Nišān-i Ḥaydarī - The Reign of Ṭīpū Sulṭān

The Seal of Ḥaydar

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The History of the Reign of Tipú Sultán
 
CONTENTS.
TITLE PAGE.
DEDICATION. p. iii
THE PREFACE. p. xi
CHAPTER I.
The accession of the mighty Prince, high in dignity, His Highness Tipú Sultán, to the throne of Mysore, and the advance of the armies under Generals Lang and Stuart towards Wandiwash, with other events of the year 1197, Hijri.— A. D. 1781-2. p. 1
CHAPTER II.
The march of the Sultán’s victorious ensigns to subdue his enemies and the recapture of Nuggur, Gorial Bundur (Mangalore), &c.— Also the defeat of a detachment of the Bombay army, by the bravery of the Ghazies (Mussulman soldiers), and the establishment of peace between the Sultán and the English government; also the death of that brave officer, Muhammad Alí (Commandant), in the same year, that is, A. Hijri, 1197.— A. D. 1782. p. 10
CHAPTER III.
An account of the operations of Mír Moinuddín, otherwise called Syud Sáhib, the Sipahsalar of the Sultán in the Payanghaut province, and a description of the battles fought between the Syud, the French, and the English troops, and his return to the presence; also, the conclusion of peace in the same year, that is to say, the year 1197 Hijri, or A. D. 1782. p. 33
CHAPTER IV.
The marriage of Boorhanuddín, the most worthy of the sons of Lalamean (who was the brother-in-law of the Sultán, and slain at the battle of Churkooli), with the daughter of Budruzzumán Khán, the Foujdár of Nuggur, and his appointment and Mission to conquer the Hill Fort of Nurgoonda— also the insubordinate conduct of the Chief of Punganoor, and the appointment of certain kushoons, or brigades, to punish and reduce him to subjection— also the repair of the Fort of Ruhmaun Gurh.— Occurrences of the year 1198, Hijri.— A. D. 1783. p. 49
CHAPTER V.
An account of the conquest of the Mountain Fort of Nurgoonda by the brave exertions of Kumruddín Khán, and his return to the presence, with other events of the same year, A. D. 1784. p. 59
CHAPTER VI.
The rebellion of the people of the district of Koorg, and the march of the victorious standards of the Sultán to punish the insubordinate inhabitants of that quarter, and the capture there of eighty thousand men and women, with other occurrences of that year, 1198, Hijri.— A. D. 1783. p. 68
CHAPTER VII.
The invasion of Mysore by the Mahrattas and the chief of Hydurabád with the intention to subdue the territories of the Khodádád Kingdom, and the conquest by them of certain forts of that State in their neighbourhood, and the march of the victorious Sultán to repel his enemies by the route of Adhooni, and the conquest of that place in the year 1199 Hijri, with other matters, A. D. 1785. p. 85
CHAPTER VIII.
The march of the victorious army to the discomfiture of the Mahrattas then plundering and laying waste the country on the other side the river Tungbhudra, and an account of the capture of Kunchun Gurh and Kupli or Kopli; the passage of the river by the victorious army, and the battles there fought with the Mahrattas in the same year, Hijri, 1199. p. 101
CHAPTER IX.
The retrograde movement made by the Sultán, from motives of policy or convenience, and the pursuit of the Mahrattas;— also the arrival of Boorhanuddín Sipahsalar, with his troops and the arrival of a convoy of provisions from Nuggur in charge of Budruzzumán Khán Foujdár; also the seizure of the district of Sanore, and the flight of Hukím Khán, and a description of the battles fought between the Infidels and Moslems in the same year 1199, Hijri.— A. D. 1784. p. 115
CHAPTER X.
An account of another night attack, the last battle and the defeat of the Mahrattas by the victorious army, and the establishment of Peace between the Lion conquering the world, the Sultán, and his weak incompetent enemies the Mahrattas; also the regulation of the districts of the Poligars, with other events which occurred in the year 1200, Hijri.— A. D. 1785-6. p. 125
CHAPTER XI.
An account of the re-establishment of order in the City of Seringaputtun, the regulation of the whole of the Sultán’s territories and the dismission from office of Mír Sadik, Dewán, or Minister of state, also, the completion of the Alí Musjid,— the return of the Embassadors from the presence of the Sultán of Room, or Constantinople, sent thither in the year 1198 Hijri:— and the despatch of an Embassador to Hydurabád with other events of the year 1202, Hijri,— A. D. 1787. p. 139
CHAPTER XII.
The march of the Sultán and his army towards Kalikote, and an account of the attack of Koochi Bundur (Cochin), and the dependencies of the Raja of Maliwar, and the defeat and heavy loss sustained by the victorious army from the mistakes or errors of the guides, and the second attack and conquest of that port,— occurrences of the year 1205, Hijri.— A. D. 1790. p. 152
CHAPTER XIII.
An account of the advance of an army under the command of General Meadows to the aid of the Raja of Maliwar, and the battles fought between the English army and that of the Sultán;— the death of Boorhanuddín Sipahsalar, who was slain near the Fort of Sutti Mungul, the march of the Royal Standard towards the Payanghaut, and an account of the different victories gained about that time, 1205, Hijri.— A. D. 1790. p. 162
CHAPTER XIV.
An account of the arrival from Bengal of the Governor-General, Earl Cornwallis, Bahadúr,— the Commander-in-Chief of the English army, and his confederacy with Nizám Alí Khán, and the Mahrattas. Also, the march of the confederates to attack on all sides, and root up the power of the Khodádád (the Kingdom of Mysore,) and the conquest of the Forts and Towns of the Balaghaut. Also, the Battles fought between the army of the Sultán and those of the confederates with other events of the year, 1206, Hijri.— A. D. 1791. p. 172
CHAPTER XV.
An account of the reduction to order and obedience of the Capital, and the merited punishment of the Traitor Kishn Rao, with the arrival of the Sultán there.— Also, the Invasion and ravage of the Mussulman Territory (Mysore) by the Moghuls and Mahrattas, with other events of the same year 1206, Hijri.— A. D. 1791. p. 191
CHAPTER XVI.
An account of the arrival of Sikundur Jah and Foulad Jung the son of Nizám Alí Khán with Mushír ul Moolk, and a large army from the vicinity of Pankul in the camp of the English Commander-in-Chief, and the defeat of the troops besieging Mudgiri by the eldest son of Tipú, Prince Futteh Hydur; also, the death of Hafiz Furíd uddín Khán, styled Moyud ud dowla who was slain in the vicinity of Gurum Koonda— the advance also, a second time of the Commander-in-Chief of the English army to Seringaputtun, the arrival of the Mahratta Chief with his army, and the conclusion of peace between the English and the Sultán according to the views or instructions of the two confederates (the Mahrattas and the Nizám), with other events of the year 1207, Hijri.— A. D. 1792. p. 209
CHAPTER XVII.
An account of the march of the Sultán’s troops to punish the refractory Poligars of the frontier, and of the internal regulation of the kingdom and departments, which had fallen into disorder and decay; also, the rebuilding or reconstruction of the Fort of Seringaputtun, events of the year 1207, Hijri.— A. D. 1792. p. 222
CHAPTER XVIII.
An account of the return of the Illustrious Embassadors (the Sultán’s sons) in the year 1208, Hijri, and the naming of the Kutcheries, or Brigades of Infantry, after the great and glorious names;— also, the distinction and honours conferred on the Sultán’s Amírs, by the title of Mír Mírán. The preparation or formation of the throne of the kingdom, and the arrival of one of the Princes of Eeraun, or Persia, the cause of his coming being the enmity of the Amírs and Chief personages at his (Father’s) court.— An account also, of the marriage of the Sultán, and a detail of the events or occurrences in the kingdom, from the beginning of 1208, to the year 1212, Hijri.— A. D. 1793-1797. p. 236
CHAPTER XIX.
An account of the march of an Army under the command of General Harris, the Commander-in-Chief of the English Forces, agreeably to the orders of Lord Mornington, Bahadúr, and according to the advice of Aboul Kasim Khán Shusteri, and Mushír ul Moolk, (the Prime Minister of the Nizám of Hydurabád), to Seringaputtun, and the battles fought between the Sultán and the Sipah Sirdár, or General, before mentioned, the assault and capture of the Fort of Seringaputtun, the Martyrdom of the Protector of the World, the Sultán, and the fall of his Kingdom and Government, all of which events occurred in the year, 1213, Hijri.— A. D. 1798-9. p. 251
CHAPTER XX.
A description of the amiable personal qualities, the disposition, manners and usages of that ornament of the throne of silence, (death) Tipú Sultán. These, notwithstanding from the abundance of evidence and proof they require no detail, or amplification, still agreeably to custom, a concise account of them is here given. p. 280
CONCLUSION OF THE WORK p. 288
 
THE
 
HISTORY OF THE REIGN
 
OF
 
TIPÚ SULTÁN,
 
BEING A CONTINUATION
 
OF
 
THE NESHANI HYDURI;
 
WRITTEN BY
 
MIR HUSSEIN ALI KHAN KIRMANI.
 
TRANSLATED
 
FROM AN ORIGINAL PERSIAN MANUSCRIPT,
 
IN THE LIBRARY OF
 
HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY,
 
BY
 
COLONEL W. MILES,
 
OF THE HON. EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SERVICE.
 
LONDON:
 
PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND
 
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
 
SOLD BY
 
Wm. H. Allen & Co. Leadenhall Street;
 
B. Duprat, Paris.
 
M.DCCC.LXIV.
 
DEDICATED
 
BY PERMISSION
 
TO
 
HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY
 
THE QUEEN
 
 
PREFACE.

IN presenting this translation of the History of Tipú Sultán to the public, it may be proper to observe, that I do not consider myself responsible for any details contained in the work.

It will be seen that I have followed the rules I proposed to myself in the translation of the History of Hydur Alí— first, in the liberties I have considered it necessary to take with the language of the original, as to the construction of the sentences, &c. and secondly, in allowing the native historian to tell his tale without the comment of conflicting authorities, or a reference to the statements of persons, not so likely as himself to be well acquainted with the facts.

It will be evident to any one who reads this book, that although Tipú was an able man, and a brave soldier, still, that he was much inferior to his father in the characteristic qualities of a great man.

Unlike his father, he was a bigoted Mussulman, and like most of that class unprincipled and quite unscrupulous as to the means he employed to attain his ends in the propagation of his religion— with these bad qualities, his dark, suspicious, faithless character alienated those who were at first his most attached friends; and at the time Seringaputtun was taken, he appears to have had scarcely one left.

The story that he was betrayed by Mír Sádik, his Dewán, to the English, or perhaps to some of the other confederated powers besieging Seringaputtun, does not appear improbable, although unsupported by any evidence; but, as he was a great tyrant, there can be no doubt that his ministers were glad to get rid of him on any terms.

Tipú’s character, cannot be better exemplified, than by the cases of Muhammad Alí, Commandant, and Gházi Khán Bede. These officers had been all their lives the most devoted and trust worthy of his father’s servants, and indeed his father owed his life to them on more than one occasion, as will be seen in his history. They had been also the chief instruments of his father’s elevation to the rank and power he attained, and moreover the chief means of his own accession to the throne of the Khodádád kingdom.

In return for all these meritorious services, he no sooner found himself secure in the possession of his father’s authority, than he put the first to death from jealousy, because he was too just and honourable a man for the service of such a tyrant; and both were executed under circumstances of great cruelty.

It is true, Muhammad Alí, Commandant, was a violent man, that he wanted sense and entirely misunderstood his new master’s character; but Gházi Khán Bede, to all appearance, was sacrificed to mere suspicion, and put out of the way only because the Sultán chose to listen to his enemies, or because he coveted the possession of his wealth.

But our sympathy is peculiarly enlisted on the part of the gallant Muhammad Alí, Commandant, when we learn from this work, that he was sacrificed to his honourable zeal in resisting the infraction of the terms of a capitulation, he, as the agent of the Sultán, had negotiated with General Mathews, at Nuggur. It is well known that the whole of the terms of that capitulation were shamefully violated by Tipú, and the unfortunate prisoners treated with the utmost brutality;— and lastly, that General Mathews, his brother, and many officers, and soldiers were poisoned and privately murdered in prison by his orders.

It may be objected by some, that Muhammad Alí did not resist the infraction of the capitulation in their cases;— from the man’s character, however, I have no doubt but that he did, though of course ineffectually; and I think this opinion is corroborated by the charge made against him by the Sultán, “that he was in communication and in league with the English of Bombay, and about to seek their protection.”

By this, and other instances in these volumes, it will be seen, that Muhammadans seldom or ever keep faith with Idolators, (among whom they reckon Christians,) when they consider themselves sufficiently strong to break it with impunity. They consider, I believe erroneously, that they have the sanction of their religion for this diabolical principle, but it is clear that Hydur Alí, Tipú Sultán, the Afghan Prince at Kabul, Muhammad Akbur, indeed, the Mussulmans in general, in all periods, (with some rare exceptions) have acted in strict conformity to this most villanous rule.

In reference to the spelling of the Indian names and words in this work, I have to remark, that the system of Sir W. Jones is followed agreeably to the rules of the Royal Asiatic Society; as for instance, the name of the Sultán is written Tipú, instead of Tippoo, the old mode of writing his name, and indeed the pronunciation of the word by Europeans.

I have not, however followed the mode adopted by some Oriental scholars in other words, as the pronunciation of the Arabic language totally rejects the infringement of one of its most common rules, under the sign .

The word Nuggur, ought perhaps to be written Nugur, but I continue the old English mode of spelling this word, because it has been so written in all works I have seen, mentioning towns of that name.

In conclusion, I trust I may be permitted to assume to myself, the merit of having made my translation as concise as possible, without any considerable deviation from the text;— and, having done this, in humble imitation of the style of my author, I beg leave to express a hope, that when my readers find errors, or inelegancies, in the language of this work, they will cast the eye of indulgence over them, and correct them with the pen of liberality and forbearance.

 
CHAPTER I.

The accession of the mighty Prince, high in dignity, His Highness Tipú Sultán, to the throne of Mysore, and the advance of the armies under Generals Lang and Stuart towards Wandiwash, with other events of the year 1197, Hijri.— A. D. 1781-2.

WHEN the sun of the Nawáb Hydur’s prosperity and power, which had attained its utmost height, shewed a disposition to decline, and the bright star of the constellation of his Sovereignty fell from the zenith of grandeur to the depths of disease and death,a (in the original, affliction,) the Kháns, and the Pillars of the State, that is to say, Muhammad Alí, Commandant, Budruzzumán Khán, Maha Mirza Khán, Gházi Khán, abu Muhammad Mirdah, Purnia, Kishen Rao, &c., not relinquishing from their grasp the administration of the current business of the government; but, on the contrary, taking up the ground of loyalty and obedience, fulfilled the conditions of faith and gratitude, and continued on the same footing all the customary duties, usual during the life of the pardoned Nawáb, Hydur; and, at night, after the due discharge of the offices to the dead, the coffin containing the body was filled with essences and perfumes, and despatched, without the knowledge of any other persons, to Seringaputtun; and the servants who were acquainted with these transactions were seized, and confined separately, each without the knowledge of the others, that they might not be divulged.

It is proper to mention here, that at the time the Nawáb determined to attempt the conquest of the Carnatic Payanghaut, he also gave orders to form, or plant, the Lal Bágh, or Garden, to the southward of the town or suburb of Gunjam, on this side the river Kauverí, and also to build in that garden a Musjid, which, in the time of Tipú Sultán, was called Musjidi &xc1ksá.

In front of the Musjid also, a mausoleum, covered by a dome, was erected; to superintend the building of which a Darogha was specially appointed. At the period of Hydur’s death this mausoleum was finished, and his body was therein deposited.

To be concise, the well affected Kháns for the present appointed Kurím Sáhib, (the brother of Tipú) to the office of Dewán, as the Náíb of his father; and they conducted the government with such admirable policy, that not a particle of sedition or disturbance occurred, either in the civil administration of affairs, or in the army; and the officers and men of the army remained fully assured of the perfect health and safety of the Nawáb, and with the sanction of the Dewán, and to quiet and still the minds of the Foujdárs, and other officers of the State, their monthly pay, agreeably to the Hydurí regulations, was issued to all; and the same day, one thousand horse were detached to Nellore, and two thousand marched towards the English camp. Still, in the midst of all this rigid policy and secresy, the spring and spirit of the whole army, high and low, were changed, and depressed, as it were by inspiration, to the gloom and darkness of mourning; and, at times, involuntary sighs broke forth from the breasts of both officers and soldiers.

In the mean time, however, the attached and devoted Maha Mirza Khán was appointed and despatched with letters, containing an account of the death of Hydur, to the exalted presence of that offspring of prosperity and honour; the tree bearing the fruit of dignity and majesty, the conqueror of the world, Tipú Sultán, who at that time was enlightening the environs of Koimbetore and Palghaut by his presence, and in earnestly requesting him immediately to direct his steps towards the camp, they made use of every expression of solicitation and entreaty.

The Sultán on being acquainted with these events, notwithstanding he in private received assurances from the faithful Mirza, and had his mind set at ease by the oaths of the officers of the army, still, was much troubled and disturbed at the appointment of Kurím Sáhib to the high office of the Dewání; but when this auspicious intelligence reached the ears of his understanding,— verses. “Do not listen to any one, but put thy foot in the stirrup,”— “for success and victory are hastening to meet thee,”— “a hawk cares not for a sparrow,”— “do not fear thine enemies,”— “what injury can a lion receive from a lame fox.”— He did his faithful well wishers the honour to accede to their requests, and arrived at the camp by forced marches.

As soon as this glorious intelligence, diffusing joy, reached his hearty friends, the tongue of time sang the following verses:b “Come on, for the victorious ensigns of the King have arrived,”— “The cry of good news and victory has reached the sun and moon,”— “The resplendency of thy good fortune has thrown off the veil from the face of vic tory,”— “The perfectly just has arrived to redress the complaints of the oppressed,”— “The heavens gave promise of him to the people of the age,”— “The time is propitious, now the King has arrived.”

At once, therefore, the chiefs and officers of the government, with Kurím Sáhib, proceeded to meet and honour the arrival of Tipú Sultán, and were dignified by being admitted to do homage (kissing the ground) to that resource of the world; and after the customary demonstrations of mourning, at a fortunate hour,— verses. “Such as would bestow blessings on the propitious signs of heaven,”— “and make the drum of rejoicing resound to the skies,”— on a Saturday, in the commencement of the year 1197, Hijri,c he was seated on the throne of dignity and majesty, and the offerings of felicitation on his accession were presented.

As the throne of the Mysore kingdom, from the propitious steps of that sun of the meridian of kingly power and authority, had risen in height above the heavens, and as the state and its prosperity assumed the vernal splendour of youth; in order to reward the good services of his faithful servants, the conquering Sultán made royal presents to every one separately; and, having honoured them by increasing their rank and pay, he gave orders for the joyful celebration of his accession to the throne by the preparation of a feast and banquet.— verses. “The King arrayed the royal banquet,”— “for that is the genial spring and Paradise of master and servant,”— “The trees (flowers) of this garden are rubies, and the leaves, emeralds,”— “the sward or grass, glass; and the earth, amber.”— In that assembly, melodious poets and eloquent orators, from the clouds of their invention, showered the orient pearlsd of prose and verse on the head of the young king, and were liberally rewarded from the table of his bounty.

After the conclusion of the feast and banquet, the Sultán, placing his fortunate steps on the throne of the regulation of the affairs of his kingdom, issued Furmáns to all the commanders of forts, the farmers, and collectors of revenue in the kingdom; his object being to win the affections of the whole by his kindness and regard, and by holding out hopes of future advancement;— from policy, therefore, the authority every one before possessed was still continued to them on the same footing. About this time, the commander-in-chief of the French army despatched two thousand French troops, under the command of Count Dupleix,e to the presence; and, after the regulation of his affairs, and finding himself fully established, the Sultán, with his victorious army, marched to Kaveri Pauk, the environs of which, from the splendour of his standards, became the envy of the starry heavens. At the same time, the English army, under the command of Generals Stuart and Lang, advanced to oppose the army of the Sultán by the route of Choongal Peethf to Wandiwash.

At hearing this news, the lion-like Sultán marched with the whole of his army, by the route of Doshi,g to Amloor, to repel his enemies, and encamped at the distance of about five miles from Wandiwash; and the next day, having formed his right and left wings, and the main body (the reserve) of his army, in order of battle, and posting his artillery in front, he held himself in readiness for mortal contention. The English officers, although they with their troops were drawn out in battle array, still, seeing the order and discipline of the Sultán’s army, and the imposing appearance of the French battalions, did not think proper to engage that day, but remained formed on their own ground.

The day after that, orders were received from the Governor of Madras, recalling the English army; and the generals above mentioned, having destroyed the fort of Wandiwash, returned with their display and parade to Madras. The Sultán also marched from that place and encamped at Turvatoor. While at this place, the Sultán’s spies brought intelligence that Iyaz Khán, the adopted son of the late Nawáb, and who had been appointed by him to the government of the districts of Nuggur, Gorial Bunder (Mangalore), &c., the cup of his unworthiness being at this time filled to the brim, had followed the path of treachery and ingratitude, and with the greatest perfidy had delivered up the whole of the forts of that country (Malabar) to the English of the port of Bombay; and that unfortunate man, with a great quantity of gold, jewels, baggage, and followers, had embarked on board ship, and had taken his ill-starred route to Bombay, where he had arrived; that the English had seized the whole of that country; and that certain seditious people, (meaning the Zemindárs,) who had been waiting for an opportunity to rebel, had raised the head of pride from every hole and corner, exciting rebellion; as, for instance, Anchi Shamia, a Brahmun, who was at the head of the intelligence department at the capital, (Seringaputtun,) having united in heart and hand with the governor of the fort, planned and concerted to effect the destruction of his master’s house, and had excited a great disturbance; that Syud Muhammad Khán, the son-in-law of Abdul Hulím, the Afghan of Kirpa, also thinking this a good opportunity to prosecute his plans, assembled a force of horse and foot, and had made a treaty of friendship, confirmed by oaths, with the English of Mutchliputtun (Masulipatam), with a view to the conquest of the district of Kirpa, and was the cause of great alarm in that quarter.

 
CHAPTER II.

The march of the Sultán’s victorious ensigns to subdue his enemies and the recapture of Nuggur, Gorial Bundur (Mangalore), &c.— Also the defeat of a detachment of the Bombay army, by the bravery of the Ghazies (Mussulman soldiers), and the establishment of peace between the Sultán and the English government; also the death of that brave officer, Mahummud Alí (Commandant), in the same year, that is, A. Hijri, 1197.— A. D. 1782.

WHEN the treachery of Iyaz, the encroachment of the English in that Country (Malabar), and the rebellion of the Governor of the Fort of Seringaputtun, &c.,— reached the ears of the Sultán, he, making the defeat and expulsion of the rebels his chief object, despatched Budruzzumán Khán Bukhshi with seven thousand matchlock men; Sulábut Khán Bukshi, with six thousand Sillahdár horse; and Mír Gholám Alí, with ten thousand irregular infantry; all placed under the command of Mír Moinuddín, otherwise called Syud Sáhib, Sipahsalar, to defend and secure the country of the Payanghaut, while he himself with all the rest of his army and departments marched towards Nuggur.

When he had passed the Ghaut of Chungum, the brave Muhammad Alí, commandant, with his division of troops was sent to the capital to restore order, to remove the disaffected, and replace them with faithful and loyal servants; and Kumruddín Khán with the troops of the deceased Mír Sáhib, (Alí Ruza Khán) was also detached towards Kirpa, with discretional powers to oppose Syud Muhammad Khán, and the Sultán then marched by the route of Dewun Hulli, Mudgiri and the Souba Sura, and encamped in the environs of Chituldroog.

The Foujdár of that place, Dowlat Khán, to manifest his loyalty and obedience attended the Sultán with his dependants and was received with great favour and honoured with a dress of confirmation on his reappointment to the Foujdárí.

When the Sultán moved on and encamped under the Ghaut of Nuggur, Muhammad Alí, commandant, who had been despatched to the capital, proceeded thither by forced marches by the route of Bangalore, and encamped under the Karighat hill, on the bank of the river.— According however to the rule,— verse,—h “O wise man fear him who fears thee,”— “although thou mightest be able to conquer a hundred such in battle”— and after the fashion of wolf courtesy, began (following the path of intimacy) to shew great regard and friendship towards the rebel governor of the capital, and sent a message to him to the effect, that if permission were accorded, he would enter the Fort alone and sleep one night at his house, that he might have the pleasure of seeing his family and children, and that the next morning, according to the orders of the Sultán, he would proceed by the route of Koorg to the attack of Nuggur.

The Killadár lent a willing ear to the deceiving words of the commandant, and gave orders to the guards of the fort that he should be admitted; and he seeing all things favourable to his views and hopes, at night held his detachment in readiness, and crossing the river placed his men in ambush near the walls of the fort, and gave them orders that when he should enter the fort, and his Turee or trumpet sound the charge, they were immediately to enter and man the walls, bastions and gates. Accordingly he, accompanied by fifty brave and experienced men as a guard, immediately after entered the gate of the fort and sounded his trumpet, and having seized and bound the guard, posted his own men at the gate. In the meantime at the sound of the trumpet, the troops in ambush swiftly advanced from their concealment, and entered the fort and extended their guards and sentinels on all sides.

The brave commandant now quickly advanced to the houses of the Killadár, and his deputies, and to that of Anchi Shamia and his colleagues, and before they could open their eyes from the sleep of neglect and folly, they were dragged out of their beds and put in prison.— The next morning, with the sanction of the Sultán’s mother, some of the rebels were blown from a gun; the companions of Shamia impaled, and he himself loaded with irons and confined in an iron cage— a fit punishment for his villainy.

The office of governor of the capital was now transferred to Syud Muhammad Khán Mehdivi, a friend of the Sultán’s, and the defence of the city was entrusted to the care and responsibility of Assud Khán, Risaldár, a brave and very able man and who was also an old servant.— Muhammad Alí having effected this, immediately marched with his troops by long stages, taking with him the letters of the Sultán’s mother, and his report of the arrangements made at the capital, and arrived in camp at Nuggur, and detailed all the circumstances to the presence.

The Sultán was well pleased with his services and presented him with a gorget and a Khillat or dress of honor.

The next day the Sultán ordered the passage of the Ghaut; and his troops with the greatest gallantry quitting the roads of the mountain, where detachments of the English with guns and musketry were posted, ascended by a route on the opposite side in the rear of the enemy, and commenced firing on them.

The parties of the English before mentioned now to save themselves from being cut off, assembled in one place, and bravely fought their way into the fort.i— The brave and faithful troops of the Sultán now immediately surrounded the fort, raised batteries against it, and used their best endeavours to batter down its walls. It happened however one day during this period, that a stone which was thrown from a mortar into the fort, fell on a part of the wall, under which was a well full of water; and breaking down the wall filled up the well with its rubbish. From this cause a scarcity of water arose in the fort, and the want of water carried away the strength and constancy of the hearts of the garrison.

One night, therefore, near one thousand musketeers with two or three thousand pioneers and inhabitants of the place with brass and earthen vessels came forth from the fort, and taking as much water as they could bear away from a tank near the walls, carried it into the fort. The Sultán being informed of this, the next night stationed guns, musketry and rifle men on the mounds, or banks of the tank, and when on that night they came as before, rolling on like a dark cloud full of rain, the lightning and thunder of the guns and musketry, drowned some in the sea of their own blood, and some washing the hands of their presumption with the water of despair, and breaking the vessels of their good fortune with the stone of flight, sought the protection of the fort; but notwithstanding this extraordinary state of things, the thirsty garrison held out for two days; but at length the officer commanding in the fort, through the medium of the brave Muhammad Alí, proposed conditions of surrender, and gave up the fort to the servants of the Sultán, and was placed under the protection of his government,— thus by the aid of the Sultán’s good fortune, this fort was taken in eighteen days, and some person present on the occasion gave the date impromptu in the following words, k or 1197 Hijri.1

From this place the Sultán proceeded without delay towards Gorial Bunder (Mangalore), and on the road fell in with and surrounded a body of English troops, which under the command of Colonel Campbell, was advancing to the relief of Nuggur; with supplies of all kinds.

The horse of the Paigah being encouraged by the promise of free plunder, and the Kuzzaks and Silahdárs stimulated by the promise of one hundred rupees for every horse killed in action, were ordered to attack this force and destroy it. It happened that in the field, where this action was fought, there were two tanks, or ponds of water, at a distance of about a mile and a half from each other.

According to orders, therefore, the Risalas of musketeers and irregular foot (brave as lions), the rocketeers and artillery were posted on the road to these tanks, and they kept up a continual fire on their enemies.

The Kakur and Chapao horsem were sent to throw the enemy’s baggage and followers into confusion, while the Sultán with a select few and his body-guard, made desultory charges and attacks on the main body. The Colonel above mentioned, however, kept the ground with great constancy and valour until mid-day, when at length his ammunition failing, by degrees the order and courage of his force, which consisted of four thousand (native) infantry, twelve hundred Europeans and seven guns was broken, and a terrible shock and great disgrace fell on them and they were destroyed.

Hussein Alí Khán the Bukshi of the Paigah (or body guard), the brother of Assad Alí Khán, the chief of Bhikanpilly, at the commencement of the action had given up two guns to the English, and after losing most of his best men was obliged to retreat.

The Sultán being much grieved at this loss, told him, if he had any of the honour or courage of a gentleman left in him, to recover the guns. To retrieve his honour and character, therefore, he with seven hundred men lightly equipped, advanced and fought so energetically against the English, that he was the chief cause of their defeat and destruction:— at length having received eleven musket and bayonet wounds he left the field grievously wounded, but victorious.

But to return,— The Sultán having taken possession of all the warlike stores and equipment of the defeated army, presented to his own brave soldiers; armlets, gorgets and strings of pearls, and then without the least delay, marched on and at one assault took the Pettah, or suburb of the fort before mentioned (Mangalore), and directed the commencement of the siege and conquest of the fort: in a very short time, therefore, notwithstanding it was the depth of the monsoon, and that the rain fell in torrents, so that a man could not put his head out of his tent, or his feet on the ground: and that casts or models of animals might have been taken from the impressions of those dead lying in the mud; heavy batteries were thrown up, approaches pushed on, and a continual fire of guns, musketry and rockets maintained, and some vessels being seized, the passage to supplies by sea was blocked up. The besieged also, who were well known for their hardihood and constancy in braving the labours and hardships of war, crowded the walls and bastions of the fort and for three months defended themselves valiantly.n At last, however, from the length of the siege and the want of provisions, they were reduced to great distress, and they then sent a messenger to the presence to ask for quarter, and they were received under the protection of the Sultán.

Every one, therefore, according to his merits received a respectable command in his service, and the foreheads of their attachment were made resplendent by the symbols of faithful service. (From this it appears, that those who joined the Sultán were Hindoos.)— Mangalore, Hoonawar, &c., having been taken by the victorious Sultán, he determined to return to Mysore by the route of Koorg and Bul. It happened by a melancholy fatality, that in the course of this journey, the brave Muhammad Alí, commandant, for a trifling fault, and for shewing too much obstinacy and presumption threw away his life. The detail of this event is as follows, that a certain Kásim Alí,o governor of the fort of Nuggur, a servant of the late Nawáb, and who, during the government of Iyaz Khán, had charge of that fort, had colleagued with that traitor, and followed the path of perfidy and rebellion; and when the English troops arrived from Bombay, gave up the fort to them without resistance; he accepting the post of Lieutenant-governor:— When the fort however was recaptured, he, seeing the road of safety shut against him, sought the protection of the brave commandant before mentioned, and having taken from him assurances for the security of his life and property, took up his residence in his tent. The Sultán, therefore, one day inflamed with anger, sent for this Governor of the fort to the presence, and when he arrived addressed him to the following effect;— that the fort of Nuggur being full of provisions, the means of defence and a good garrison, how was it possible it should fall into the hands of the enemy? That allowing a mean, ungrateful slave had traitorously rebelled, he (Kásim) who was a man of good family and appointed to the charge of this strong fort, what did he do, that for only one day he did not perform his duty as governor, and try to resist and repel his enemies.

He in reply said that, although there were abundance of stores and provisions, still, the Náíkwars (Hindu chiefs apparently), and the chiefs of districts at the suggestion of the traitor, Iyaz, acted contrary to his, Kásim’s wishes; and having made a secret agreement with the enemy, without his knowledge, admitted them into the fort; that he, the Sultán’s slave, being without remedy, determined to proceed to the presence, but that his enemies prevented him. The Sultán then said to him,— “allowing the truth of what you state, why were you not prepared against the arts of the Náíkwars, or Náírs, and why did you not send intelligence of this to the presence; and besides, when you thought your best policy, present and future, lay in the surrender of the fort, why did you allow the money and property of the state to be gratuitously plundered by the enemy, and why did you not take as much care of it as you did of your own?” that in this matter he was undoubtedly an ungrateful faithless servant;— to conclude, the Sultán having established his guilt, by the advice of his council of state the delinquent was sentenced to be impaled. The next day Zein al Abidín the Bukhshi of the Kutcheri of regular infantry (the son of Assad Khán, Mehkurri; Foujdár of Kishingiri), received orders to put the sentence in effect, and other officers of horse and foot were attached to the Bukshi above mentioned to be present at its execution. The Bukshi, troops &c., having assembled at the place appointed, they sent for the prisoner who was under a guard of the commandants, when he himself accompanying the prisoner came to the place of execution and said, this man has claimed my protection,p you must forgive his offence, or you must first put me to death and then execute him.

The Bukshi and the rest of the officers reported this in detail to the presence, and the Sultán said we will spare the criminal this day for the sake of Muhammad Alí, but let him be placed under our own guards and this therefore was immediately done.

The Sultán now sent for Muhammad Alí in private, and repeated his determination to execute the prisoner, and told him that his opposition in such a measure tended to disturb and interrupt the operations of government, the regulation of the different departments of the state, and to do away with the example necessary to be shewn to others— that he, the Sultán, in punishing this man only acted as directed by the provisions of the divine law, in order that other governors of districts and towns of the kingdom, might in future avoid the commission of such crimes: but, that leaving that alone, punishment was indispensable in a newly established government; that the controul and regulation of the troops and country might be ensured, for that it was a saying of the wise “in order to confirm or establish your government you must give the sword no rest.”— But, notwithstanding the Sultán for two hours expostulated with him, and advised him not to oppose the execution of a convicted malefactor, still he, with his original obstinacy, which indeed belonged to his nature, and because his last day had arrived and the hand of death was striking the drum of his departure on his shoulders, paid no attention to the commands of the Sultán, but rose up and went away without asking leave,— verse— “advice makes no impression on crooked minds, or obstinate men”— “the branch of the stag’s head is not made green by the rain.”— The Sultán was much displeased at his disrespectful conduct, but, on account of former acquaintance and services, took no notice of his insolence, and remained silent that day. The next day the fire of the Sultán’s wrath flamed violently, and he again gave the same orders to the Bukhshees as before;— but when they took the prisoner to the place of execution, the idiot before mentioned from excess of folly or presumption, not knowing that (verse)— “to seek an opinion contrary to that of a king (tyrant), is to wash your hands in your own blood.” Arrived on an elephant and taking the prisoner from that fatal place, and mounting him on his elephant called out,— “any one who will join and support me let him follow us;”— two or three hundred musketeers of his own Risala therefore joined him, and altogether they took the road to Seringaputtun. As soon as this had taken place, certain persons who were his enemies, and who, during the whole of his life, had been seeking opportunities to effect his destruction, represented this circumstance to the Sultán, the reverse of what was intended, as that Muhammad Alí had rebelliously taken the criminal and was proceeding to the port of Cochin, and there was no doubt but from that place he would proceed to Bombay, and that in such circumstances to allow him to remain alive, was in fact to give up the whole of his kingdom and authority.

Hearing this story, the Sultán despatched horse and foot to trace his steps, while he himself, troubled and agitated, mounted his horse and followed them; and Syud Humíd, an officer from Arkat, a man of great stature, and strength, and of great abilities, was sent on in advance with Gházi Khán to compel him to return. These two officers, therefore, with a large body of troops pressed on and overtook and surrounded him on a hill, about four Kose from the encampment of the victorious army; and with soft words and threats brought him round to the right path.

As the foolish fugitive was now ashamed of his conduct, he dismounted from his elephant and stood alone, when the Sipahdár, or commander before mentioned, laid hold on his hands and he with the criminal doomed to death, and the soldiers who had followed them, were presented by him to the Sultán, who without any delay ordered Kásim to be impaled and the commandant to be heavily ironed and placed in a covered palankin and despatched to Seringaputtun.

The Sultán after this returned to his tent, and to punish the contumacy of the men who had followed the commandant, some were put to death, and some after having their hands and noses cut off were turned out of the camp. These poor men, who had been punished for their companionship with the prisoner in irons, followed him for two stages, crying out to him, “Oh thou vile incendiary, thou art the cause of our ruin; our hands and noses have been sacrificed to our senseless love of thee.”

When these cries reached the ears of the commandant, his feelings of honour and compassion were violently affected, but he repressed his agitation as best he could until night, and at midnight having performed his ablutionary duties he cut out his tongue, or rather drew it out by the root; and like a lamp at the approach of morning, died. Some say that he had a diamond ring on his finger, and that having taken out the diamond and rubbed it on a stone, he swallowed it and so died.q Some one found the date of his death in the following words The prop or pillar of the state is fallen, 1198 Hijri.

When the people of his escort the next morning found him dead in the palankin, they took him up and returned with him and his horses to the presence, and all the furniture and moveables of his house were one by one examined by the Sultán. Among the articles was a small box, locked, and on its being opened and examined, several letters from English officers were found, written and sent to him during the expedition to the Payanghaut to induce him to join them, and promising him in that event large Jageers, &c., which letters, although that faithful servant had answered by scornfully rejecting their offers, still, from his extreme simplicity he had neglected to tear up,— these, by accident passed under the angry inspection of the Sultán and when therefore the contents were explained, they became, or were made, the grounds of obloquy and reproach, and the suspicion which had been entertained of his disaffection and treachery was confirmed.

The Sultán, therefore, gave orders that the commandant’s corpse should be dragged outside the camp and there left, and his sons were made the Sultán’s slaves, and his Khadima or wife, was given as a wife to one of his (the Sultán’s) slaves, a worthy and excellent man, who kept her in respectability and honour to her death, and never addressed her by any other name than mother, and indeed treated her in every respect as if he had been her son.

The mother of the Sultán on hearing of these events, which arose entirely from misunderstanding, was much grieved, and cursed the hasty anger of her son, and sent for his, the commandant’s, widow who resided at Seringaputtun to live with her in the Hurum Sera, or Seraglio.

The deceased commandant, although a man of blood, and very intemperate, still, was universally known for his liberality and generous support of the poor, and monthly and yearly forty or fifty Fakírs, or religious mendicants, spread their carpets in his tents, and resided there, and often elephants, palankins and horses presented to him by the Nawáb, were given away by him in charity to these men to that extent, that the deceased Nawáb, knowing his liberality, frequently repurchased them from them, and when occasion required bestowed them again in presents on the commandant. The fame of his generosity to the poor extended so far, that whenever a party of these religious beggars assembled at the gate of the palace, calling out for charity, Hydur Alí was accustomed to send word to them to go to that low or vulgar fellow, (meaning the commandant), and he, pleased beyond measure at the compliment, gave up to them whatever he had of money, plate, utensils, clothes, &c.

After his death, when his property was examined, in his own chest, they found nothing but some old clothes, a religious mendicant’s cap, and a coat, or frock presented to him by Amin Sáhib a Mushaik’h of Arkat, who was his Moorshud, or spiritual guide, and forty cash or copper coins with the impression of an elephant upon them. But to return:— After these events, the Sultán having consigned the charge of the forts of that quarter to the most faithful and distinguished men among his servants; Budruzzumán Khán, who left the force of Syud Sáhib after the battle of Cuddalore,r which circumstance will be mentioned hereafter, was now summoned by the Sultán, and appointed to the Foujdári and government of the district of Nuggur, and the Sultán then marched towards Koorg, when at this period arrived Mr. Sadleir, Colonel Dallas &c., on the part of the governor of the port of Madras, in order to renew and confirm the relations of peace,s and, with expressions of friendship and regard, they presented rich dresses, and a profusion of gold and jewels, to the servants of the Sultán; and with well weighed words or explanations cleared away the dust of enmity from the mind of the Sultán: after therefore the preliminary arrangement of the conditions of peace, and amity, and the accomplishment of their objects, they with Abdul Wahab Khán, (who had been a prisoner in Seringaputtun), and certain European prisoners returned to Madras.

The governors of the forts and districts in the territories of each of the opposing nations were now recalled.

The Sultán’s mind being now set at ease by the establishment of peace, he determined to revisit his capital, and he therefore marched and encamped with all his retinue and army in the vicinity of the Bul district, and having named that fort Munzirabád, he gave it in charge to a brave officer as governor, and selected and appointed Zein al Abidín Mehdivi, who was a favourite servant, to the entire government of Koorg; and gave him strict orders to displace, imprison, and punish all the rebellious and seditious people of that district; and the capital of that Souba, which was before called Murkera, was named Zuffurabád.t The Sultán after this dismissed him, and about the conclusion of the year, at a fortunate hour entered his capital Seringaputtun. On this occasion the chiefs and nobility, such as the Sadaut and religious chiefs, according to custom, went out of the city to meet him, and had the honour to kiss the victorious stirrup, they being also received with distinguished marks of favour.

When the kingly throne became enlightened by the resplendent countenance of that sun of the firmament of victory, (the Sultán), he addressed himself seriously to the regulation of the country, his army and all the departments depending on his state, and revised and altered the rules and principles of the protection and defence of his kingdom after a new form;— for instance, in former days, that is in the time of the deceased Nawáb, the exercises and manœuvres of the regular troops were arranged and performed, and the word given according to the French system of military evolution or tactics,— but, now, the Sultán drawing the pen of examination or correction through that system, with the advice of Zein al Abidín Shustree, (the brother of Abúl Kasím Khán, Hydurabadi, who was also honoured with the title of Mír Alum Shusteri), he changed the military code of regulations and altered the technical terms or words of command, above mentioned, (the French), to words of the Persian and Turkish languages; and a separate treatise called Futtah al Mujáhidínu was written by Zein al Abidín and his system was confirmed. From the regular infantry, five thousand men being selected, they were named a Kushoon, and the officer commanding that body was called a Sipahdár. In each Kushoon were four Risaladárs or colonels of infantry, and one of cavalry, and under the orders of each Risaladár or colonel, were ten Jowkdárs or captains, and on that scale or proportion one hundred men being a Jowk, the chief of them was called a Jowkdár, every Jowk or company included two Sur Kheil, ten Jemadárs, and ten Duffadárs.— In the regiments of troop or regular horse,x which were formed and appointed after the manner of the Europeans, the Teepdár and Soubadár who, in the French and English languages are called major and adjutant, were called Youzdár and Nakíb. In distinction to the Nakíb of the Kushoon and Risala, he, who was called Yussakchi,y had his name changed to Shurbushurn. The officer commanding three or four Teeps, (regiments of cavalry), was called Mokubdár. In this mode he invented new terms in all departments, as will be succinctly mentioned hereafter.

The Shoostri before mentioned was now appointed to command the Kushoon of the deceased commandant, and after some time he was known to every body by the sobriquet or nick name, of “Chup gír Dumukz”— “shoulder, or carry arms.”

About this time the Bar or regular infantry, Kutcheri, was called the Jysh Kutcheri;a the troop or regular horse Kutcheri, the Uskeri Kutcheri; and the Bundeh, or Slave Kutcheri, was called the &xc1sad illáhi Kutcheri.

 
CHAPTER III.

An account of the operations of Mír Moinuddín, otherwise called Syud Sáhib, the Sipahsalar of the Sultán in the Payanghaut province, and a description of the battles fought between the Syud, the French, and the English troops, and his return to the presence; also, the conclusion of peace in the same year, that is to say, the year 1197 Hijri, or A. D. 1782.

WHEN the Sultán marched towards Nuggur, Syud Sáhib, with his own division of troops, was encamped on the Walpundul river, and while there, spies brought intelligence, that Colonel Lang with his force had proceeded suddenly by forced marches from Trichinopoly, with the intention of taking possession of Kurroor and Dindigul.

The moment the Syud received this information, he despatched Budruzzumán Khán, with all the musketeers and artillery in advance, to oppose him, while he himself followed after him with the rest of his troops. When, however, the above mentioned Khán had arrived at Turwur Palah, Osmán Khán Turín, the Governor of the fort of Kurroor, notwithstanding he had a very strong garrison, and abundance of warlike stores, resigning his courage and confidence, gave up the fort to the above mentioned Colonel, and he himself went and joined Roshan Khán and Sriput Rao, who had been appointed to reduce the rebellious Naimars. The Colonel, in the mean time, leaving a garrison in this fort, marched on and laid siege to the small fort of Arawa Koorchi, and was using his best endeavours to take it, when the Khán abovementioned arrived in his neighbourhood, and encamped on this side the Amravuti river.b The Colonel, as soon as he was aware of the arrival of the victorious army, left his batteries and encamped on the opposite bank of the said river. The next day, however, seeing the small number of the Sultán’s troops, he gave up the idea of attacking them, and recommenced the siege of the fort; repaired his batteries, and renewed his fire on the walls. The Khán, therefore, having consulted his Risaldárs, selected a certain Jowkdár, named Kumruddín, and his Jowk or company, completely armed, and appointed him Killadár, or Governor; and despatched him at night to the fort under the escort of the Risala of Himmut Khán Bukhturi, (the nephew of Payinda Khán,) and the Risala of Bubur Alí Beg, with orders to attack the enemy. As soon as these Risaldárs received their orders, they advanced with the greatest bravery, and attacking the advanced or outlying pickets of the British troops in flank, and dispersing them, they escorted the Jowkdár and his company to the fort, and then returned. The Colonel, the next morning, finding a reinforcement had reached the fort, in the greatest rage imaginable, ordered his artillery and musketeers to fire at a particular part of the fort, from the morning until mid-day; at which time, the wall on one face being levelled with the ground, his troops made an assault.

The garrison, notwithstanding they bravely exerted themselves to beat back the storming party, and for two or three hours handled their arms manfully; still, as the hand of death was striking the drum of their defeat and destruction behind them, they all lost their lives.

The English troops victorious, therefore, after taking possession of the fort, turned their faces towards the attack of the Khán’s camp; the Jowkdár, however, who has been before mentioned, having crept out by a water drain, escaped and joined that force. The Khán, now finding his troops unable to cope with, or oppose the English army, retired by a night march to the vicinity of Dharapoor.

Roshan Khán, however, and the before mentioned Rao, remained hovering round the English army, making Kuzzak, or desultory attacks, when Syud Sáhib arrived,c and after a period of five or six days, and the treachery of Osmán Khán Turín, the Killadár of Kurroor, being established, he was impaled. The troops were now formed to attack the English army, when a letter from Monsieur Bussy, the commander-in-chief of the French army, arrived, stating that the whole of the English army had advanced to the vicinity of Kuddalore, to give battle; and that the Khán, with his force, was to return, and after the defeat of their proud enemy, they would together proceed to make all necessary arrangements in the quarter in which he then was. Syud Sáhib, therefore, immediately on receipt of this letter, appointed his two Dustadárs, (colonels or generals of cavalry),d to remain behind, giving them strict orders that to the utmost of their ability, they should prevent the soldiers of the enemy from plundering the peasantry and inhabitants of that quarter; and he himself marched by the route of Tatingar Putti, to Totum Moosli, and there halted one day, when his spies brought him intelligence that a great quantity of stores and provisions belonging to the English army, were deposited in the fort of Kurtullum, and that it was guarded by a few foot soldiers only.

The Khán, therefore, accompanied by the Risalas of infantry alone, marched and commenced the siege of this fort:— it happened however that the site of the fort was surrounded by the running streams of the river Kauverí, and the irrigated fields near it were deep mud and covered with green crops. The garrison, which consisted of not more than twenty or thirty men, withstood gallantly the multitude of their assailants, and prevented their effecting an entrance, and indeed exerted themselves with such energy in the repulse of their enemies, that the Syud after attacking and fighting the whole day returned at night to his encampment, and appointed a number of Kuzzaks to watch the fort, for this reason, that the next morning he intended to attack with artillery and to carry ladders with him, and after taking the fort to put the English garrison to the sword, in revenge for the loss of his men slain in the fort of Arawa Koorchi.

The garrison, however, not thinking themselves safe, the same night taking what articles they could with them, and burning the rest, marched off to Trichinopoly, which was distant about five fursungs, or nearly eighteen miles. The Syud, therefore, now marched from that place and proceeded to Kuddalore by the route of Durwachul, or Wardachul, and the Khán before mentioned, with the artillery and Risalas, was despatched to the fort (of Kuddalore), to the aid of M. Bussy, while he himself (the Syud) with the remaining horse and foot marched towards Selimbur.e

But to return:— The English army under the command of General Stuart, by forced marches, arrived by the route of Pondicheri, and Bagore, and encamped on the river Koorth, on the western side of the fort of Kuddalore.

The French at this time kept five hundred men with twelve guns, equipped after the manner of the English, in readiness as an advanced picket,f and the Hyduri Risalas agreeably to the orders of the Khán, were posted on the right of the French and strengthened their position there by raising batteries for their support. After a period of three days the English General, during the night, took possession of a hill in front of these bodies of French and Mysorians, posted guns on it, and made all ready to open his fire, when very early next morning, the commander of a ship which had arrived from Madras, fired three shots at the fort, and the men in the batteries left them to see the shipg and what she was about to do;— at this period the fire of the guns from the hill suddenly opened one after another. The English regiments, (European), marched to attack those of the French, and the battalions of Sipahees also marched to attack Hydur’s Risalas, and had arrived very near;— In this situation of affairs the French being formed, retired towards the fort leaving their guns; and the Mysore Risalas, not having time to withdraw their guns, and not waiting until they received orders from their commanding officer, turned their faces towards the sea and took to flight.

A certain Bahadúr Khán Risaldár and Bubur Alí Beg, however, with the greatest gallantry and presence of mind, retired facing the enemy, taking with them the guns of their own Risalas, and brought them to the ditch or glacis of the fort, and there halted.

The English troops, therefore, took the batteries and remained conquerors. In these circumstances the commander-in-chief of the French troops assembled fifteen hundred Frenchmen, without artillery, and placed them under the command of Monsieur Dupleix and Colonel Ambeau, (perhaps Rochambeau) to repel the English:— As soon, therefore, as the French troops received their orders, they in excellent order, their arms carried and their line well formed, marched, and stepping out boldly entered the field of battle.

The English European troops, who amounted in all to three or four thousand men, with their ranks closed, by a sharp cannonade killed a great many of the French, but the French officers without flinching, advanced close to their enemies and poured into their ranks a most destructive fire, and for one Pher, or more than two hours, the battle raged unremittingly, for as soon as the brave fellows had done what they could with their fire, they rushed on and engaged hand to hand, and shoulder to shoulder with their bayonets. On both sides, therefore, such a furious struggle ensued, that at seeing it, the hearts of the clouds of heaven became water, and from the concussion of the fierce charges of these iron men the earth shook to its centre.

Time, that tyrant, hard hearted as he is, at seeing the killed in this hard fought battle, shed showers of tears, and Behrám (Mars), the blood drinker, from fear at the blood shed by these valorous men, fled to the fifth blue fortress of the skies, (the fifth heaven). For two hours, therefore, during this mortal strife, those present in the battle, saw and heard nothing but the smoke and thunder of the guns and musketry; but at length the English European troops lost all power to keep their ground, and they, therefore, retreated.

At this conjuncture, the Karnatic battalions, (the Madras native regiments)h formed up quickly from the right and left, and covered the backs of the European soldiersi with their own bodies, and gained the day, for they most gallantly drove the French before them. The French troops, therefore, of whom only five or six hundred remained, retreated and gained the fort. At this time one thousand Frenchmen, who in daring pride and intrepidity carried their heads to the skies, formed and advanced from the fort to repel their adversaries, when at this critical moment, the English troops retired to their ground of encampment, and the battle was left for the decision of the next day.

The French troops halted and bivouacked at about the distance of an arrow shot from the fort. After two or three days, during which the English were marking out or raising batteries, and the French were occupied in endeavours to frustrate their plans, a treaty of peace which had been made between the French and English governments in Europe, arrived;— the two armies, the French and English, now, therefore, became one, and all enmity and contention ceased. The officers of both armies met and ate, and drank wine with each other at the same table. At the same time, therefore, by the mediation of the French and with the consent of Muhammad Alí Khán, Suráj ud Dowla, a treaty of peace and friendship was established between the Sultán and the English.

But to return:— Budruzzumán Khán, and Syud Sáhib, having effected a junction, marched towards Turwadi, but after the conclusion of peace, with the permission of the Commander-in-chief of the French army, they proceeded onwards and encamped near Beelpoor. After halting there a month, they again marched and encamped on the river Walpundul, on account of the abundance of forage there to be obtained. One day however, while halting at this place, a storm suddenly arose at an unseasonable period, and fell with great violence on the Hyduri camp, and the river swelling at the same time carried away and destroyed the property of the merchants and poor people of the camp, and many men and women were carried by the force of the stream to the sea and drowned. Most also of the merchants and artizans of the camp were reduced to poverty— the camp, therefore, was immediately changed, and the troops marched and encamped to the northward of Arnce. At this place a Risaldár named Hurri Singh was assassinated by his own soldiers in some dispute regarding their pay, and from this place also Budruzzumán Khán proceeded to the presence.

During this period Muhammad Moraud, the civil governor of Rai Vellore, after having collected about sixty or seventy horse, and two or three hundred foot, made excursions on the country surrounding, to the distance of six or seven Kose (ten or eleven miles), and exacted supplies of provisions from the Hyduri and Sultáni districts, (those of Mysore) and extending the hand of devastation, frequently set fire to the houses and habitations of the poor inhabitants, and reduced them and the produce of their fields and gardens to ashes. It happened one day that he made a forced march by the route of Kiriatum, with the intention to attack the fort of Sautgurh, and at night having by great extertions climbed up one side of the mountain, to the top, arrived at the gate of the fort. It happened at that time that the wife of a foot soldier of the garrison, being about to cook her morning meal, was standing on the wall pouring out the water in which she had washed her rice, and seeing the ranks of the assailants advancing, set up cries of “they are come,”— “they are come,” and immediately threw the vessel containing the rice, on their heads. The sleeping garrison at this, awakening and springing up from their slothful slumbers, immediately seized their arms and with the bow, musket, rifle and rocket, steadily opposed the storming party, so effectually indeed, that the governor before mentioned being foiled, was obliged to take to flight, and arrived a fugitive at Belinjpoor;— but as there happened to be a picket or outpost of the troops of Shah Moraud Risaldár, (the military commandant of that quarter), stationed in a temple of the town, they immediately attacked him, and he was obliged to retire from thence also, but not until he had plundered the town and taken much spoil. He however halted for a short time in the river Belinjpoor,k when the Risaldár above mentioned, who was stationed near Amboor Gurh hearing the vollies of musketry immediately got his men ready, and following the footsteps of the officer before mentioned, (Muhammad Moraud), rapidly advanced, overtook and surrounded him in the bed of the river, and in one vigorous attack put the whole of his soldiers to the sword, taking all the property they had plundered to his own charge and keeping.

The unlucky Muhammad Moraud, therefore, with only fifteen or twenty horse, returned and entered his fort, (Rai Vellore).

At this time an order from the presence was issued directing that the country of the Payanghaut should be delivered up to the English, also detailing the terms of the treaty of peace, and recalling Syud Sáhib. In obedience to this Firmán, therefore, all the governors of forts, collectors of revenue, &c., of parts of that country, (the Payanghaut), were recalled, and some of the strong hill forts with the fortress of Alumpunah of the Souba of Arkat, which had been restored and repaired, were again dismantled and broken down, and the Syud with all his troops and followers having crossed the Ghaut of Chungum, arrived at Tripatoor, and from that by the route of Hoolidroog and Pungloor joined the Sultán; at this period the address and ability manifested by Mír Sadik in the intelligence department, during his official duties as Kotwal of Arkat, and of the army;— having well pleased the Sultán, he was at once raised to the dignity of Sáhib Dewán, (Prime Minister). At this period also, ambassadors arrived at the presence, with letters and presents of great value from the chiefs of Poona, and the Nizám of Hydurabád, containing congratulations on the Sultán’s accession to the throne, and (the former) requiring him to send the horse shoel tribute in arrears for two years, and these persons having discharged their commissions, they demanded the Chouth or fourth of his revenue.

At this demand, the world conquering Sultán, being exceedingly excited, addressed the embassador to the following effect;— “Do you not know that our deceased father, may his sins be forgiven, spent all the money laid up in his treasury, with the revenue of his kingdom for three years in the expedition or war of the Payanghaut,m and that by the advice, and at the instigation of your governments (the Mahrattas and Nizám) having exerted himself faithfully and nobly in conquering that country, he stepped from the throne of this world to that of the next?— that with all this exertion, you, notwithstanding your engagements, to assist him, gave him no aid whatever, as by your treaties you were bound to have done.

“Nevertheless, by the favour and blessing of the Almighty, and by the fortune of our victorious arms, in all this time we have not been compelled to seek the indulgence or favour of any one, little or great:— for the mighty and true giver of victory made us conquerors in every battle.— After the death also of Alí Hezrat (Hydur), the traitor Iyáz, the slave of our house, who had risen to great honour by the kingly benefits and favours he had received,— Verse,— “Too much kindness from a master is the enemy of a servant.”— “Excessive rain is as bad as lightning to the crops or harvest.”— From the impurity of his wicked disposition determined to destroy the foundations of the prosperity of his patron and master as quickly as he could, and his head being filled with the vapours of pride, from his possession of money, jewels, rank and dignity, he gave up all the towns, villages and forts in his charge to the English. Notwithstanding this, by the blessing of God, with very little labour that country has been all reconquered by us and the troops of the enemy destroyed. This is well known to the world at large. You will, therefore, tell your masters that at present we have no treasury (money), that we should pay the horse-shoe tribute, but that we have a number of guns and muskets inherited from our pardoned father (Hazrutí Marhoom) and they are ready at their service. However, after the settlement and regulation of this country, orders will be given to the treasurers of the Khodádád to send the customary amount payable to you.” After this address to the ambassadors, containing rules and instructions, for their guidance; from motives of policy and precaution, he despatched a certain Muhammad Osmán, a servant of the late Nawáb, a discreet person well acquainted with the forms of courtesy and the etiquette of society, to Poona, with money and valuables, and certain curiosities from the country of the English, plundered by his troops in the province of the Karnatic, merely as a lesson or warning.

 
CHAPTER IV.

The marriage of Boorhanuddín, the most worthy of the sons of Lalamean (who was the brother-in-law of the Sultán, and slain at the battle of Churkooli), with the daughter of Budruzzumán Khán, the Foujdár of Nuggur, and his appointment and Mission to conquer the Hill Fort of Nurgoonda— also the insubordinate conduct of the Chief of Punganoor, and the appointment of certain kushoons, or brigades, to punish and reduce him to subjection— also the repair of the Fort of Ruhmaun Gurh.— Occurrences of the year 1198, Hijri.— A.D. 1783.

AFTER the Sultán had arrived at his capital, and had completed his arrangements for the regulation of his army and kingdom, his enlightened mind determined on the celebration of the nuptials of Boorhanuddín Khán, and by the counsel and advice of his ministers and chief officers, he selected the lady of the Serai of nobility and virtue, the virgin daughter of Budruzzumán Khán, Nayut, Soubadár of the district of Nuggur— a man whose loyalty was well known to, and appreciated by the Sultán; and the Khán was therefore summoned from his government at Nuggur. When therefore the Khán arrived at the foot of the throne, he was honoured with princely gifts, and apprised of the views and intentions of the Sultán, and the Khán seeing opposition to his commands would involve his detriment and disgrace, and notwithstanding his wife and children were averse to the marriage, he determined to agree to the Sultán’s proposition. The officers consequently who had the charge of preparing the banquet, and on whom devolved the responsibility of the royal feasts, according to the orders received by them, arrayed the joyful banquet, and in a very short time by the performance of the established customs of felicitation and invitation, obtained the approbation of the Sultán; at that time the spies and newswriters on the banks of the Tungbhudra river, wrote to the Sultán, that most of the tributaries of the kingdom of Mysore were disaffected and ready to break out in open rebellion, and that they had put forth the hand of violence from the sleeve of rancour and infidelity, and that their cruelty and oppression had caused great misery, to the whole of the Sultán’s subjects; and not only that, but from the vice of their dispositions they intended ulterior mischief, as for instance, Kalia Desye, that is, the chief of Nurgoonda had opened the doors of fraud and treachery on the peasantry of the country, and the sighs and complaints of the poor and afflicted had ascended to the heavens— that he, day by day advanced his foot beyond the limit of his ability, and like the Punganoor Poligar, moved by the devil, had lighted up the fire of revolt and rebellion— that he had neglected to discharge the Paishkush or tribute due to the Sultán for two years, and had most insolently attacked the Fort of Sudum, a dependency of the Sirkar of Kurum Goonda, and had plundered the towns belonging to that fort;— that he had several times attacked the said fort, and had made many of the officers or dependents of the Sultán drink the cup of martyrdom,— also that the Poligar of Muddun Pulli had joined him heart and hand, and was also the cause of great tumult and disturbance.

At hearing this news, the fire of the Sultán’s wrath flamed high, and considering the safety and comfort of his subjects as inseparable from his honour and responsibility, he immediately dispatched Syud Ghuffar, the Sipahdár with his Kushoon or brigade to Nurgoonda, to ascertain the state of affairs there; the Sipahdár therefore marched, and having after many stages arrived there, soon obtained a perfect knowledge of the whole affair. It appeared certain that this man (the Chief of Nurgoonda) devoted to villany, was instigated and aided in his rebellion by Purusram the Chief of Mirch, whose son was betrothed to his daughter, and that being vain and conceited at this connexion, he had raised his head to the clouds and was possessed with the vain desire to be the ruler of the districts, lying between the rivers Kishna and Tungbhudra, and hearing of the arrival of the Sultán’s troops, from the natural malignity of his disposition took the path of ingratitude, and advanced to oppose them. The Sipahdár above mentioned on discovering his intention, and while he was selecting a secure position for his troops, wrote to the Sultán acquainting him with these circumstances.

Boorhanuddín, the Sipahsalar, therefore, with five thousand horse and three Kushoons, the Sipahdárs of which were Syud Humíd Shaíkh Oonsur, and Ahmud Beg, was appointed and marched to take the fort, and make the rebellious chief a prisoner,— Shaíkh Omr the Sipahdár, also with a Kushoon, two thousand irregular foot, (Ahshám) and six guns was appointed to root out the Poligars of Punganoor and Muddun Pulli.

When the said Shaíkh Omr marching by Pangloor, and Dewun Hulli, arrived near the mountainous district of Gywar, which lies to the eastward of Nundi Droog, and encamped there, he heard from some of the chief landholders and government guards of the roads and passes,p that among these mountains was one very high and on its summit a wide plain, that it possessed a fountain or reservoir of water, the depth of which could not be fathomed, by the line of science, that on this mountain was the foundation of walls built with stone, and that they appeared to have been in old time a fort, but long since in ruins— that if the walls were rebuilt, they would afford a strong defence and refuge to the Sultán’s troops, and that a force stationed here would undoubtedly ensure the obedience of the country in the neighbourhood. The Sipahdár, therefore, with some of his officers and those who made this statement went up the mountain, and examined the place and much admired it, and then wrote a description of the mountain, and the representations of the friendly people of that district to the presence. He then marched on, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Punganoor, and notwithstanding he strove to advise and guide the chief, he still rebelliously advanced to oppose him, and with twelve thousand foot occupied the posts on his route, ready for action. In consequence, in the neighbourhood of Rama Sumoodram, a town on his frontier, a very sanguinary battle was fought between the two parties. The troops of the Sultán, however, like lightning daily burned up the harvest of the infidel array, and with the bayonet, musket, and the keen sword, gashed the heads and breasts of their misguided opponents.

At length the brave Sipahdár in one attack with his sword cut down the commander of the enemy’s troops, and immediately separated his head from his body; and the infidels seeing this, lost the footing of stability and confidence, and turned their faces to flight, and they made the Hill Fort of Bhooi Koonda, which is surrounded by a dense and impe netrable forest, their place of refuge.

The Sultán’s troops having plundered and destroyed all in their way, and taking the fort of Rama Sumoodram at one assault, marched towards the said Koonda, and after the labours of five days that fort was also taken from the enemy, and the Sipahdár and his Kushoon obtained great honour, and having thus defeated the Infidels at all points they marched on. The Poligar of Punganoor whose name was Shunk’h Rayel or Rawul,q hearing of the defeat of his troops, and being in great trepidation, gave up the fort of Punganoor to his confidential servants, and sought refuge on the top of the mountain of Awul Pilly, four kose distant from the above town, and surrounded by a fearfully thick forest, where he collected together three or four thousand brave foot soldiers.

When the Sipahdár had defeated the Infidels he pursued them, and besieged the fort of Punganoor, occupying himself in opening trenches and approaches, and raising batteries, and in a very short time having battered down the walls by the fire from his guns took it, and then committing it to the charge of his own brave troops, he like a raging lion turned his face again to the field of battle, that is to the conquest of the Hill Fort before mentioned, but as this hill was surrounded by a frightful desart, and as the density of this forest was such, that no living creature could pass through the trees and bushes without the greatest difficulty and danger;— and, moreover, as the enemy had occupied the roads or paths on all sides, and had built towers from which they were ready to discharge their arrows and musketry, and make a vigorous defence; the Sipahdár during a month, and after the greatest labour and exertion, was unable to get even a glimpse of the cheek of the object of his desires (that is he made no progress), and on account of the insufficiency of his force, being without resource, he addressed a letter to the Presence and requested assistance. A Sipahdár of the name of Imám Khán with his Kushoon was therefore appointed to his aid. On the arrival there of the Khán above mentioned, both the Sipahdárs consulted, and under the guidance of some of the inhabitants of that part of the country, they entered the forest or jungul on two sides, and carried death and destruction on the enemy, and they being defeated and dispersed, the hill was surrounded; and after incredible exertions for seventy days, the fort was taken. The Poligar, however, with a number of his men previous to this, avoiding the conflict, had fled and sought refuge in the district of the Poligar of Chitore, and thereby escaped the vengeance of the Sultán’s troops. In about two or three months, the two forts of the fugitive Poligar and all his dependencies were taken, and committed to the charge of the able servants of the presence, and the two Sipahdárs having returned, and being admitted to an audience of the Sultán, all the plunder and the elephants and camels were passed in review under his own inspection; and the Sipahdárs were honoured by the receipt of royal presents and favours.

As the description of the mountain of Gywar had been previously received from the Sipahdár by the Sultán, he determined at this time to inspect the hill himself, and therefore with his body guard,r certain of his friends, and the infantry of the guard, he proceeded to Pungaloor, and a week after to the hill, and having examined it, as he was well pleased with its situation, the pioneers, able stone-masons, and builders, were appointed to raise the walls and buildings of a fort which was named Ruhmaun Gurh.

Returning from this place, he honoured Nundi Gurh with a visit, and named it Gurdoon Shukoh,s or the Terror of the World. The Sultán thence proceeded to Dewun Hulli, and as that town was the place of his birth,— verse.— “The earth of one’s own country is better than the throne of Solomon”— that distinguished town, therefore, was named Yousufabád, and a faithful servant was left in charge of the fort, and strict orders were given to him to repair the walls and buildings with stone and mortar, and thence by pleasant easy stages, in one month and fifteen days the Sultán returned to his capital.

It is proper to mention here, that, as the Poligar of Punganoor, by his evil fortune, according to the saying— verse.— “If thou contendest with thy Lord and Master,”— “wert thou the heavens thou wouldest be turned upside down,”— had been severely punished by the Sultán’s victorious troops, and was now wandering in the desert of disgrace and degradation, so in the same way the Poligar of Muddun Pulli not well considering his future prospects, followed the same path, and his territories were also added to those of the Sultán.

 
CHAPTER V.

An account of the conquest of the Mountain Fort of Nurgoonda by the brave exertions of Kumruddín Khán, and his return to the presence, with other events of the same year, A. D.— 1784.

As soon as Boorhanuddín, the Sipahsalar or commander-in-chief, had taken leave of the Sultán, he marched by Chituldroog and Sanoor, and joined Syud Ghuffar the Sipahdár in the vicinity of Dharwar, and having committed the charge of his right and left wings to his bravest officers, he encamped in the vicinity of the hill fort of Nurgoonda, and apprized the mountain chief of his arrival, to take possession of that fort, and also sent word to him by messengers that if he was desirous to preserve his country and property, he should immediately quit the fort, and deliver it over to a Killadár appointed by the Sultán, and then by manifestations of regret for his misconduct enlighten the forehead of his obedience, and by employing Boorhanuddín’s mediation, and every influence, and setting forth his loyalty, his districts and property might be restored to him— that otherwise he might be certain he would give his life gratuitously to the lower regions.t As he Kumruddín however received a scornful and bitter answer to this proposition, the fire of his pride and anger flamed violently, and he marched on and encamped on a river running south-west from the mountain, but at the distance of seven or eight miles, and issued orders to the faithful Sipahdárs, that is to Syud Humíd and Syud Ghuffar to advance, and they with great bravery moved on and enclosed the mountain in a circle, and the infantry like mountain lions ascended and commenced the attack of the fort on all sides, and by the fire of musketry and artillery battered down the walls.

The mountain chief was however a brave man, and his troops often sallied forth and attacked the batteries, and killed many of those defending them. As an example of their courage, one night finding an opportunity, a small but brave detachment of the garrison descended from the top of the mountain and attacked the pickets of the Sipahsalar’s army, stationed at the foot of the mountain, so vigorously, that they killed the Bukshi, Sulábut Khán, and two hundred horse. The gallant Sipahdárs, notwithstanding their increasing exertions to take this hill fort, still made no progress, and several assaults were made but without success. As this happened to be the period of the hot season, the want of water was felt to that degree, that water-carriers brought water from the river on which the army was encamped, on bullocks and camels to the batteries at the foot of the mountain; and on account of the distance, also, in time of need the men in the batteries could receive no succour from the army. Notwithstanding this, the experienced Sipahdárs and the officers of the Ahshám, or irregular infantry, exerted themselves in the most zealous and honourable manner, and carried on the batteries to the very foot of the walls. The chief or Poligar of the fort, therefore, being alarmed for the result, despatched an account of the critical situation of his affairs to the chief of Mirch, and to the Poona authorities, and requested their aid.

The Mirch chief accordingly sent five thousand horse to his assistance. As this body of horse, however, had encamped on a river, swelled by the rains, and were waiting for a force of ten thousand horse which had been despatched from Poona also to the aid of the chief of Nurgoonda, the Sipahsalar fearing the strength of so large a force of the enemy, wrote a detailed account of their movements to the Presence. The Sultán’s ambassadors who were stationed at Poona also made him acquainted with these circumstances. The Sultán, therefore, despatched orders to Kumruddín Khán, directing him to proceed with his force to the aid of the Sipahsalar Boorhanuddín to oppose the Mahratta horse, and to take the fort.

It is proper, however, here to mention that Muhammad Pír Zadah, the son-in-law of Hulím Khán, the chief of Kirpa, finding an opportunity, and having by the pledge of valuable jewels obtained a large sum of money, assembled a body of four or five hundred horse and two thousand foot, and having made an agreement with the English of Mutchli Bundur (Masulipatam), and taking with him a battalion and two guns from Koottoor, he determined on attempting the re-conquest of the districts of Kirpa, and the reduction of the castles and forts of that country.— He therefore advanced and placed a garrison in the fort of Kuhmam, and slaying and plundering proceeded to Budweil. A party of infantry belonging to the Sultán were stationed in that fort, but they having been made favourable by bribery, with their permission or connivance he was allowed to send a party of his own men into the fort, and then he marched on to Kirpa. At this time Kumruddín Khán, by the orders of the Sultán arrived in that neighbourhood, and in consequence in the vicinity of Phul Mamra, a severe battle was fought between the two parties which continued vigorously contested from the morning to midday, and the brave men on both sides exerted themselves with the utmost gallantry. At length the Khán, Kumruddín, determined to deceive and circumvent his enemies; and of a sudden retired with his troops from before them and concealed himself in a wood, in front of which was a tank full of water and a small hill in the midst of the tank, and here he remained looking out for opportunities. The Syud before mentioned, therefore, giving himself great credit for the victory he had achieved, halted and encamped on the same spot of ground, and the English officer commanding the battalion, also discharging all apprehensions of his enemies from his mind, and flattering himself they had no power to oppose his attack and that they had fled, encamped in the rear of the Syud’s force. When, therefore, two or three hours after this period, the Syud’s cavalry unarmed mounted their horses without saddles, and took them to the tank to water them, and were each occupied with his own business; of a sudden, the Kuzzaks of the brave Khán (Kumruddín) taking advantage of this favourable opportunity, charged them and gashed their breasts with their swords and spears, and they, therefore, fled towards their encampment and gave their troops warning of the Khán’s arrival, but the horse of the Khán followed so close on their heels that the whole of the force was trodden under the hoofs of his cavalry, so that not a single man of them remained alive, except the Syud and the English officer, who with a thousand difficulties, escaped with their lives from this place of slaughter. The victorious Khán now took possession of the forts of Budweil and Khummum, and having settled the affairs of that quarter in the best manner possible, he remained with his troops and artillery ready to chastise his enemies when the Sultan’s order arrived. The moment, therefore, this was received, he marched with his troops and with four thousand horse, forded the river Kishna, and in one night attack on the Mahratta horse, who were just ready to cross over, drowned them in a sea of their own blood, taking many of them prisoners. He then victorious marched towards the fort of Nurgoonda, when he pitched his tents between the mountain and the encampment of Boorhanuddín, and a Sipahdár named Shaíkh Imám, one of his own officers, was sent to the assistance of the Sultán’s faithful servants. When the chief of the mountain heard of the arrival of this force with its distinguished commander, and the defeat of the Mahrattas, the loins of his courage were broken, and as most of the bravest infidels had been killed or wounded he was unable to oppose further effectual resistance to the army of Islám, and therefore weaning his heart from the desire of possessing wealth and dominion, and fearing for his life, after a week’s delay he despatched a message of peace and an offer to surrender the fort to the Khán before mentioned.— He therefore apprized Boorhanuddín of this message and having obtained his concurrence, they in concert the next day despatched a Kowl Nama, or the conditions of agreement, by the hands of Syud Humíd and Mirza Hydur Alí Beg, Risaldár, to the chief of the mountain and he was brought down from the fort, and immediately with his family and children placed in confinement, and under the guard of the Kushoons of the Mirza and Ahmed Beg sent to the presence. Some however say that the daughter of the Poligar, who was one of the most beautiful women of her time, after she was honoured by reception into the Mussulman faith and the performance of the marriage ceremony was received into the Hurum of the Sultán. In short after the hill and fort were taken, the Talooka was committed to the charge of an Amír, a faithful servant of the Sirkar.

The Sipahsalar Boorhanuddín although he openly appeared united and friendly with the Khán, still in secret entertained great enmity and hatred towards him, and used all kinds of arts in effecting the overthrow of his rank and dignity, and first because he had with his own troops defeated a large body of Mahrattas;— and next because the fort of Nurgoonda had surrendered after his arrival;— while he the Sipahsalar with all his exertions in six or seven months had done nothing. For these reasons he determined to accuse him of a violation or defection of his duty to his sovereign, and thereby make a display and merit of his own loyalty and zeal, and he therefore addressed a letter to the Sultán, stating that Kumruddín Khán, was a disaffected person, and that it appeared that he through the medium of Mullik Esau Khán, alias Esau Mean Mehdivi, who was his secretary and counsellor, secretly maintained a correspondence with the Nizám of Hydurabád and Mushír ool Moolk Sohrab Jung— that besides this he was openly building a very large house in the Chudder Ghaut of Hydurabád, and that it was most likely he in a short time would abandon the service of the Sultán.

The Sultán without discriminating between friend and foe, as soon as the letter above mentioned arrived, recalled the Khán with his secretary and troops to the presence. This foolish man (the Khán) however did not like to bring his secretary to the Sultán, because during the period of his Dewání or agency he had done many unworthy acts, and had greatly oppressed and plundered the poor, so much so indeed that the whole of the peasantry weeping and wailing had fled to other countries from his exactions and cruelty, for he had taken all affairs of revenue or government under his own direction, and decided on them without asking the consent or pleasure of his master. Of this the Sultán was aware. When therefore the Khán proceeded to the presence, he being afraid that some misfortune might befal him in the event of an investigation into his conduct,— conceiving that all had been done by him from pure zeal for his (the Khán’s) service,— he presented him a gift of a lakh of rupees, and without the knowledge of any one sent him off by night to Hydurabád, while he with his troops marched and joined the Sultán. When however after his arrival the Sultán called for the Dewán, the Khán answered that he had taken leave to bring up his family and dependants from Hydurabád.

This answer confirmed the bad opinion the Sultan previously entertained and the brave Khán was placed in confinement, and his troops incorporated with the Sultán’s army.

 
CHAPTER VI.

The rebellion of the people of the district of Koorg, and the march of the victorious standards of the Sultán to punish the insubordinate inhabitants of that quarter, and the capture there of eighty thousand men and women, with other occurrences of that year, 1198, Hijri.— A. D. 1783.

WHEN Zein ool Abidín Khán, Mehdivi, the Foujdár of Koorg, from his intimacy with the Sultán, and the confidence he reposed in him was placed in uncontrolled authority there, he filled all parts of the kingdom with rebellion, and regulated the affairs of the government according merely to his caprice and folly;— insomuch that from the inherent vices of his disposition, he extended the hand of lust to the women of the peasantry, and compelled the handsomest among them to submit to his will and pleasure. In consequence of this tyrannical conduct, the whole of the people of Koorg advanced into the field of enmity and defiance, and every one in his own district prepared for battle, and Momuti Náír and Runga Náír, the ministers of the Poligar of that place, who eagerly looked out for such an opportunity to attack the Sultán’s troops, assembled all their retainers and peasantry, surrounded and besieged Zufurabád, plundered all the country in its vicinity, and had reduced the besieged to such extremities, that even during the light of day they were afraid to quit the walls of the fort. In addition to these misfortunes, they had neglected to provide themselves with a sufficient stock of provisions and ammunition. The Khán, who was the source and origin of these troubles, at these occurrences began to be ashamed of himself, he being shut up with the rest; however, by disguising a Jasoos, or spy, he despatched him to the presence, with an account of what had occurred and the insolence of the besiegers.

When the Jasoos had delivered the letter, and and had detailed the situation of affairs, the Sultán determined himself to punish the people of Koorg, who had frequently before rebelled against his government, and had blocked up the path of duty and obedience with the thorns and stakes of sedition and rebellion, and had also given the troops of the Sultán unceasing trouble.

He therefore issued orders to the quarter master general, to proceed with the Tiger standard and the blue Pavilion, and pitch them in the vicinity of Sultán Peeth, a town lately built at the distance of one fursung and a half west from the capital, and Zein ul Abidín Shoostri, Sipahdár with his Kushoon and abundance of stores, and two thousand Ahshám or irregular foot was sent in advance as a warning to the rebels. The Sultán giving him orders to proceed without delay, by forced marches to the fort of Zufurabád, and give the rebels such a lesson as would in some measure restore the peace of the country until the arrival of the royal army, and likewise to inform the inexperienced Foujdár there of the speedy arrival of the Sultán, and to give him every assurance of succour and support.

The Sipahdár above mentioned, who was a notorious coward, although, according to the Sultán’s orders he marched on quickly, and arrived at the gate of the Ghaut; still, as the rebels, as soon as they became aware of his arrival attacked him on all sides with their arrows and muskets, they soon dissipated his senses and manhood. He, therefore, being a person who had never before seen fighting, but had spent his life in religious studies, lost all confidence, and retired under the protection of the Kotul or pass of Sudapoor; and there fortified his encampment, and notwithstanding all the Risaldárs and Sipahdárs accompanying him, men who had been trained to war under the instruction of the brave commandant, Muhammad Alí, could say, in prompting and urging him to move on, still the Sipahdár, struck with fear, made the ague and fever and a pain in the stomach his excuse, and refused to move forward a step. “Truly,— how can the hard duties of soldiers be expected from luxurious and effeminate men:”— when these circumstances became known to the Sultán, he bestowed a few maledictions on his worthless officer, and after making his arrangements and paying his troops all which took up a fortnight, the dispenser of justice with twenty thousand regular infantry, twelve thousand irregular foot, ten thousand good horse, and twenty-two guns on the fifteenth of the month of Zi-huj, with all the pomp and circumstance of war marched towards that quarter.

After the Sultán had arrived and encamped near the stockade, or bound hedge of the Koorg district, leaving all his horse at the Ghaut of Sudapoor, Puria Puttun, and Munzurabád; he with his irregular foot, Kushoons and artillery, crossing the Ghaut, threw himself like a raging lion into the midst of that frightful forest, the Koorg country.— Verses,— “What can I say of this wonderful wilderness.”— “The pen trembles at its mention alone.” Its bamboo brakes intricate as the woolly curls of an Abyssinian:— the roads or paths as confused as the lines of the galaxy.u The high and low lands of that country unequal as the souls of the generous and miserly. The hills and valleys impassable. The low grounds covered with rice crops as high as the waist. The elephant of fancy is here immersed in its quagmires to the breast. The boughs of many kinds of trees such as the teak, the tall sandal, the white gum and the ood, (a sweet smelling wood) reach with their highest branches the Palm tree of Toba, (in Paradise), and the tendrils of the black pepper vine spread the net of deceit over all other shrubs and trees. The fields of Kakila, that is to say, cardamums, like fields of wheat and barley blooming over hill and dale,— cinnamon trees, also, like the light and clouds of the heavens distilling life and vigour over all the herbs of the field— and the fruits of the gardens, such as falsa, (a berry used in making sherbet) citrons, the custard apple, the Burheil, and jamoo, (a kind of plum) the plantain, are the dispensers of honey and sugar, to the bitter palates of the unfortunate. The rivers in that country like the eyes of the sorrowful, always overflowing. The tanks and reservoirs on the roads like the eyes of the forsaken, full day and night. The bride of the verdant earth drowned in the dew of modesty, veils herself from the eyes of the sun in the dark shades of the forest;— parterres of the buds, or flowerets, of the Mehdí, Velvet, and hundred-leaved, roses, always blossoming, like wanton girls, take off their modest veils to shew their beauties. Wild elephants resembling mountains, both male and female, like troops of buffaloes wander about at their perfect freedom, and the young elephants like young Abyssinians making chowkans (a kind of cricket bat) of their trunks play at ball.x

Most of the towns and villages of that country are placed under hills, or are concealed among the trees;— they are surrounded by strong walls, in which many apartments and houses are built, and also in the enclosed space, and they are secured by a deep ditch dug all round,— this is to protect their houses, for in the dark nights the elephants frequently make an attack on their villages and plunder and destroy them;— this, therefore, preserves the inhabitants and their property in safety. The men are mostly of a brown complexion, or the colour of wheat, but some are black— they are tall in stature; their clothing consist in a very dirty shirt, double, reaching from the neck to the ancles, and until this shirt is worn to rags, they never think of changing it:— they use a handkerchief, black or white, tied round their loins, and wear a leathern cap on their heads. The soldiers, however, never stir out of their houses or towns without a matchlock with the match lighted in their hands, and a broad knife which they call kurkutti, fastened round their waists. The women are beautiful, and in bloom and delicacy, the envy of the beauties of China and Choghul, and in elegance of form and gait, silvery complexions, and loveliness of feature, they rival the maids of Turkistán and Persia. In that wild country, which is however, beautiful as the garden of Paradise, they move about gracefully as the divine Hooris,— they, however, are very ill and indelicately clothed,— one cloth about ten or twelve feet long, is wound round them, reaching from the navel to the knee, and a white handkerchief about three feet square is thrown on their tender breasts, the treasury of love. This dress destroys the effect of their beauty. The men of this country are cold, and passionless, in regard to women; but the women on the contrary are eager and ardent in their intercourse with men. Historians of old relate that formerly in the neighbourhood of Akrubnar, (Nar, or rather Nady in the language of that country, signifying a town), it was a foolish custom, but one considered in their pagan religion both proper and meritorious, that if there happened to be four brothers in one house, one only of them married, and the others cohabited with the woman so married by turns, one every night, and some even say, that all four remained with her every night,z— the offspring of these marriages were divided among the brethren.

When, however, the deceased Nawáb (Hydur) conquered this country, he abolished this abominable custom, and seizing many of the women, he gave them to his own soldiers.

But to return,— a description of the cold here makes the pen before it begins to write, stiff, as if it were plunged into the frozen sea,— and the tongue of truth at describing the temperature is with fear and astonishment congealed like ice, notwithstanding it is covered with the posteen of the lips,a what can it say therefore. The sun with all its heat fearing the influence of the cold, every day covers his head with a counterpane of clouds and hurries away-from this country:b— the fast travelling moon also every night from a similar fear hides her face in the blue veil of the heavens. This, however which has been written, is the description of the summer. God protect us from the winter and rainy seasons,— for during six months in the year, the clouds of Azur (the ninth month,) pour their showers over the whole of that country, and the earth like the eyes of the oppressed, is filled with water, and from the evening, until two hours of the day have arisen, (seven or eight o’clock in the morning), the vapours of the falling dew, like the sighs of the afflicted, cover hill and dale, and many straight well made active young men from the violence of the cold having lost the warmth or use of their limbs, sleep in their narrow huts like a bow with their feet and breasts doubled up together. For six months the labourers or cultivators of the soil of that country, covered from head to foot with an old cloth or blanket, work for nine or ten hours a day, but all this time they are subject to the bites of leeches which are produced from the roots of the trees by excessive rain, and remain among the leaves and branches, and these in number, like locusts thirsting for blood, rise and fix themselves on the bodies of men and cattle to their great injury, and never quit them until they are filled with their blood;— besides these, there are an infinite number of serpents of all kinds, and the most poisonous scorpions, and if these bite any living creature, its life quits the body so instantly, that even the Angel of Death is not prepared to receive it.

But to proceed:— when the pious Sultán entered that Jungulistán or country of forests, by the route of the Turkul Ghaut, he encamped on this side the gate of the stockade, called Mundul. The next day he gave orders to his two Sipahdárs with their Kushoons to assault the stockade gate, before which the infidels had dug a deep ditch and had built a wall on each flank, and from these with their arrows and matchlocks they completely blocked up the road:— they accordingly commenced the action, but on this day the infidels displayed the utmost intrepidity and not only repelled their assaults, but drove the two Kushoons before them and killed and wounded the greatest part.

The conquering Sultán however with his victorious troops by a route by which the wind and rain could scarcely penetrate, now with the rapidity of lightening fell upon the infidels, and despatched a great number of them to the infernal regions. On the other side, the French under Monsieur Lally and the Assud Ilahi Risalas or regiments of Chelahs,c made numbers of these Pagans food for the musket and bayonet;— on the other flank also, the infantry of the body guardd with the greatest intrepidity took up their enemies one by one on the points of their spears or bayonets and threw them head foremost into the depths of hell, and many of the infidels were made prisoners. Notwithstanding all this, they still stood firm and made many vigorous attacks on the Sultán’s army and dispersed them. At this time, therefore, the select of the body guard and certain of the Sipahdárs seeing the bravery of the enemy, assembled those who still remained, and determining by successive charges to make an impression, threw themselves at once on the enemy. In the twinkling of an eye, therefore, the bonds which kept together the infidels were broken and they lost their stability and firmness, and placed their feet in the desert of flight.

The soldiers of the Sultán’s army now, therefore, closely pursued them and troops of them were slain with the unpitying sword. When the Sultán had thus conquered his enemies, he advanced and encamped in the vicinity of Hulkulinar, and the Shoostri who has been before mentioned, when he saw the plain cleared of the enemy, to do away with the impression of his former misconduct made an attack on the village of Khooshalpoor and plundered and burned it, making prisoners of a great number of the infidels, with their wives and children;— he then returned to the presence. From this place now, agreeably to the Sultán’s orders, four Risalas, or regiments, with a large supply of stores and provisions, marched to the fort of Zuffurabád (Mudgiri), while the Sultán himself remained encamped where he was until the thirteenth of the month of Mohurrum il Huram. On the fifteenth of that month, A.H. 1199, the Sultán marched by several stages to the capital of Koorg, and encamped on the eastern side of the town, by the road, by which, according to the orders of the Sultán, the Amírs and Kháns had entered the jungles, and with hatchets and saws had daily cut away and burned the jungle to the distance of three miles, and in this way had cleared the country to the distance of seven or eight miles. In these operations the tenants of the jungles had been reduced to great extremities and in different battles also of the infidels two or three thousand men had been destroyed.

When, therefore, the chiefs of Koorg saw the signs of weakness and debility on the forehead of the condition of their men, and that they no longer had the power to oppose the army of Islám, they dispersed to all parts of the mountains and jungles, and sought refuge in the most difficult and inaccessible parts of the country.

The conquering Sultán now therefore appointed and despatched his Amírs and Kháns with large bodies of troops to punish these idolaters and reduce the whole of the country to subjection. As for instance, Monsieur Lally was sent for that purpose to the Ilaichee or Cardamum Ghauts, (the western Ghauts according to Colonel Marriott) and the Kushoon of the Shoostri with another was sent under the command of Hussein Alí Khan Bukhshi towards Akrubnar. The rest of the Sipahsirdárs that is to say Mír Mahmood, Imám Khán, &c. were despatched to the Thul Kauveri, and Khooshalpoora, and for two or three months, the Sultán remained encamped on the same ground. The Bukhshi before mentioned however by good management and exertion carried distress and confusion among the rebels of that quarter (Akrubnad), and in a short time attacked and destroyed many of their towns, returning with eight thousand men and women with their children prisoners. In the same way Monsieur Lally collected from the Ilaichee Mountains an immense crowd of these wild men, like a flock of sheep or a herd of bullocks, and returned with them to the presence. The Sultán after this moved forward and pitched his tents and standards on ground to the southward of the hill of Thul Kauveri, (the fountain or source of the River Kauveri, arising from the same hill) and despatched his troops in advance, giving them orders to pursue the rebels, that is to capture their chiefs.

The brave Sipahdárs in consequence advanced to the attack on all sides, and as they knew that to cut off these infidels, the seed of disobedience and rebellion, was the policy of the Sultán’s government, and likewise that most profitable to themselves, they with great labour and exertions captured and brought in troops upon troops of the rebels, and in the course of seven months and a few days eighty thousand, men, women and children were made prisoners. At length both the before mentioned chiefs were taken on the Ilaichee Mountains by the exertions of Monsieur Lally. The war, therefore, was now at an end and the rest of the disobedient being humbled, became enrolled among the faithful servants of the Sultán. The Sultán after making arrangements for the security of his conquests, and the erection of several wooden or stockaded forts (called in this country Lukkur Kote) being now free from all apprehension, returned victorious to his capital by the route of Sudapoor.

Of the two chiefs, one Mumoti Naír in a short time died,a and Runga Naír was honoured by being circumcised and made a Mussulman by the Sultán, and named Shaíkh Ahmud, and appointed a Risaldár.— The Sultán also adopted him as his son. Ballia Banoo the Queen of Kunianore (Cananore) who was of the Mapilu tribe, paid her respects to the Sultán while he was encamped at Thul Kauveri, and brought with her the tribute due for two years, with elephants, horses and other valuables as pre sents;— and she in return was dismissed with dresses of honour and other royal presents.

When the Sultán arrived at Seringaputtun, the prisoners taken in the country of Koorg, who had been all made Mussulmans and were styled Ahmudees, were formed into eight Risalas or regiments, and veteran officers were appointed to train and discipline them, and they with very little labour having instructed these wild men, soon made them perfect in their military exercises and movements. About this time the Sultán caused gorgets of gold, silver and jewels to be made, and they were presented to the officers of horse and foot, the Assud Ilahi and Ahmudi regiments, according to their different ranks, and the uniforms of these regiments being also made up of tiger cloth, (a new invention in weaving) they were clothed in it. The names of the twelve months and the cycle of sixty years were changed in contradistinction to the Arabian names, all which however shall be detailed, please God, on some future occasion. The names also of a number of forts were changed in the same manner;— as for instance;— Chitul Droog, was called Furrokh Yab Hissar; Gootti, Fyze Hissar; Bullari, Sumr Puttun; Punoogoondi, Fukhrabád; Pao Gurh, Khutmi Gurh;— The Souba Sura, Roostumabád;— but this being the old name was, therefore, merely renewed, or restored;— Nundi Gurh, Gardoon Shukoh; Dewun Hulli, Yousufabád; Pungalore, Darussurroor; Makri, Sawan Gurh. The fort of Bul, Munzurabád; Koorg, Zufurabád; Kalikote, Islamabád; Dindigul, Khalikabád; Sunkli Droog, Muzuffarabád; Kishingiri, Fulk il azum; Mysore, Nuzzurbár;— and in this manner in all matters new terms, or new inventions were introduced. About this time also, from the whole of the Sultán’s servants, six or seven thousand men of the Shaíkh and Syud tribes were selected and despatched to Koorg to re-people that district:— The air and water, however, not agreeing with them, some fell sick with the fever and ague, and after repeated applications to the presence were allowed to return;— but some with whom the climate agreed, remained there.

 
CHAPTER VII.

The invasion of Mysore by the Mahrattas and the chief of Hydurabád with the intention to subdue the territories of the Khodádád Kingdom, and the conquest by them of certain forts of that State in their neighbourhood, and the march of the victorious Sultán to repel his enemies by the route of Adhooni, and the conquest of that place in the year 1199 Hijri, with other matters, A. D. 1785.

WHEN the Ambassadors of the Sultán, who previous to this time had proceeded to Poona with presents and ten lakhs of rupees, in money, arrived there, and had visited the chief (the Paishwa) and the minister, Nana Furnavees and had made an offer of the foregoing presents and money, they refused to receive them and peremptorily rejected the whole.

The reply of the Sultán which has been before mentioned, “that he had inherited a few guns and muskets from his father and had always kept them in readiness,” remained fixed in the Paishwa’s heart like a thorn, and he, therefore, in these plans (the rejection of the presents, &c.) united in heart and hand with Nizám Alí Khán and despatched orders to all parts to collect his Amírs, or chief officers. Accordingly in a very short time all the Amírs of Poonah with their contingents of troops and warlike stores assembled, and Nizám alí Khán conformably to his agreement, with his chiefs such as Mushír ul Moolk, Syfe Jung, Teigh Jung, &c. and the whole of his army consisting of forty thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, marched from Hydurabád and by the route of Bidur proceeded towards Budami, the fort of which is the frontier station of the Sultán’s dominions in that direction.

The Mahrattas also with eighty thousand horse, forty thousand foot and fifty guns of heavy calibre and vast quantities of warlike stores, being all in readiness, marched and arrived at Budami. The Ambassadors of the Sultán therefore received their dismission, from that place, and the two Potentates (the Paishwa and Nizám) now met and having consulted together, determined to attack the forts of Mysore; and first gave orders to besiege the fort of Budami which was however held by a brave officer. The Amírs therefore of these Princes exerted themselves strenuously in the attack of the fort, and in raising batteries and battering down the walls, and also by continually repeated assaults,— but notwithstanding they lost thousands upon thousands of brave men in these operations, it was taken at last by capitulation only, after a siege of nine months. The confederates, however, after repairing the fort still remained there, in order to collect supplies and stores, despatching their Amírs to all quarters to reduce and take possession of other forts and towns, and accordingly the said Amírs with a large force marched and obtained possession of Dharwar and Jalihul, by a bribe of thirty thousand rupees. It is proper to mention here that the governor of these two forts was a certain Hydur Buksh, a Rafizi or Sheea, a man who had but a short time before been Khán Samán or house-steward to the Amír ul Omra, the son of Muhammad Alí Khán, Suráj ud Dowla;— and at first was a confidential servant, but at length having misapplied and stolen a large sum of the money of his master, and being consequently afraid of punishment, he deserted from him and sought refuge in the protection of the Sultán, and was appointed to the command of these forts,;— this man following the path of ingratitude gave them up for the amount specified, to the Sultán’s enemies;— while, he himself with his followers and property took the road to Poona. In the same way Gujindur Gurh, Nolegoonda, Nurgoonda, &c. indeed the whole of that side of the River Tungbhudra was surrendered to the enemy. The commanders of these forts being treacherous scoundrels, who seduced from their duty by the promise of increased rank and pay, and the payment of ready money in bribes, joined the enemy. The Poligars of that quarter as the chief of Sir Hutti, Dumul, Kunukgiri and Anigoonda, also joined and assisted the enemy. When the Sultán’s spies reported these circumstances to him, and his faithful Amírs, and chief officers, advised and entreated him to march to oppose his enemies, he immediately ordered the assembly of his army and the different departments, and on the sixth of the month of Shaban ul Muazum of this year, with a fine well disciplined army consisting of six Kushoons or brigades of regular infantry (a Kushoon is about two thousand men) three Mowkubs of horse, (the Mowkub is a regiment of regular cavalry of about four hundred horses and men according to Kirkpatrick)f ten thousand irregular foot, thirty thousand good horse and a park of twenty-two heavy guns, marched to Bungalore and ordered the attendance of the Poligars. The Moonshis or secretaries therefore quickly wrote out orders directing them to join immediately with their troops, provisions and stores, and promising to remit their tribute until the conclusion of the war (with the Mahrattas and the Nizám). The Poligars of the different countries, such as the chiefs of Rai Droog, Hurpun Hulli, and others despatched their contingents of troops to the presence according to custom, but the chiefs themselves pretending to be sick remained at home.

But to return,— after the conclusion of the festival of the Lílut ul Barátg, and the payment of the whole army, the Sultán marched by great Balapoor, Hindoopoor and Pao Gurh to the river Makri, where he halted two days, and leaving his heavy baggage and followers to the care of Purnia, the Mutsuddí, or clerk of the Toshuh Khána, the Sultán with his horse lightly equipped, by a forced march moved on to the vicinity of Hunoor where he encamped.— The next day he marched on to the town of Kubkul, two Kose east from Bullari, where he encamped part of one night, but moving on during the night; at day break the next morning his advanced guard suddenly appeared in front of the hill of Adhooni, and the Sultán and his cavalry halted and rested themselves at the village of Gulbayen. The governor of Adhooni, Mohábut Jung, (the son of Shuja ul Moolk Busálut Jung,) who was married to the daughter of Nizám Alí Khán, (the Subadár of the Deckan) had his family with him having been lately appointed to the government of that part of the country.

As soon, therefore, as he heard of the arrival of the victorious army, being greatly alarmed, he deputed his minister Assud Alí Khán to the presence, and in the meantime taking advantage of the opportunity, despatched the whole of his wealth with his women to the mountains. When the envoy presented himself to the Sultán he in the name of his master entreated the Sultán would desist from his purpose to injure or molest him. The Sultán replied, that in his heart he had entertained no enmity to his master, but, that as the Nawáb (the Nizám) without cause had manifested hostility towards him, and had joined the Brahmans (the Paishwa, &c.) and was seeking the overthrow and destruction of his state, he would soon see the difference between his (the Sultán’s) friendship and fidelity and their treachery and violation of treaties:— that, independent of this, they (the Nizám) had abandoned the ties of faith and religion, and had joined the ancient enemy of his house, and with a large army had invaded and taken possession of the territories of a Mussulman Sovereign, and had carried their enmity to that degree that Idolators had plundered and burned the Musjids or mosques and houses of Mussulmans and the poor people of the country, and had raised the flag of rapine and desolation in the territory of the Khodadád;— that it would be good policy, therefore, that they (the Sultán and Mohábut Jung) should strengthen the foundations of friendship and unite in repelling and doing away with those who were shaking the chain of hatred and enmity— (in the original an allusion to the chain of gold in front of Noushirwan’s palace, shaken by those who demanded justice) or that they should meet and consult in this matter, and if he Mohábut Khán chose, he might remain where he was, sending a body of his best troops under the command of his own officers to join and aid the Sultán’s forces. For that he (the Sultán) had bound up his loins in this religious war in order to establish Islamism on a firm basis, to obtain the favor of God, and ensure the peace and safety of God’s people. As the governor (Mohábut Khán) did not however agree to the Sultán’s propositions and failed in coming to present his respects to him, and also prepared to resist and defend himself, the Sultán to give him an example of what he could do and to frighten him, the morning after that day, gave orders to the Sipahdárs to attack the town, and they assaulted and took it, and swept it with the besom of destruction,— they did not however succeed in bringing the governor to the right path, and, therefore, on both sides the fire of war was kindled, and the soldiers of the victorious army and the chief of the ordnance department, turned their faces to the reduction of the fort, high as the heavens, and having encompassed it on all sides, raised batteries, dug their approaches and pushed on their attacks chiefly from the garden containing the tomb of Busálut Jung, and from the tank at the Tomul gate,— from thence they kept up a continual fire of cannon and mortars;— still, however, the Sultán’s compassionate heart never intended the conquest of this fort, but what he did was merely to awaken the solicitude of the chief of Hydurabád (the Nizám) for the honour of his relation and the safety of his daughter, shut up in the fort, and the siege of the fort was undertaken in the hope that by this means he might be induced to offer terms of accommodation, and desist from the ruin of the poor people of the country. Otherwise if the Sultán had seriously intended to take the fort he could have taken it with ease the first day, and also the governor with his women and wealth, as will be seen from the following statement;— for when, in the morning, the Sultán’s army attacked, and entered the city and penetrated, firing vollies to the gate of the fort, it was open for any one to enter, and when the inhabitants of the city, who fled to the fort from fear of losing their lives like so many crows or kites, were shouting, screaming and crowding to get to the gate, of the garrison not a single man was to be seen either on the bastions, or walls;— the fear of the lion-like Ghazies having seized on them. At seeing this, some of the Sultán’s friends and Amírs represented to him that this was the very time to take the fort; that he should not allow his enemies leisure to rub their eyes and awaken from their sleep of neglect, and, that if he would give orders they would take the fort, and bring Mohábut Khán willing or unwilling to the presence.

Roostum Jung, that is to say Monsieur Lally the French officer, also repeatedly submitted this to the Sultán. The Sultán, however, pretended indifference to the matter and said do not attempt it, on any account; please God to-day or to-morrow, or perhaps in a week, or at furthest a month, he Mohábut Khán will come out and surrender himself with his hands tied. The writer of these lines was present at this siege;— but to return,— after mid-day the besieged governor gave orders for the regulation and security of the fort, and, assembling his soldiers, amounting to near seven thousand men, horse and foot, took the duties or direction of the defence upon himself. Lal Khán and Saudullah Khán, Surkheíl of the Kaim Khanees, who had command of four hundred Jaunbazes, were stationed at the gates and kept themselves ready to repel the assaults of the victorious army, and each side laboured hard in all warlike arts to deceive the other. When the Nizám of Hydurabád heard of these occurrences he refused to eat or sleep, and the forced march of that lion of the forest of valour (Tipú Sultán) and the attack of Adhooni deprived him of his senses. Having therefore apprized the Paishwa of these circumstances, they held a consultation on the subject;— some of the more experienced and wise among them, said that seeing that the frontier fort Budami which was not very strong was taken by capitulation only, after the labours of two armies for nine months, during which the smoke of the guns and muskets had been sufficient to dry up the brains of those employed in the siege, and that in one year they had actually done nothing more;— what could be expected from their future operations? that since the troops of the Sultán in the absence of their master were not slack in fighting, what would they not do in his presence? that the best thing they could do, therefore, was to appoint a number of officers with troops to lay waste the country and that the two princes should return to their capitals. This advice of the Amírs being approved by the princes, and their policy highly applauded, the Nizám of Hydurabád on his part appointed Mushír ul Moolk, Syfe Jung and others with a large body of troops to the relief of Adhooni and the chief of Poona, (the Paishwa) appointed Yuswunt Rao Holkar, Purusram the chief of Mirch, Hurri Punt Phurkia, Rastia Mahratta and other Amírs, with all the horse, foot and artillery to the aid of the Amírs of Hydurabád and the devastation of the Sultán’s territories, and the two princes under pretence of ill health returned to their own capitals, that is to say Hydurabád and Poona.

The Sultán at hearing this intelligence was much encouraged and determined now to take the fort of Adhooni, and to punish the governor who had so contumaciously refused to listen to his suggestions or advice, and in consequence issued orders to his officers to breach the walls, and they occupied themselves in battering the defences and assaulting the fort, one month and twenty days.

The site of the fort, however, and the strength of the walls (which were built by Musaood Khán an Amír of the Adil Sháhi dynasty, as has been detailed in the author’s work, Tuzkirut il Beladwa il Ahkam, in the second Ourung) were of that description, that the dust was not shaken upon one of its dunghills by the fire of the guns, nor were the walls to be breached by cannon or mortars, the fire therefore was of no avail. After some parts of the walls, however, were in a slight degree injured by the fire of the guns, the lions of the forest of valour, according to the Sultán’s orders, made a vigorous assault on several sides; that is to say, Syud Sáhib and Kotabuddín Dowlut Zai, from the burying ground of Busálut Jung; Monsieur Lally and Imám Khán Sipahdár from the Tamool gate, and Hussein Khán, Boozai; and Muhammad Hulím from the hill of Huzar Zeena. These having planted ladders against the wall attempted to escalade the fort. The garrison who were famous for the obstinacy of their resistance, and for their hardy endurance of the labours and hardships of the siege, crowded round the works to oppose them and manfully repelled their assailants, and a great number of them fell by the sword: the cause being that the ladders which had been made according to the instructions of the Hurkurus, or spies, were found too short compared with the height of the walls, and the brave soldiers, although they abandoned the ladders and strove to mount the walls by driving in iron pegs or spikes, still failed, and that day were entirely unsuccessful, for the garrison with the sword, arrow and musket, effectually stopped their progress, and near two thousand brave soldiers lost their lives on that occasion. At the result of this assault the Sultán was much grieved, and several of the Hurkuras and spies were put to death.

For some days after this, therefore, the troops did nothing but light up the fire of war, and from morn till night the flames of contention blazed high, and again ladders were prepared long and strong, and they with iron pins and ropes were all in readiness, when Mushír ul Moolk and Syfe Jung, &c. accompanied by the Mahratta army, arrived to the succour of their fort. The Sultán on becoming aware of their arrival, not liking war on both flanks (or rather in his front and rear) abandoned his batteries, and changed his ground, encamping with his rear to the Black mountains, and there having stationed guards and pickets on all sides, remained in readiness for action. Two days after a severe action was fought between the outposts, or advanced parties, of the Sultán and the Mahrattas;— the cause being the folly and incapacity of Hydur Hussein, Bukshi Silahdár, who with a body of seven hundred horse belonging to Gházi Khán, Bede (an officer who never authorized any such movement), from conceit attacked a force of ten thousand Mahratta horse, but at length finding he could not resist this mighty force, he was obliged to retreat.

The brave Gházi Khán, however, with the same body (seven hundred horse), still kept his ground against the ten thousand, and for two hours displayed the utmost gallantry, but from apprehension of disgrace, he despatched the rash Bukhshi to the presence, in charge of his son Kudr Khán, and in the mean time, after distinguishing himself in the most heroic manner without aid or succour, and being wounded, he was obliged reluctantly to quit the field:— The Mahrattas, however, followed him and killed some of his party, and two or three hundred of his men with their horses were taken prisoners by them, and they then returned. Kudr Khán, however, with two hundred Janbazes, after escorting the Bukhshi to the camp, charged the enemy and recovered eighty horse of his own troop, and made prisoners of fifty of the enemy’s horse, and brought them to the presence. In the course of this action, Lumchur the Kuzzak, and Manna Chowdhuri, made a sudden Chuppao attack, and captured two elephants, eight camels, and fifty ponies, from the Moghuls of Hydurabád. The Sultán on hearing this, immediately beat to arms, and with all his troops marched rapidly, on their heels the fire of his artillery opening so suddenly that the outposts of the enemy fell back on their main bodies, and both their armies fell into great confusion, and sought refuge under cover of the city, and fort, and from that time never returned to the field of battle. The Sultán, therefore, remained until evening, with his troops formed in order of battle, expecting their advance; but, at length, leaving two Kushoons as pickets in front of the enemy, he returned to his ground of encampment.

The morning of the next day, Mushír ul Moolk and the others having consulted, after a great deal of contention, took the governor of Adhooni (he being persuaded to consent) with his property and family to the fort of Raichore— when the spies reported this to the presence, the Sultán immediately detached Mír Sadik with a body of troops to take possession of the fort and stores, while he himself followed the steps of the confederates to the river Tungbhudra, eight fursungs distant, and took some of their stragglers prisoners and some baggage which had been left behind; and then returned and encamped on the north side of the fort. The Mír before mentioned, having taken possession of the fort and the palace of Mohábut Khán, placed all the valuable property left by that chief with some boxes locked up with great care, on his camels and elephants, and sent them to the presence. When, however, the Mutsuddies (civil servants) of the Tosha Khána opened these boxes, they found nothing in them but old slippers and shoes (intended as a manifestation of contempt for the Sultán) they, therefore, surmised that perhaps the governor of the fort, among his other avocations exercised the profession of a churum doze or cobler, or that he had collected some tax (in kind) from the houses of the shoemakers; or, perhaps that he had collected them in the way of trade, to send them for sale to Hydurabád.

On the representation of these circumstances to the Sultán, he was much displeased at the stupidity and folly of the Mír, and ordered him to examine with his own eyes, all the property and articles of value, and select only such as were worthy, and send them to the Sultán, and to leave those belonging to the shoemakers or leather dressers where they were. The whole, therefore, of the wardrobe, the armoury and the tents, &c. of Busálut Jung, were taken and deposited in the stores of the Sultán. After the accomplishment of these measures, the lower fort was laid in ruins, and Kotub uddín Khán Dowlut Zai, was appointed to the charge of that Souba.

 
CHAPTER VIII.

The march of the victorious army to the discomfiture of the Mahrattas then plundering and laying waste the country on the other side the river Tungbhudra, and an account of the capture of Kunchun Gurh and Kupli or Kopli; the passage of the river by the victorious army, and the battles there fought with the Mahrattas in the same year, Hijri, 1199.

As soon as the Sultán was set free by the conquest of Adhooni, he having in view the chastisement of the Mahrattas, marched by the route of Kunchun Gurh, and despatched a party of horse in advance, to take prisoner the widow of the Poligar of that place;— the Poligar himself having died a short time previously. His wife, therefore, whose name was Tunguma, governed in his place; but at that time had taken her feet out of the circle of obedience, and loyalty to the Sultán, and sometime before this in the hope of an increase of territory, and wealth, had entered into negotiations for herself, with the chief of the Mahrattas, through the medium of Hurri Punt Phirkia:— when, however, this woman heard of the Sultán’s intention, she immediately fled by night, with a few slave girls and servants, and crossing the river Tungbhudra, escaped. Her son, however, whose name was Moodkum Koor, and about ten or twelve years of age, was taken prisoner in the small fort of Surkah, his residence; and was honored by being circumcised and made a Moslim, and he thence forward received the name of Alí Murdán Khán, as will be seen in the account of his family given by the author of these lines, in his work called the Tuzkirut il Belád wa il Ahkámi in the eleventh Ourung:— It will be seen there, that the above named (Alí Murdán) after some time was married to the daughter of Khán Jehán Khán, who also was an adopted son of the late Nawáb, and originally the son of a Brahman, the Desepandia of Kolar, who in his youth being ill treated by his school master, of his own pleasure, the great and true guide shewing him the way, reached the presence of the deceased Nawáb, and became a Mussulman and his wife also, after arriving at the years of discretion, of her own free will, and after obtaining permission of her father and mother, embraced the religion of her husband, and thereby secured to herself happiness in both worlds.

The Sultán from this place marched on and arrived in the neighbourhood of Soondoor:— the governor of that fort was named Govind Rao, the nephew of the celebrated Morar Rao, who after the capture of his uncle, had retired to Poona, and there representing to the Paishwa the ruin that had befallen him, solicited a recommendatory letter in the name of the Nawáb, and having obtained it, returned to the presence. The Nawáb being naturally compassionate and indulgent, and desirous also to oblige the Paishwa, after taking security that he, Govind Rao, should in no circumstances violate his engagements with the government, continued him in the possession of the fort of Soondoor. At this time, however, he had quitted the path of rectitude and had united with the Mahrattas, but when he heard of the march of the Sultán’s troops, the flight of the lady before mentioned (Tunguma) and the condition of her son, he lost the use of his senses, and fled to the Mahratta army with his servants and dependants. Talooka Soondoor with its dependencies was, therefore, taken possession of, without opposition by the servants of the Sultán. After the necessary arrangements for the security of this place, the Sultán exalted as the heavens, with his army, in number, equalling the number of the stars, marched towards Kopli. The governor of that place who was a relation of the rebel Poligar of Kunukgiri, strengthened his fort, and remained ready for the attack, and notwithstanding the Sultán’s Amírs strove to advise and direct him; it was all of no usek— according, therefore, to the orders of the Sultán, the brave Sipahdárs and the French officer M. Lally assaulted the fort on both flanks and took it by storm,— and for an example to the rest of the infidels it was sacked, and the women, both Mussulman and Hindu, violated by the soldiers, and money and valuables to a great amount taken from the houses of the merchants, bankers, and weavers or cloth makers, of the people of Islám, who are called Momin, and many also of the women of that tribe, from fear of violation by the soldiery, threw themselves into the river Tungbhudra, which at that time was raging with the violence of the rains, and perished:— the governor of the fort was also killed.

When, however, the Sultán heard of the violation of the women he punished his soldiers severely, and issued orders, strictly prohibiting such excesses in future.— From this place the Sultán now marched on to the neighbourhood of the town of Huspeenth depending on the Poligar of Hurpunhully, and halted their four days. In these marches and halts the month of Ramzan (the lent of the Mussulmans) was completed, and after the fulfilment of the devotional duties of the Eed il Fitr, or the conclusion of the fast and the customary banquets and rejoicings, the Sultán marched and pitched the tents of his army on the bank of the Tungbhudra even with the Ford or Ghaut of Goruknath;— as it happened, however, to be the period of the swelling of the river, some delay took place in crossing it:— in that time, therefore, the Mahrattas subdued and took possession of all the country, on the other side the river; and with the intention to attack the Sultán, raised their inauspicious standards opposite to him, and fortified with guns and musketry the ford of the river against the passage of his army; and they also despatched an officer with a large body of troops to capture the Hill Forts of Gopul and Bahadúr Bundah. This officer, therefore, marched and besieged both these Hill Forts, and after a siege of two months Bahadúr Bundah was taken, it not being a very strong fort. The Commandant of the Fort of Gopul was not however to be deceived by the enemy, and vigourously defended himself, and moreover frequently attacked their batteries, and drove the infidels out of them.

The river, however, still continued to swell to that degree, that even the basket men, (or watermen), were unable to cross it, and the passage was therefore unattainable by the Sultán’s troops. In consequence, therefore, thirty boats were assembled from the districts of Hurrihur, Horul (Hurrial), &c. and three or four hundred large baskets were also collected, and near two months were expended in waiting for the decrease of the waters, and even then, the water, instead of falling, daily rose higher. The Sultán, therefore, ordered that twenty-one guns of heavy calibre should be ranged on the banks of the river, and that ten cartridges should be fired from each. The artillery men having executed these orders, from that time the water decreased; and in two or three days fell to half its former height. The Mahrattas at hearing the report of the guns, imagining it was a salute for good news, and that it must be either because a reinforcement of French troops had joined the Sultán’s army, or that the Kuzzaks had made an incursion into the Hydurabád territory, and had defeated the Nizám, they therefore determined that to stay any longer, where they were was unworthy their militaryl character, and accordingly marched off to Shanoor, they left, however, ten or twelve thousand horse, encamped on the bank of the river.

When the water had sufficiently subsided, the Sultán ordered his army to cross over, and first at night two Kushoons of the Jysh, and two thousand horse with the artillery, the wind being favourable were ferried over in boats and immediately fell upon the Mahratta horse who were entirely unprepared for their arrival, and with sword and musket drove the dust of existence out of their bodies, and seven hundred horses with the flag elephant, and a number of camel drumsm were taken on this occasion. Those of the Mahrattas who escaped, leaving their horses, arms, and property behind them, fled towards the main body of their own army, and informed their chief of the passage of the river by the Sultán’s troops. The next day, therefore, the Sultán himself with his army of heroes crossed over the river and pitched his tents on the opposite bank, where he covered the front of his army with redoubts, and halted there for the space of a month;— during this period, the provision, treasure, artillery and indeed all the departments with the followers, &c. had crossed over, and the enemy also, with the design to attack the Sultán, advanced with their troops and artillery, and encamped four fursungs distant.

In a few days, therefore, the Sultán (the destroyer of his enemies) with the whole of his horse, four Kushoons and his guns and stores, left his encampment, intending to try the strength of his enemies, and advancing towards them two fursungs, formed in order on the plain. The Mahrattas being informed of this movement turned out in good order, and also formed in order of battle. The Sipahdárs of the Sultán’s cavalry according to his orders on seeing the approach of the enemy, posted a body of infantry in the low grounds, the guns attached to them being loaded with grape, were kept in readiness, while the household cavalry accompanied by the horse of the Paigahs, and the body guard, with great shew paraded over the higher ground. The Surkheils or commanding officers of the Bede, or irregular horse; that is to say, Gházi Khán, Wuli Muhammad, Ibrahim Khán, &c. agreeably to the Sultán’s orders, formed their lines to the front and advanced to attack the Mahrattas, when, however, the Mahrattas charged them in turn and they were within arms length of each other, the Kuzzaks very bravely after their mode, wheeled off from the flank, and retired towards their own army. The infidels fully armed and equipped, now, therefore, pursued them without any consideration or apprehension, and suddenly presented themselves to the muzzles of the guns.n The infantry in ambush, therefore, now immediately rose and advanced, and with the fire of their guns and musketry, soon took off the edge of their enemies valour; and the horse charging them from the rear raised the clamour of the day of judgement, until the troops of Islám and the infidels were mixed and confounded among each other like light and darkness. Whatever of manhood and courage, therefore, existed in them was now brought forth, and in the heat and press of the battle, the rocketeers having lighted their rockets, threw confusion and dispersion into the masses of the Mahrattas, and the artillery men from the flank of the line by a continual fire from their guns, scattered their ranks like as the leaves of trees are scattered by the cold blasts of autumn. The officers of the Mahrattas, seeing the signs of defeat and the indications of flight and dispersion on the foreheads of their dispirited soldiery, immediately fled, and the victorious army pursued them to the distance of two fursungs (about seven miles), and crowds of these dark minded infidels were slain and taken prisoners.

The Sultán after this victory, marched on and encamped his victorious army at the distance of four measured fursungs, in an open and extensive plain. The plan of the encampment of the conquering army on that day was as follows.— The Kushoons with their guns were drawn up as a fort, or in square, (on the flanks, front and rear), and in the centre were the Sultán’s tents and those of the Durbar, (this I think shews that even after his victory, the Sultán was afraid of the Mahrattas), on the right were posted the regiments and Dustahs of cavalry, and on the left the Sillahdár and Kuzzak horse; surrounding the Sultán’s tents and Durbar, the infantry called Assud Ilahi, and Ahmudi were stationed. The rear guard was composed of the Ahshám and Gundehcharo infantry, also the pioneers, Komatties, (Palankin and Dooli bearers,) and the contingent troops of the Poligars &c. The horse of the advanced posts, or the grand guards, were stationed one fursung distant to furnish videttes.

The enemy likewise with their troops, now got themselves ready, and advanced to the river of the town of Kudduk, with the intention to give battle. The Sultán, therefore, after the lapse of four or five days, one night formed his Kushoons under Shaikh Imám, Shaikh Omur, and Imám Khán, Sipahdárs, with the guns and rocketeers, and Gházi Khán, with two thousand horse under the command of Hussein Alí Khán, Bukhshi, and Maha Mirza Khán, with an intention to make a night attack on the Mahrattas, and they were marched off towards the Mahratta camp, while the Sultán himself, remained in the centre of his camp with the Paigah horse, and the rest of the cavalry.

The Sipahdárs and Bukhshees, therefore, proceeding by the road pointed out by the guides, marched on, and at about four o’clock in the morning, arrived near the Mahratta camp. They had, however, mistaken the road, and now fell in with the pickets of the enemy, who had lighted fires here and there about their posts, and Shaikh Omur who was with the leading division, seeing these, and fancying also he saw before him the lines of the Mahratta army, without informing the other officers of his intention, opened a fire from his guns and rockets. The report of the guns, rockets &c., soon awakened the Mahrattas, and some sought the road of safety, and some of the Mahratta chiefs attacked the assailants. The Bukhshees of the Sultán’s troops, however, being experienced men, now quickly wheeled about, and under the cover of the hills and jungles, avoided their enemies and returned to the presence, and reported to the Sultán the whole of the circumstances. The Sultán exceedingly angry at the failure of the expedition, immediately dismissed from his service Shaikh Omur, and gave his Kushoon to a man named Fazil Khán, a Risaldár. The Sultán next day marched and encamped on the river Bola, and the Mahrattas also at the same time changed ground, and encamped at the distance of about nine miles, with their rear resting on a thick jungle. Two days after the Sipahdárs or commandants of regiments or brigades, Imám Khán, Fazil Khán, and Mír Mahmood, with two thousand Kuzzak horse, and one thousand rocketeers, under the command of Kudr Khán, the son of Gházi Khán, were again despatched at night to surprise and plunder the camp of the Mahrattas. The able and experienced Sipahdárs having clothed all their men in Kumlees (a kind of blanket mostly of a black colour) they wound their devious way, like a black snake through the turnings and windings of the hilly road.

After undergoing the labours and fatigues of a long march, they at length arrived in the rear of the Mahratta camp, and when the pickets of the Mahrattas aware of their arrival prepared to oppose them, they in the Mahratta language gave themselves out to be a detachment from the Moghul (Hydurabád) army sent to their aid from Raichore, and without stopping, marched direct into the midst of their camp, where they raised a terrible storm with their musketry, rockets and keen swords, and the bands of the order and discipline of the Mahrattas were broken asunder, and on all sides the field of battle was straightened on these infidels. The chiefs of their army, however, with the cavalry, jumping on the backs of their horses without saddles or clothes, fled towards their park of artillery, which was at a considerable distance.

The able Sipahdárs,p victorious, with much plunder, both in money, valuables, arms, and fifteen hundred mares, having also taken prisoners many women and children belonging to the Mahratta chiefs, returned to the presence, and in reward for their labours were honoured with presents of jewelled gorgets, strings of pearl, and gold and silver armlets. The Sultán, however, the emblem of mercy, despatched the women taken prisoners with presents of honorary dresses and robes, in palankins, and under charge of a party of rocketeers to the Mahratta camp. The Sultán also secretly despatched four elephants, and eight beautiful horses, with a sum of money to Hurri Punt, Rastia and Madhooba Bini, through the medium of these ladies, and thereby made them the slaves of his commands and munificence.

But to return;— the Mahrattas left their ground where they then were and marched to Sirhutti, where they encamped.

It is nearly impossible to make any thing of this poetry, and the like of it in a prose translation.

A. D. 1783. There is no specification of the month in any copy of this work that I have seen.

Alluding to the Oriental mode of accounting for the formation of pearls in the shells in which they are found.

Chingleput.

This town is called in some MSS. Doshi Maproo, or Mamroo.

” “

The siege of Nuggur.

Hydur Nuggur taken.

A. D. 1782.

A parenthesis in the original.—

Although these are included in the Bede tribe, they carry off the palm even from them in the arts of robbery and oppression, and are the most notorious thieves in the world; for with their bamboo spears, they will risk their lives for a sugar cane.

The First Grenadier Battalion of the Bombay army formed part of the garrison at Mangalore on this occasion, and gained great honour by its gallantry during the siege.

It appears from this, that Muhammad Alí, commandant, lost his life for insisting that the terms of the capitulation made by General Matthews at Nuggur, should be observed in the case of Kásim Alí, he, being the agent employed in its negotiation. It is well known that it was most shamefully violated by Tipú and that both the General and his brother, with many other officers and men were barbarously murdered by that tyrant’s orders.

In virtue of the capitulation and surrender of the fort of Nuggur apparently.

Colonel Marriott’s copy says his grateful master assisted him in his departure for the next world, by the administration of a dose of poison.

Some words left out in all the MSS. here; but this appears the meaning as they stand.

The abode of victory.

Teepdár, equivalent to Risaladár, and Teep Risala, according to Kirkpatrick.

Adjutant or Brigade major, there is much confusion in this detail in all the copies.

The Kutcheri consisted of from five to six Kushoons or Brigades. The word originally appears to have been applied to a hall of audience.

The Mysore side, apparently.

This relates to the former passage regarding Syud Sáhib.

A Dusta is, or was formerly, a body of twelve thousand horse; latterly, however, the term was applied to a much smaller number by Tipú.

Called Chillumbrum by the English.

signifies the forehead in Turkish,— also an advance guard.

The sight.

The translator regrets much that he has no means of ascertaining the numbers of the Madras native regiments, who thus nobly distinguished themselves.

The Colonel of one of the retiring regiments is said to have expressed his surprize at the unsteadiness of his men, they being as he said all tried men, that is, men tried at the Old Bailey.

Written in some copies Berinjpoor.

Coast of Coromandel.

Persons who receive a stipulated allowance for the care and protection of the roads and mountain passes.

The ancient Kuchwasa Rajpoot Chiefs of the eastern part of Gujarat, the brothers or relations of the Rana of Chitore, or rather Oodipoor, were called Rawul.

Julow.

Some copies of the work have— “as the curly ringlets of a bride.”

I should have left out most of this poetical description of Koorg, but that I did not consider myself justified in curtailing the work.

Nad as Ramnad. &c.

Julius Cæsar says the same of the Ancient Britons.

Moustaches.

In the original this is written merely to shew the ability and learning of the author.

Slaves brought up by the late Nawáb and trained for service by the Sultán, and when formed into regiments called by him Assud Ilahi.

Julowdárs.

Not a natural death I fear.

For a more detailed explanation of these terms, I beg to refer to the select letters of Tipú Sultán, translated by Col. Kirkpatrick, p. 958 of the Appendix.

is synonymous with and signifies the wallet or provisions of a traveller.

He knew the value of their advice.

In derision.

Kettle drums carried on camels.

Hydur Alí’s old manœuvre.

I do not know what description of troops is meant under this name.

The Sipahdárs commanded a brigade or Kushoon.