains, making bridges, and building rest-houses; and made this road the best and safest.

1. Muḥammad b. Farír aṭ-Ṭabarí, the celebrated author of the great History, the great Commentary, the Dhaylu`l-Mudhayyal¹, and other works. All men of learning agree that no nation has produced so great a scholar as him. It is said that 400 riding-camels might daily be seen waiting at the gate of his house in Baghdad, belonging to sons of the caliphs, kings, ministers and amírs, besides some 30 mules, each watched by an Abyssinian groom, the owners of all these having come thither to glean what they could from Ṭabarí’s incomparable learning.

2. Imám-i-shahíd (“the Martyr”) Fakhru`l-Islám 'Abdu`l-Wáḥid b. Isma'íl Abu`l-Maḥásin, who is called “the second Sháfi'í”, and for whom the Nidhámu`l-Mulk built a college at ´Amul which still flourished in the author’s time. Of him Abu`l-Ma'álí of Juwayn said: . He was the author of many works on Jurisprudence, the Ascetic Life, and other religious subjects, of which more than 40 volumes are in general circulation. His acuteness and discernment are illustrated by the following story, which also explains how it happened that he incurred the resentment of the Assassins () and perished by the daggers of their fidá'ís:

¹

3. The Qáḍi`l-quḍát Abu'l-`Abbás ar-Rúyání. He was Chief Judge in the time of Shamsu`l-Ma'álí Qábús (A. H. 366—403 = A. D. 976—1012), and his descendants still exercise judicial functions in Ṭabaristán. Many anecdotes are told of him, of which the one here outlined is included amongst the stories printed at the end of Forbes’ Persian Grammar (London, 1869, pp. , Story Lxxi).

1. Ibn Mahdí Mámṭírí. His grave at Mámṭír had been visited by the author.

2. Muḥammad al-Yazdádí. His writings are so well known as to need no mention.

3. Ibn Fúrak, the preacher of the Masjid-i-sálár at ´Amul. The pulpit which still stands there by the miḥráb was erected for him. “I have heard,” says the author, “from my master Ibráhím b. Muḥammad Náṣiḥí, that the Ṣáḥib [Isma'íl b.] 'Abbád, prompted by fanaticism, arrested and imprisoned him in a darkened house at Ray. Abú Isḥáq of Isfará`in the scholastic philosopher (mutakallim) used at this time to go to the Ṣáḥib and hold discussions with him every day. One day while they were thus engaged in a garden, the discussion turned on the ‘creation of actions’ (). The Ṣáḥib stretched out his hand, picked an apple from a tree, and said, ‘Is not this my act?’ (f. 59b) ‘If it be thine act,’ replied Abú Isḥáq, ‘restore it to the same place.’ The Ṣáḥib, unable to reply to this, said, ‘Ask thy boon.’ ‘My boon,’ said the other, ‘is [Ibn] Fúrak.’ The Ṣáḥib immediately ordered his release; whereupon he came to ´Amul.” There he remained till the end of his life, and then the Sálár built for him the Mosque still known as the Sáḷár’s Mosque. While in prison Ibn Fúrak composed two books on Scholastic Philosophy (). He is buried in the quarter of 'Alí Kaláwa () above the Dome of the Cross-roads ().

4. The Qáḍi`l-quḍát Abu`l-Qásim al-Bayyá'í. He was remarkable for his knowledge in Jurisprudence, Scholastic Philosophy, Poetry, Epistolary style and Philosophy. He wrote, both in prose and verse, in Arabic, Persian and the dialect of Ṭabaristán.

5. The Great Master Abu`l-Faraj 'Alí b. al-Ḥusayn b. Hindú¹. Though his ancestors came from Qum, he himself was born and brought up in Ṭabaristán. His grave is at Astarábád, in a house which was his property. Of him al-Bákharzí says:

The following are the best-known and most widely read of his works:

Besides these he has written much on Philosophy, Medicine and Philology, and his collected poems amount to 15,000 couplets, or even more, “pure as limpid water and like unto lawful magic.” His Arabic treatises form five volumes in his writing.

6. The Imám 'Abdu`l-Qádir al-Jurjání, concerning whom al-Bákharzí says:

His grammatical works include the Jumal and its commentary, the commentary on the Íḍáḥ-i-'Aḍudí, and the Talkhíṣ Some of his poems are cited in the Dumya [tu`l-Qaṣr of al-Bákharzí].

7. Abú Sa'íd Mudhaffar b. Ibráhím. He was a learned jurisconsult, and was for some time attached to the Ṣaḥib ['Isma'íl] b. 'Abbád, after whose death he sought the patronage of Abú Ṭálib Hárún ath-Thá`ir al-'Alawí, who bestowed on him ample favours, and dismissed him to his home, but he was unfortunately drowned in the Caspian Sea while crossing to Ábasgún. These verses are his:

Al-Bákharzí gives an account of him in the Dumyatu l-Qaṣr, and cites these verses which occur in a qaṣída composed by him in praise of Qábús:

Mention is also made of his son Abu`l-Majd and his brother Abu`l-Faraj al-Mudhaffar b. Isma'íl, the jurisconsult, traditionist, anchorite and man of letters.

8. 'Adí b. 'Abdu`lláh; 9. Abú Sa`d aṣ-Ṣaydalání; 10. Abú Ḥanífa Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Astarábáḍí Bári'-i-Jurjání:

¹

11. Abu`l-'Alá al-Mihrawání, lawyer, mathematician, poet, jurisconsult, etc.

12. Muḥammad b. Jarír b. Rustam as-Sarwí, jurisconsult, philosopher, traditionist, etc. He was a fervent Shí'ite, and was for a long while in attendance on the Eighth Imám, 'Alí b. Músá ar-Riḍá. His most famous works are the Kitábu`l-Mustarshid and the Kitábu 'Khudhu`n-na'l` (“Book of ‘Pluck off thy shoes’”).

13. Khwája Imám 'Imád Kujaj², called Faqíh-i-Ál-i-Muḥammad, a learned, pious and ascetic man. The Amír Ibn Darrám³ detained him for a couple of years at Ḥilla. The people of Baghdad and Kúfa and the Shí'ites of Arabia sought him out to profit by his learning, and subscribed yearly a sum of 1000 dínárs for his maintenance. Ibn Darrám³ married his daughter, and one of their descendants was living at Ḥilla in the time of the author (who had visited him), and enjoyed the favour of the reigning Caliph an-Náṣir li-díni`lláh (A. H. 575—622 = A. D. 1180—1225), by reason of his learning, virtue and nobility.

1. 'Ali b. Zayn was noted for his originality and eloquence. Amongst his works are the Firdawsu`l-Ḥikmat and the Baḥru`l-Fawá`id. He was originally secretary to Mázyár (put to death A. H. 226 = A. D. 840—1), and afterwards of the Caliph al-Mu'taṣim (d. A. H. 227 = A. D. 842).

2. 'Abdu`lláh, known as Ibnu`ṭ-Ṭabarí, came to Sámarra in great poverty in the Caliphate of al-Mutawakkil (A. H. 232—247 = A. D. 847—861), and, when in such dire straits that he had to sell most of his clothing for food, was fortunate enough to attract the notice of the Caliph’s son al-Mu`ayyad bi`lláh, and so attained to affluence and wealth.

1. Shaykh Abu`l-'Abbás Qaṣṣáb (“the Butcher”), whose fame still endures, and whose tomb is still frequented.

2. Shaykh Abú Ja'far al-Ḥanáṭí. In his shrine is preserved a Qur`án said to have been written by 'Alí’s son Muḥammad called lbnu`l-Ḥanafiyya, which has such virtue that any person daring to swear falsely on it dies miserably within the year.

3. Shaykh-i-Záhid. His tomb is in the quarter called 'Alí-ábád, by the Gate of Zindána-kúy. Anyone who drinks wine in this quarter and passes by his shrine inevitably becomes an outcast from that quarter. ().

4. Shaykh Abú Turáb. His tomb is still visible by the Gate of the Mosque in the quarter of Darlabash ().

5. Shaykh Abú Na'ím.

6. Quṭb-i-Chàlúsí. Sulṭan Sinjar wore his mantle (khirqa) and visited his retreat, which still exists. Sinjar’s minister Naṣíru`d-Dín Muḥammad Bú Tawba hated and persecuted him, and was always trying to persuade his master that he was a hypocrite and impostor. One day at Bisṭám they brought the saint a melon. He laid his finger on it, saying, “We have killed Muḥammad-i-bí-Tawba (‘the Unrepentant’);” and it so happened that at that very moment the minister was put to death by Sinjar at Merv.

7. Qáḍí Hishám. His tomb is close to that of Shams-i-´Al-i-Muḥammad in the quarter of 'Awámma-kúy. The following extraordinary qaṣída¹, written in a mixture of Arabic and Persian, satirizing one of his contemporaries, is by him:

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