To JOHN MOTTEUX, ESQ. Chairman of the Honourable Court of Directors, for the Affairs of the Honourable United East India Company.
SIR,
CONFORMABLY to the wish which you were pleased to express, that I should furnish you with an account of the rise and present state of the tribe of people called Sicks; I now beg leave to submit to your perusal, the following translation which I have made, of a Persian manuscript, written by my desire while I resided at the court of Dehly; to which I have added, all the information which I have by other channels acquired, respecting that people; and I have accompanied the whole with a map, specifying the extent of their territories, the names of their chiefs, together with the places of their respective residence, and the number of their forces.—I shall be very happy, if this tract is thought in any degree worthy of your attention, and beg leave to subscribe myself, with great truth and respect,
JAMES BROWNE.
DURING the time of my residence as the English Minister, at the Court of his Majesty Shah Alum, I took every opportunity to acquire a knowledge of the strength, resources, disposition, and constitution of the several states bordering on the provinces of Agra and Dehly, by seeking out, and cultivating a personal intimacy with the best informed men on those several subjects.—In the course of these researches, the first and most important object which presented itself, was the great irregular Aristocracy of the Sicks; a sect, which from a small beginning in the neighbourhood of Lahore, has established itself in the complete possession of all the country between the Attock and the Sutledge, and levies contributions to the very frontier of the Vizier’s dominions.
Having met with two Hindoos of considerable knowledge, who were natives of Lahore, where they had resided the greater part of their lives, and who had in their possession, accounts of the rise and progress of the Sicks, written in the Nuggary (or common Hindoo) character, I persuaded them to let me have a translation of one of them in the Persian language, abridging it as much as they could do, without injuring the essential purpose of information.—After all, I found it extremely defective in a regular continuation of dates, and therefore not deserving the name of a history: however, the dates of the principal events are clearly determined; future opportunities and greater leisure than I possessed while at Dehly, may ascertain those which are at present unknown.—This Persian sketch of an history, I have translated into English, and now beg leave to offer it to my honourable masters, as I am persuaded, that the rapid progress of this sect, will hereafter render a knowledge of them, their strength, and government, very important to the administration of Bengal.—But as in the Persian manuscript very little is said of the manners and customs of the Sicks, I shall insert in this introduction, all that I have been able to discover on those heads.
The people known by the name of Sicks, were originally the common inhabitants of the provinces of Lahore and Multan, and mostly of the Jaut tribe; the doctrine on which their sect is founded, was introduced by Gooroo Nanuck, about two hundred and fifty years ago; and appears to bear that kind of relation to the Hindoo religion, which the Protestant does to the Romish, retaining all the essential principles, but being abridged of most of its ceremonies, as well as of the subordinate objects of veneration.—At first, the sect was merely speculative, quiet, inoffensive, and unarmed; they were first persecuted by the barbarous bigotry of Amungzebe; and persecution, as will ever be the case, gave strength to that which is meant to destroy; the Sicks from necessity confederated together, and finding that their peaceable deportment did not secure them from oppression, they took up arms to defend themselves against a tyrannical government; and as will always happen where the common rights of humanity are violated, a hero arose, whose courage and ability directed the efforts of his injured followers, to a just, though severe revenge. —As the progress of these events is related in the history, I shall only say at present, that as the Mogul government declined, the Sicks in spite of repeated attempts to suppress them, continued to acquire strength. —They made the distinction of their sect, a political as much as a religious principle, rendering the admission into it easy to all, and the immediate temporal advantages of protection and independance, as great and as evident as possible; while they at the same time levied contributions upon all their neighbours, who refused to come into their fraternity.
As to their government, it is aristocratical, but very irregular and imperfect; for the body of the people is divided under a number of chiefs, who possess portions of country, either by former right as Zemindars, or by usurpation.—These chiefs enjoy distinct authority in their respective districts, uncontrolled by any superior power; and only assemble together on particular occasions for the purposes of depredation, or of defence; when in a tumultuous Diet, they choose by majoriy of votes, a leader to command their joint forces during the expedition; generally from among those chiefs, whose Zemindaries are most considerable; his authority, is however but ill obeyed by so many other chiefs, who though possessed of smaller territories, yet as leaders of the fraternity of Sicks, think themselves perfectly his equals, and barely allow him, during his temporary elevation, the dignity of Primus inter Pares.
About thirty years ago, one Jessa Sing Kelal, a chief of considerable weight and abilities, having been chosen commander of their grand army, when it expelled the Aumils of Ahmed Shah Durrany from the city, and Subah of Lahore, became so popular, that he ventured to strike rupees at the mint of Lahore in his own name, with an inscription in Persian to this effect, “Jessa Kelal conquered the country of Ahmed, and struck this coin by the grace of God:”—but after they had been current about fifteen years, the grand Diet of the Sick chiefs, (called Goormutta) determined to call in all those rupees, and to strike them in the names of Gooroo Nanuck, and Gooroo Gobind Sing, the first and the last of their Gooroos, or religious leaders; the latter of whom directed them to take up arms against the Mussulmans, and rendered general a kind of feast to be celebrated at the grand Diet, or Goormutta, at which feast they use large dishes called in Persian Daig, which I mention to explain the Persian inscription used on their coin from that time, which is as follows, “Gooroo Gobind Sing, received from Nanuck the Daig, the Sword, and rapid Victory.”
The city of Lahore is at present divided among the three most powerful chiefs, who share the revenue arising from all imposts and duties, &c. within the city, including the mint; the names of the present possessors are, Gujer Sing, Subah Sing, and Laina Sing.
The Diets of the Sicks are held at the holy Tank (bason of water) of Amrutsur, about twenty coss north by east from Lahore, which was appointed for that purpose by their Gooroo.—Here as I said before, the commander for the campaign is chosen, and their expeditions for the season planned.
The plunder collected during these expeditions, is divided among the chiefs according to the number of their followers, to whom each chief makes his own distribution.
In the districts not reduced to their absolute subjection, but into which they make occasional incursions, they levy a tribute which they call Raukey, and which is about one fifth, (as the Marhatta Chout is one fourth) of the annual rent; whenever a Zemindar has agreed to pay this tribute to any Sick chief, that chief not only himself, refrains from plundering him, but will protect him from all others; and this protection is by general consent held so far sacred, that even if the grand army passes through a Zemindary where the safe guards of the lowest Sick chief are stationed, it will not violate them.
Since the Sicks became powerful, and confederated for the purpose of conquest, they have called their confederacy Khalsa Gee, or the State, and their grand army Dull Khalsa Gee, or the Army of the State.
As the extent of their possessions is clearly expressed in the accompanying map, as well as the names of their chiefs, and the number of their forces from the best authorities; I shall only observe, that the country is said to be in a state of high cultivation, which I believe, because they carry into it all the cattle fit for tillage, which come into their possession by plunder, collect a very moderate rent, and that mostly in kind, and during any intestine disputes, their soldiery never molest the husbandman.
Trade however, is in a low state, owing to the insecurity of merchants going backwards and forwards through the territories of so many independant chiefs.
Of their manufactures, the principal are very fine cloth, which they make at Lahore, as also the best arms in Hindostan.
Their cavalry is remarkably good, the men being very hardy and well armed with sabres and excellent matchlocks, which they use with great dexterity; the horses bred in their country, are of one of the best breeds in the empire, owing to the use formerly made there of Arabian and Persian stallions, and something in the temperature of the air and water of that country. Most of these soldiers have two or three horses each, by which means their incursions are made with great rapidity, their armies marching from fifty to one hundred and twenty miles a day:—their dress is dark blue, as ordered by Gooroo Gobind, and gives them, when collected in large bodies together, a very dismal appearance.
The chiefs are only distinguishable from their followers, by finer horses and arms.
I have conversed with several Sicks, who were sent to me by different chiefs on complimentary messages; and I perceived a manly boldness in their manner and conversation, very unlike the other inhabitants of Hindostan, owing no doubt to the freedom of their government.
In their camps they use no tents, even the chiefs are sheltered by nothing more than small Numgheras (square canopies of coarse cotton cloth) supported on four slender poles—the common soldiers pitch a blanket on two sticks, and fasten the corners down to the ground with wooden pins, so that they encamp or decamp in a few minutes.
Among their customs, the following are remarkable:
They will not use tobacco, though its use is universal to all the inhabitants of Hindostan, yet they drink spirits and smoke Bang (the leaves of hemp) to the greatest excess of intoxication.
In admitting a proselyte, they make him drink Sherbet out of a large cup, with certain ceremonies, as will be seen hereafter, and which are designed to signify, that every distinction is abolished, except that of being a Sick, even a Mussulman may become a Sick on these conditions.—From the time that he is admitted into the fraternity, he wears a steel ring round one of his wrists, lets his hair and beard grow to full length, and calls on the name of the Gooroo in confirmation of all engagements.
These are all the circumstances respecting this Sect, which are not specifically mentioned in the history: to which I will add, that a sect which contained in its original principles so much internal vigour, as sustained it against the bloody persecution of a great government, determined and interested to suppress it, raised it up again with fresh strength on every opportunity which occurred; and at length enabled it so far to subdue all opposition, as to acquire an entire and undisturbed dominion over some of the finest provinces of the empire, from whence it makes incursions into others, holding out protection to all who join, and destruction to all who oppose it; a sect, which makes religion and politics unite in its aggrandizement, and renders the entrance into it so easy to all who desire to become members of it, cannot fail to extend itself very far, and in the end to be exceedingly formidable to all its neighbours.
Respecting the map which accompanies this history, it was laid down from a Persian map of Punjab which I procured at Agra; and was put into its present shape by Lieutenant James Nathaniel Rind, of the Bengal establishment, who commanded the escorte which accompanied me while resident at the Shah’s court, and whom I must here beg leave to mention as a very deserving officer.—The map, however, is designed principally as a political chart, to shew the extent of the dominions of the Sicks, and the places where the chiefs reside. on points of Geographical knowledge, I have too just an opinion of Major Rennell’s abilities, to attempt an improvement on any work of his; and I therefore give this explanation of the design of the accompanying map, that no other may be imputed to me.
IN the latter end of the reign of Sultan Baber, Nanuck Shah,
A H. 936.
A D. 1529.
a Dervish, by tribe a Ketteree, lived in the village of Shoderah,
situated about seven crores (or coss) east of the river Chenab;
as he was a man of a most exemplary life, and eminent for his
piety, charity, and abstinence, he became famous throughout
Hindostan, and wherever he went teaching his doctrine, he made
a great number of proselytes; he wrote several books upon the
nature and institutions of his order; such as the Purraun Sunkely,
&c. which he distributed for the regulation of the worship of his
followers.—He took the title of Gooroo, or religious Teacher, and
called his followers in general Sicks, which signifies followers of
a Sect, but his immediate disciples, whom he instructed in the
mysteries of his doctrine, he called Murids, or Disciples; these
terms are often confounded, but they are properly very distinct.
After the death of Gooroo Nanuck, his successors were in the following order:
1 Gooroo Ankud.
2 Gooroo Amerdad.
3 Gooroo Ramdas.
4 Gooroo Arjun who wrote the Gurhunt, now generally followed as the rule of discipline.
5 Gooroo Ramroy.
6 Gooroo Hur Roy.
7 Gooroo Hurry Siri Kirshen,
these Gooroos appear upon an average, to have exercised their office about twenty-two years each.
In the year of the Hegira, 1073, Aurungzebe being on the
A H. 1073.
A D. 1662.
throne, a son was born to Gooroo Hurry Siri Kirshen, to whom
they gave the name of Taigh Behader, when this son came to the
age of puberty,—being remarkable for his piety and abstinence,—
his followers conceived a superstitious veneration for him, and
used among themselves, to call him the true King; he on his part,
whatever he received in presents, or offerings from his disciples,
or the Sicks in general, he laid out in provisions, which he
publicly distributed to all who chose to receive them; this brought
great numbers to participate of his bounty.
The news writers of Lahore, soon transmitted an account of these circumstances to Aurungzebe, who was then engaged in the war of the Deckan; and his Majesty being very particular in his examination of all persons who pretended to extraordinary sanctity, he sent some Yessawils (or Ushers) to bring Taigh Behader to his presence, who on their arrival at the place of his residence, immediately set out with them, and soon arrived at the court.
Aurungzebe having called him into his presence, examined him
A H. 1096.
A D. 1684.
very strictly respecting the revelations and miracles to which he
supposed that he pretended; to which Taigh Behader replied,
“that he was a Dervish; that he subsisted on the alms of the
charitable, and passed his life in the contemplation and adoration
of God; but that he neither pretended to revelations nor
miracles.” The Shah again said, “they call you the true
King, and Taigh Behader, (which was a military title) what
presumption is this?”—to which Taigh Behader replied,
“whatever is, is from God; Dervishes have nothing to do with
titles or honours.”—The Shah perceiving that he could discover
nothing of the revelations or miracles attributed to this
Dervish, gave orders for putting him to death immediately.—At
that time, a Bramin of the name of Murdaneh, who stood by,
said to Taigh Behader, “If you will give me permission, I will
imprecate curses on these persecutors, and by the justice of
God, you shall see them instantly destroyed.” But Taigh
Behader, according to the counsel given to him at parting by his
father, to preserve the secret of the sect, though it should cost
him his life, replied, “The time is not yet come, God himself
will punish them, and raise up a hero, who will exact ample
vengeance for my blood.”
He was accordingly put to(A) death, and upon the spot where he suffered Martyrdom, a monument has been erected, which is still in being, and offerings are made at it.
Soon after this, the widow of Taigh Behader, having been left
with child, was delivered of a son, to whom they gave the name
of Gobind Sing, who growing up, and being about twenty years
A H. 1116.
A D. 1704.
of age, conceived an ardent desire to revenge the death of his
father; but either finding his party too weak, or wanting resolution
in his own mind to attempt so dangerous an enterprize, he,
(B)
by the advice of the Bramins, performed a number of superstitious
rites, in expectation, that some manifestation of the
Divine pleasure would appear in his favour; at length a voice
was said to have been heard from heaven, declaring the revenge
he sought for, should not be attained by him, but by his disciples
after his death; and that his sect should at last arrive at the
highest point of strength and dominion.
The mind of Gooroo Gobind Sing, seems to have become disordered by the influence of these superstitious reveries, and to have remained for some time in that state; but at length having recovered his reason, he put on a dress of dark blue, let his hair and beard grow to their full length, and instructed his sect to follow his example in these points.—He also directed them to arm themselves in expectation of the hour, when the prophecy should be fulfilled.
From this time, the Sicks animated with enthusiasm, began to
A H. 1118.
A D. 1706.
collect together from all parts of the Empire, and multitudes of
new proselytes were daily enrolled in the sect, which was rendered
important by the martyrdom of Taigh Behader.—Gooroo Gobind
Sing, established a ceremony to be used on the reception of
new proselytes, which ceremony is called Poil, and consists in
making them drink Sherbet out of a cup, stirring it round with
a dagger, and pronouncing a certain(C)
incantation at the same
time.
Advice being conveyed to Aurungzebe of all these particulars, he sent orders to the Navab Vizier Khan, who was then Foujdar of Sirhind, to take the requisite steps for suppressing this threatening insurrection; but before this order was received, Gooroo Gobind, having gone to collect his followers from the eastern provinces, died at the city of Patna; and his wife having died sometime before, two children whom he had, the one about six, the other about five years old, were left under the care of his mother, (the widow of Taigh Behader) who hearing of the Shah’s orders to Vizier Khan, attempted to fly with her two grand children from Amrutsur to Macowal, which was her native place.—Many of Gooroo Gobind’s followers accompanied, in order to escort them safe to the place of their destination.—By the time they had got to the village of Chumkore, which was seven coss from Sirhind, the Navab Vizier Khan, according to the Shah’s orders, sent a body of troops commanded by Khizzer Khan Malnere, together with the Buckshy of his own army, to take Gooroo Gobind’s family prisoners, and bring them to Sirhind.—Khizzer Khan having overtaken them at that place, the Sicks who accompanied the Gooroo’s family, defended them with the greatest resolution; many of the Shah’s people were killed, as well as of the Sicks; but as the former were vastly superior in number, the two children, together with their grandmother, were taken prisoners, and all their wealth and property, which they were carrying away with them was plundered;—the few Sicks who survived, escaped by flight.—Khizzer Khan brought his prisoners to the Navab Vizier Khan at Sirhind, who put them in confinement, and advised Aurungzebe of it.
They say, that Vizier Khan, who had been forty years Foujdar of Sirhind, had never oppressed any person under his authority, but was distinguished for his justice and humanity; and from the natural goodness of his disposition, he conceived a regard for these children of Gooroo Gobind, often sent for them, and shewed them kindness.—It happened one day, that he was asking them in a jesting manner, how much they had been plundered of, to which the eldest of the children innocently replied, “that the wealth of Dervishes was too great to be counted.”— Suchanund, a Kettery, who was Dewan to the Navab Vizier Khan, said to him, “perhaps these children may give the same kind of answer if they are examined by the Shah; if so, what will become of us all, and who shall satisfy his Majesty? it would be safer to put the children to death, which is the only way of securing ourselves from the Shah’s rapacity.”
Vizier Khan being unwilling to destroy these innocent children, hesitated a long time; but at length his dread of the Shah’s displeasure,(D) should he suspect him of having secreted the treasure plundered from Gooroo Gobind’s family, getting the better of every other consideration, he said to Khizzer Khan, “Many of your friends and followers were killed by the Sicks, who escorted these children, you ought to retaliate by killing the children, as the cause of the death of so many of the faithful.”(E) —Khizzer Khan, however, rejected the proposal with horror, and nobly replied, “both I and my followers are soldiers, and whoever oppose us in open war, we either kill them, or are killed ourselves; but what you propose, is the business of an executioner.” However, the destined period of the childrens lives being come, one Kurruckchy Beg, a Mogul in the Shah’s service, undertook to perpetrate this barbarous murder, and went to the prison where the innocent victims were confined: the children clung round the neck of their grandmother to save themselves, but the villain tore them away, and cut their throats with a knife, in the presence of this miserable woman, who, unable longer to bear such a load of calamity, her husband, Taigh Behader, having been murdered before, (as was related) and her grand children now butchered before her eyes, sunk under the violence of grief and horror, excited by this last scene, and divine mercy by an immediate death, released her from further sufferings.(F)
One Bundah, a Biragee Fakeer, and the native of a village called Pundory, in the the Doab of Beit Jalinder, had been for many years the intimate friend of Gooroo Gobind; and hearing of the destruction of his defenceless family, he gave way to the deepest impressions of grief and resentment, which at length settled into a fixed determination to seek revenge; for this purpose, he went to all the most powerful and zealous of the Sicks, who had been the followers of Gooroo Gobind, and having excited in them the same spirit with which he himself was actuated, and enrolled himself in the fraternity of the Sicks, he, with surprising diligence and activity, and aided by uncommon abilities, collected the sect together in arms from all quarters, and inspired them with the most ardent spirit of revenge.
Fortunately for the execution of Bundah’s design, about this
A H. 1119.
A D. 1707.
time, Aurungzebe died in the Deckan, and the succession to the
throne being disputed between his sons, (as it is well known to
those who are conversant in the history of Hindostan,) great confusion
arose in all parts of the empire.—Bundah taking advantage
of this opportunity, and having collected together a large, though
irregular army of Sicks, marched to attack Navab Vizier Khan,
who was then at Sirhind, the seat of his government.—Vizier Khan
came out to give them battle with all the troops he had, and the
armies coming to action near Alwan Siray, the Sicks, inspired
by enthusiasm and revenge, gave the Mussulmans a total defeat:
Vizier Khan was killed upon the spot, and the greater part of his
army was cut in pieces. Proceeding to the town of Sirhind, the
Sicks put to death all the family of Vizier Khan, and every
dependant and servant belonging to him:—Suchanund the Dewan,
by whose advice the children of Gooroo Gobind had been murdered,
was torn to pieces, with every circumstance of cruelty
which savage revenge could dictate. After which, they destroyed
all the mosques and tombs belonging to the Mussulmans; and such
was the terror which their severity and fury excited, that neither
Hindoos nor Mussulmans found any means of safety, but in
acknowledging and submitting to their authority, and professing
to belong to their sect; which disposition, Bundah, who was a
man of great art and address, encouraged by every means, with
a view to encrease his force: treating those with the most flattertering
kindness who came into the sect, and those who refused
with unrelenting severity:—so that in a short time, all the districts
from paniput to near Lahore, acknowledged the authority
of the Sicks; and Behader Shah being then in the Deckan, with
the Imperial army, there was no force in the provinces of Lahore,
Dehly or Agra, able to undertake the reduction of the insurgents.
Behader Shah, having defeated his brother Kâm Bucksh, was
A H. 1120.
A. D. 1708.
desirous of remaining some time longer in that part of his dominions,
in order to make a complete settlement of all the Soubah’s
(or provinces) of the Deckan; but when the advices arrived of
Bundah’s insurrection, and Vizier Khan’s defeat and death, the
danger appeared too pressing to admit of delay: he therefore determined
to move with his whole force towards Sirhind, sending
before him an advanced army of cavalry and artillery, under the
command of Sultan Kouly Khan, nephew of Rustum dil Khan;
to which he joined all the Mussulmans who had fled from Sirhind
and other parts, to avoid the fury of the Sicks. His Majesty ordered
Sultan Kouly Khan to march by way of Dehly, and thereby
stop the progress of the Sicks on that side;—protecting the inhabitants
as much as possible,—to prevent the insurrection from
spreading,—and to put every man to the sword that he should find
with his hair and beard at full length;—that being the characteristic
external of the Sicks.
Sultan Kouly Khan, with the zeal of a faithful servant, marched as expeditiously as possible, and having passed by way of Dehly, he came to Paniput; resolved to attack the Sicks, though his army was exceedingly weak, when compared with the prodigious force now got together under the enemy’s standard. The Sicks on their part, being flushed with victory, and confident in their numbers, were no less willing to come to action. The battle began, in which there was great slaughter on both sides, but especially on that of the Sicks; who being destitute of discipline, and unprovided with artillery, suffered very severely; when Kisury Sing Buckshy, to whom Bundah had given the command of this division of his army, being killed by an arrow, the Sicks began to give way, were at length totally defeated, and the remainder of their army fled to join Bundah, who had remained with the rest of his forces at Sirhind. The next day, Sultan Kouly Khan being joined by a reinforcement sent after him by the Shah, under the command of the Vizier Khan Khanan, marched to Sirhind: Bundah drew up his army, which consisted of between forty and fifty thousand horse and foot, to receive the Mussulmans:—the battle was long and bloody;—but at length, the royal army making a desperate charge upon one part of the enemy’s front, broke through, and a general defeat ensued, with terrible slaughter of the Sicks. Bundah being unable to rally his disheartened troops, fled with as many as he could collect together, and took refuge in a strong fort called Loaghur,(G) which stood near Macawal; whither the royal army pursued them, and surrounding the fort began to lay siege to it.
In the mean time the Shah, hearing that Loaghur was invested. marched on as expeditiously as possible, and without halting at Dehly, joined the camp of the Vizier and Sultan Kouly Khan, before Loaghur. By the time that the siege had lasted a month, the besieged finding their provisions and ammunition fail them, and being determined to sell their lives as dear as possible, they sallied out of the fort sword in hand.—A desperate, but unequal conflict ensued; the greater part of the Sicks were cut in pieces on the spot; many were taken prisoners, in which number was their leader Bundah, who was confined in an iron cage, and together with the other prisoners was sent to Dehly, where they were all publickly executed, after having been offered their lives on condition of embracing the Mussulman faith, which they rejected with contempt. The few remaining Sicks fled to the mountains, where they concealed themselves; and the Zemindars and Riots of the country who had joined them during their insurrection, partly to secure themselves, and partly for the sake of plunder, now cut off their beards and hair, and returned to their original occupations.
From this time, during the reigns of Behader Shah, Jehander Shah, Ferocksir, and the short reigns of Rafi al Dirjat, and his brother, Abdul Summud Khan being Subadar of Lahore, none of this sect ever ventured to appear in arms; but concealed themselves by every means for near twelve years.
In the year of the Hegira 1131, Mahammud Shah being on
A H. 1131.
A D. 1718.
the throne, and Zekariah Khan being Subadar of Lahore, the
Sicks, though unable to appear in any considerable force, began
to plunder, and carry on a kind of predatory war in the skirts of
the mountains, as if to try the temper of government; and this
practice they continued with little variation for twenty years.
In the year of the Hegira 1151, Nadir Shah the King of
A H. 1151.
A D. 1738.
Persia, invaded Hindostan, and as his army committed dreadful
ravages wherever they went, the inhabitants fled to the hills for
safety; while the Subadars of the Provinces, being unable to
resist, submitted to the invader.
On this occasion, the Sicks collecting together, began to commit depredations on all sides, possessing themselves of the property of the inhabitants who had fled to avoid the Persians, and plundering every place in their reach.—At the same time they fortified themselves near a village called Dullival, on the banks of the Ravy, where they were joined by many Zemindars, who had secretly favoured their sect, and now rejoiced to see it once more in a condition to declare itself.
Some time after this, Nadir Shah returned to Persia, having plundered at Dehly, wealth to an almost incredible amount, and having bestowed the Empire of Hindostan on Mahummud Shah, as his own free gift,—He left behind him Nasir Khan, to collect the Subah of Cabul, and four Mahls, (districts) belonging to the Subah of Lahore; (being parts of the Empire of Hindostan, made over to him by the treaty with Mahummud Shah.) The rest of the Subah of Lahore was continued under Zekariah Khan, as Subadar, on the part of Mahummud Shah.—Zekariah Khan appointed Adina Beg Khan to be Foujdar of the Doab of Bary, with orders to reduce the Sicks to obedience.
The force he had with him was fully equal to the execution of that service; but Adina Beg, considering that if he should entirely put an end to all disturbances in that district, there would remain no necessity for continuing him in so extensive a command, he carried on intrigues with the Chiefs of the Sicks, and secretly encouraged them to continue their depredations; at the same time, pretending to be very desirous of subduing them. From this management, the Sicks became daily more powerful, and seized upon several places in the distant parts of the Subah of Lahore. They also began again to perform publick pilgrimages to the Holy Tank at Amrutsur, without molestation.
About this time, Zekariah Khan died, leaving two sons, the elder of whom was by the Shah appointed to succeed his father, as Subadar of Lahore; but disputes arising between the two brothers, the affairs of the Province became greatly neglected, and the Sicks increased in strength.
Some time before this, Nadir Shah having been assassinated in Persia, Almud Khan Durranny, one of his principal officers, established himself at Kandahar, and seized upon that Province, in which he had considerable family connections; at the same time laying claim to the other(H) Provinces of Hindostan, which had been ceded to Nadir Shah by the treaty before mentioned, and assuming the title of Shah or King.
Soon after which, he seized upon Nasir Khan, whom Nadir
Shah had left Subadar of Cabul, (as said before) together with
the treasure which he had collected from the time of Nadir Shah’s
return to Persia, being above a crore of rupees. He also demanded
his daughter from him in marriage.—Nasir Khan being then
entirely in his power, consented, and obtained liberty to go to
his followers who were in Paishawir, under pretence of making
the necessary preparations:—he was obliged, however, to leave
his son as hostage; but as soon as he was at liberty, he considered
the giving his daughter to a man of a different tribe, as a disgrace
not to be submitted to, and therefore began to collect forces for
his own defence. Yet some time after, Almud Shah Durranny,
approaching him, though with a very inferior army, his followers
dispersed, and Nasir Khan fled towards Dehly, which furnished
Ahmud Shah Durranny with a plea for his first invasion of Hindostan.
A H. 1159.
A D. 1746.
He accordingly passed the Attock, Jelum, and Chenab,
and came to Lahore.
Shah Nevaz Khan, (one of the sons of Zekariah Khan) who was then Subadar of Lahore, immediately submitted; and the Durranny Shah entering the city of Lahore, seized upon the treasury and the armoury there, and proclaimed himself master of that Province also.
It is foreign from the design of this history, to enter into a detail of these events, which are all related in the general history of the empire; suffice it to say, that the Durranny Shah was at length obliged to return to Kandahar; and that in the year of the Hegira 1160, Mahummud Shah having died, was succeeded A H. 1160. A D. 1747. by his son Ahmed Shah, who nominated Mir Munnoo, called Moin ul Mullock, son to the late Vizier Kummer ul dien Khan, to the Subadary of Lahore and Multan.
During these troubles, the Sick Chiefs Jessa Sing Kelal, Chirsah Sing, Tokah Sing, and Kirwar Sing, had got together about 5000 horse; to which army they (for the first time) gave the title of Dul Khalsah Gee, or the Army of the State, and with which they made themselves masters of the Doab of Bary.—Moin ul Mullock again appointed Adina Beg Khan to the Foujdary of that Doab; who marching thither, began as formerly to intrigue with the Sicks, and took no effectual means to suppress them. In one action indeed, he defeated them, and killed about 600 Sicks; but as the confusion prevailing in the empire, had reduced thousands of people to distress, they were daily joining the Sicks for the sake of plunder, took the Poil, and let their hair grow, upon which they were inrolled in the Dul, which now began to encrease with surprising rapidity.(I).
About three years after this, Ahmed Shah Durranny, again invaded
A H. 1163.
A D. 1750.
Hindostan, and having defeated Moin ul Mullock, seized
on Lahore, levied a very heavy contribution from it, and afterwards
appointed Moin ul Mullock to be Subadar on his part of
Lahore and Multan, having given the daughter of Moin ul
Mullock in marriage to his own son, the Prince Timur Shah:
after this, the Durranny Shah returned to Kandahar.
During this war, Adina Beg Khan having joined Moin ul Mullock with all his forces, the Sicks had nothing left to oppose them, and therefore they daily became more formidable. They cut off the royal garrison in the Fort of Tanniser, destroyed the fort, and plundered all the neighbouring districts.
After the departure of the Durranny Shah, Moin ul Mullock again sent Adina Beg Khan against the Sicks, who seemed now to be inclined to discharge his duty with fidelity, for having received intelligence that they were assembled near Macowal, to celebrate the festival of the Hooly, he, by a forced march, surprised them, and put so many of them to death, that the remainder were obliged to disperse for a while, but soon began to plunder again in small parties.
In the year of the Hegira 1165, Moin ul Mullock died, and his
A H. 1165.
A D. 1752.
widow appointed one Beckary Khan, to manage the government
of her deceased husband, as Naib (or deputy) on her part; but
having detected him in a design to seize on her person, and usurp
the government himself, she caused him to be strangled: and appointed
Syed Jumeil ul dien Khan to the office of her Naib.
A short time after this, the troubles arising at Dehly, which ended in the Vizier Ghazi ul dien Khan’s deposing Ahmed Shah, and raising to the throne Alumgire Sani, the reins of government became entirely relaxed, and the Sicks gathered new strength.
In the year of the Hegira 1169, Ahmed Shah Durranny again
A H. 1169.
A D. 1755.
invaded Hindostan, and came to Lahore.—By this time, the Sicks
were become very numerous, and their Dul was in the neighbourhood
of Lahore; but they were afraid to attack the Durranny
army: however, they plundered all people who straggled from
the camp, and cut off provisions going to it.—But the Durranny
Shah being desirous of getting as soon as possible to Dehly, took
no notice of these insults.
After plundering Dehly, Muttra, and all the circumjacent towns and villages, and exercising unheard of barbarities, the Durranny Shah marched back to Kandahar; leaving a chief of the name of Ahmed Khan, to command in Sirhind, and his own son, the Prince Timur Shah, with an army under the command of Jehan Khan, one of his best officers, to collect the Subahs of Lahore and Multan.
Jehan Khan from a principle of religiòus zeal, destroyed the places of worship belonging to the Sicks at Amrutsur, and filled up the sacred Tank, which they so highly venerate: upon which the Sicks collected together under their chiefs from all quarters, and blockading the city of Lahore, collected the revenues of the country all round for their own use. Jehan Khan with the Prince, marched out to give them battle; but after several actions, finding the Sicks too numerous for him to contend with, he retreated to Kandahar.
Upon this occasion, Jessa Sing Kelal, who was at the time commander in chief of the Dul, struck rupees in his own name, at the royal mint at Lahore, with the following inscription, “Jessa Kelal conquered the country of Ahmed, and struck this coin by the Grace of God.”
After the retreat of Jehan Khan, the Court of Dehly appointed Adina Beg Khan to be Subadar of Lahore; but the force with which he was furnished by so weak a government, was not equal to encountering the Sicks: he was therefore obliged to stop at Sirhind; and finding that he could not obtain any assistance from the administration at Dehly, he applied to the Marhatta chief Rogonaut Row, who at that time commanded a large army in the Province of Agra, and offered to assist him in reducing Punjab; to which the Marhatta chief agreed, and marched to Sirhind; where he was joined by Adina Beg Khan with his own army, and some of the inferior Sick chiefs, whom he had brought over by great promises.
Their first operation was to expel and plunder Ahmed Khan, whom the Durranny Shah had left to command in Sirhind.—On this occasion the Sick chiefs, who had joined Adina Beg Khan, plundered the town of Sirhind; which gave great offence to the Marhatta chiefs, who projected falling upon the Sicks, and plundering them in return: which coming to the knowledge of Adina Beg Khan, by whose influence these Sicks had been induced to join the Marhattas, he gave them immediate notice of the design which was formed against them, upon which, they marched away in the night.
The Sick leaders who were in possession of Lahore, did not think their army a match for the Marhattas, when reinforced by Adina Beg Khan, they therefore drew off to the skirts of the mountains; and the Marhattas established garrisons in Lahore, Multan, &c. But their government was of short duration, for soon after this, attempting to expel the Rohillas from their possessions, Nujeab ul Doulah, the principal Rohilla chief, applied to the Durranny Shah for assistance:—alledging, that being his subjects,(K) they could apply to no one else for redress; and that, therefore, they entreated he would support them against the infidels.
Ahmed Shah Durranny accordingly left Kundahar, with his whole force; and as soon as it was known that he had crossed the Attock, all the Marhatta garrisons in Lahore and Multan, fled without waiting for his nearer approach.
The Vizier Ghazi ul dien Khan, who kept his Majesty Alumgire
A H. 1172.
A D. 1758.
Sani as a prisoner in his own palace, expecting that the
Durranny Shah would call him to a severe account, if Alumgire
Sani should complain to him; in a transport of rage and despair
he put him to death: and after placing another of the royal line
upon the throne, by the title of Shah Jehan Sani, he left Dehly
with all his forces, and joined the Marhatta army, which was
then besieging the Rohillas at Sukertall.
The events of this campaign are foreign to our subject, it is only necessary to say, that the Durranny Shah having raised the siege of Sukertall, and defeated the Marhatta chiefs Junkoo and Mulhar Row in several actions, in one of which, Dattea Pateel (the elder brother of Mahado Row Sindea) was killed; and being joined by all the Rohilla chiefs, as also by the Navab Shuja ul Dowla, cantoned for the rainy season near Coel in the Doab, between the Ganges and the Jumna.
While Ahmed Shah Durranny remained at Coel, he received
A H. 1173.
A D. 1759.
advice, that Adina Beg Khan, whom he had once more appointed
Subadar of Lahore, was dead, and that the Sicks taking advantage
of that event, had assembled in great numbers, attacked and
defeated Sumbu das, the Dewan of Adina Beg Khan, who after his
master’s death had attempted to keep things in order.—On this
intelligence, the Durranny Shah appointed Zien Khan to be
Foujdar of Sirhind, and Bullund Khan to be Subadar of Lahore,
and dispatched them to their stations with an army of 10,000
horse.
The conclusion of the rains was followed by that famous
campaign, which put to final trial the grand question of EMPIRE
between the Mussulmans, and the Marhattas; and ending by the
fatal battle of Paniput, which was fought on the 20th of Jemad ul
Sani 1174, decided it in favour of the Mussulmans, and gave a
A H. 1174.
A D. 1760.
blow to the Marhatta power, which it has not entirely recovered
yet.
After this, Ahmed Shah Durranny, having settled the government at Dehly in the hands of Nujeib ul Doula, and placed Mirza Jewan Buckt on the throne, as representative of his father Shah Alum, who was then in Bengal, he marched back towards Kandahar.
As soon as he had passed the Suttedge, the Sicks began to plunder the stragglers from his camp, which he forebore to resent at that time, his army being loaded with plunder; however, to secure his camp from insult, he every night threw up a slight work round it, and in this manner he continued his march to the Attock, the Sicks following him all the way.
When the Durranny army had passed the Attock, the Sicks returned, and having blockaded Lahore, they compelled Bullund Khan to retreat with his garrison, upon which they took possession of that city, and all the country from the Attock to Sirhind.
However, Zein Khan, whom the Durranny Shah had left as Foujdare of Sirhind, being assisted by Hinghun Khan, a pattan chief, of the district of Malnair (south west from Sirhind) still supported himself against them.
The following year, the Sicks to the number of about forty
A H. 1175.
A D. 1761.
thousand horse, ravaged the whole territory of Malnair, in revenge
for the assistance given by Hinghun Khan to the Durranny
Aumil; but soon after Ahmed Shah Durranny having marched to
Lahore to punish the Sicks, for having expelled Bullund Khan,
Hinghun Khan contrived in the night to escape, and fled to the
Durranny camp for protection.—The Durranny Shah sent thirty
thousand horse under his conduct, who marching seventy crores
(one hundred and forty miles) almost without(L)
intermission, surprized
the army of the Sicks, at a place called Barnala, and put
great numbers to the sword; the rest as usual, dispersed for a
time; after which, the Shah proceeded to Sirhind, where he was
met by Nujeib ul Dowla, and the other principal Onirahs; and
having received their compliments, returned back to Kandahar,
leaving Saudet yab Khan, one of his officers, with a large detachment
in the Doab of Beit Jalinder, and Rajah Cabully Mul,
as Subadar of Lahore.
The beginning of the following year, the Sicks assembling again,
A H. 1176.
A D. 1762.
drove Rajah Cabully Mul out of Lahore, and Saudet yab Khan,
from the Doab of Beit Jalinder, establishing themselves in both
those places; after which they invaded Malnair, defeated and
killed Hinghun Khan, a man of great courage and ability, who
had long been a considerable check to their progress in that
quarter.
They next attacked Sirhind, and coming to action with Zien Khan, the Durranny Foujdar, near Rajah Seray, defeated and killed him also; after which they plundered and burnt Sirhind, having a particular enthusiastick hatred to that place, on account of the murder of Gooroo Gobind’s children, which was perpetrated there. By these successes, the whole country from the Attock to Karnal, acknowledged the authority of the Sicks.
The following year, Nujeib ul Dowla being engaged in a war
A H. 1177.
A. D. 1763.
with Surujh Mul, the Rajah of the Jauts, the Sick chiefs, Koshial
Sing, Bugheil Sing, Sahib Sing, Baug Sing, Kurrum Sing, and
Roy Sing, crossed the Jumna with their forces, and plundered
the district of Saharunpoor belonging to Nujeib ul Dowla; upon
which that chief immediately marched to protect his own country,
and partly by force, partly by negociation, got the Sicks to repass
the Jumna.
The next year Jewar Sing, the son and successor of Surujh Mul,
A H. 1178.
A D. 1764.
in order to revenge the death of his father, who had been killed
the year before in battle against Nujeib ul Dowla, collected together
all his own followers, and being reinforced by thirty
thousand Marhattas under Mulhar Row, and twenty-five thousand
Sicks under several different chiefs, laid siege to the city of
Dehly.—The siege lasted three months; in which time Nujeib ul
Dowla, having written advice of his situation to Almed Shah
Durranny, and solicited his aid, his Majesty immediately marched
from Cabul where he then was, and to avoid any interruption
from the Sicks, he proceeded along the skirts of the mountains,
and had reached as far as Gurry Kotanah, when a peace was concluded
between Nujeib ul Dowla and Jewar Sing, through the
mediation of Mulhar Row, and the siege of Dehly was raised.
Nujeib ul Dowla immediately sent intelligence of this to the
Duranny Shah, and after expressing his gratitude for the ready
assistance his Majesty had afforded him, he entreated him to return
from the place which he was then at, least the arrival of his
army in the neighbourhood of Dehly, should renew the calamities
of that unhappy city.—The Durranny Shah, according to
this address, repassed the Sutledge, and marched back towards his
own country by the Lahore road.
In the mean time, the Sick chiefs, determined to revenge the defeat they had suffered at Barnala,—assembled their whole force at Amrutsur, to the number of sixty thousand horse and foot; and took an oath to exert every effort to cut off the Shah’s army. SIC. Almed Shah Durranny receiving advice of this, sent a person to the Sick leaders in quality of Ambassador, to negociate a peace with them, and prevent that effusion of blood, which their desperate determination threatened to produce;—but on the arrival of this person in the camp of the Sicks, instead of listening to his proposals, they plundered him and his followers, and drove them away.—Almed Shah Durranny finding all accommodation impossible, marched immediately to give battle to the Sicks; and coming to Amrutsur in the evening, encamped close to the enemy. In the morning the Sicks drew up their army on foot, and immediately proceeded to attack the Durrannies sword in hand; and the Durrannies, with equal resolution, received their attack on foot also. The battle was long and bloody, and the loss so great on both sides, that at length both armies drew off to their respective camps; the next morning neither party was inclined to renew the conflict, and the Shah resumed his march without any further interruption.(M)
Some time after this, Ahmed Shah Durranny died, and was succeeded by his son the Prince Timur Shah, who has been too much employed on the side of Persia in keeping possession of the provinces usurped by his father from that empire, to have leisure for attempting to reduce the power of the Sicks.—Nor has any Potentate yet appeared on the side of Hindostan, equal to such a task:—some feeble attempts have been made, which have only confirmed the strength of the Sicks Government, as a little water thrown on a fire, does but increase its heat: so that for twenty years past, they have employed themselves in completely reducing the whole country from Attock to Karnal, and dividing it among their own sect.
Soon after the last expulsion of the Aumils of the Durranny Shah, the Sicks held a general Diet at Amrutsur, in which they determined to call in the rupees which were struck in the name of Jessa Kelal, and to strike them for the future in the name of their Gooroos, with an inscription to this effect, “Gooroo Gobind Sing, received from Nanuck, the Daig,(N) the sword and rapid victory,” which coin is current throughout their dominions to this day.
Thus has the Divine pleasure notified to Gooroo Gobind, been at length fulfilled; and thus has Providence raised up this sect in consideration of the piety and charity of Gooroo Nanuck its founder, that mankind beholding the reward of virtue, may learn to practise it.
THUS far the Persian manuscript extends; to which I beg leave to add, that the Sicks are the only one of the many powers who have enriched themselves out of the spoils of the Mogul Empire, which fairly and openly avows its independence.—They will not suffer the name of his Majesty Shah Alum to appear upon their coin; but have substituted that of their Gooroo; and instead of the year of the King’s reign, and of the Hegira, which is the established date on all the coin throughout the empire, they use the era of Bickermaject, called the Sumbut.
After Ahmed Shah Durranny returned to Kandahar in 1764,
as has been related, though the Sicks possessed themselves of the
town and province of Lahore, and of all the open country of Multan,
yet the Duranny garrison of Multan still remained in that
fortress till the death of Ahmed Shah Duranny: soon after which,
the Sicks compelled them to retire, and placed a garrison of their
1779.
Since the complete settlement of the Sicks in their present
possessions, which was not entirely effected till near the year 1770,
the chiefs to the westward of the Sutledge, who are the most
powerful, have not been engaged in any important expedition, till
1785.
The incursions which are made annually into the territories lately belonging to Zabita Khan, are merely effected by a temporary confederacy of the chiefs between the Sutledge and the Jumna.
These incursions are sometimes carried across the Ganges,(O) into the Vizier’s territories, as happened in March 1785; when a large body of Sicks passed over, and remained in that country several days, plundering to an immense amount, and burning and destroying the villages without opposition; though repeated advice had been received beforehand of their designs. But these insults may always be prevented, by common attention in the Vizier’s administration; and by sending proper detachments to the several fords of the Ganges during the dry season.
In 1785, Mahajee Scindea (having before seized on the Shah’s person, and the entire administration of his affairs) entered into an alliance with the leaders of the Sicks, between the Sutledge and the Jumna, both offensive and defensive: one of the articles of which treaty expressly says as follows;—“Besides the royal lands, whatever shall be acquired by either party (Scindea or the Sicks) with mutual consent, on either side the Jumna, from Hindoos or Mussulmans, one third thereof shall belong to the Khalsah Gee—” (the Sick State.) This clearly points at the Vizier’s country.
As soon as this treaty was framed, I obtained a copy of it, which I transmitted to Mr. Macpherson, than acting as Governor General, April the 9th.—What use he made of the information, I cannot tell: but surely a confederacy of two such formidable powers as the Sicks and Marhattas, close to the Vizier’s frontier, must afford matter for very serious apprehension, to every person who is anxious for the safety of the Company’s possessions in India; which are so intimately connected with those of the Vizier, that prosperity or calamity must be in common to them both.
In this point of view, I beg leave to conclude this sketch, with my earnest recommendation of that circumstance to the attention of the Company’s administration:—for even admitting all that the advocates for Scindea can say of his sincerity, he is but mortal; and with him will expire all that security which has been suppose d to a rise from his personal character.
JAMES BROWNE.
Aurungzebe seems on this, as well as on many other occasions, to have made religion a veil to cover his political tyranny; the real motive of this cruelty to Taigh Behader, was most probably, resentment for his having allowed his followers to call him the true King; and his having used a military title, which was not granted by Royal Patent, agreeably to the customs of that Government, of all which he was exceeding jealous.
↩I have omitted the detail of these superstitions, which would but tire the enlightened European reader; their object was no doubt, to impress the common people with a belief that their cause was supported by divine favor and protection.
↩This incantation I could never get the words of, though I took some pains to do so.—It seems to be among the Arcana of this sect.
↩This is a striking instance of the tyranny of Aurungzebe’s Government, and indeed of the horrid effect of despotism, on the characters of those who live under its influence; when we here behold a man naturally mild and compassionate, committing the most atrocious crime, from dread of the consequence which would have attended his acting conformably to his conscience, and the dictates of humanity.
↩Retaliation for blood called in the Koran Kussaus, is considered by the Mussulmans, as a moral and religious duty to the next in connection.
↩Of all the instances of cruelty exercised on the propagators of new doctrines, this is the most barbarous and outrageous;—Defenceless women and children, have usually escaped, even from religious fury.—No wonder then, that the vengeance of the Sicks was so severe.
↩This place as well as some others mentioned in the History, having been totally destroyed, are not inserted in the map.
↩These were Cabul, Paishawar, and Tatta: in a word, every thing west of the Attock, or Indus.
↩This naturally accounts for the rapid rise of the Sicks, which commenced about this time.
↩All the Rohilla tribes come from the country belonging to the Durranny Shah, and those settled in Hindostan, still call him their King.
↩The horses used by the Durranies, are of the breed called Turki; they are not large, but the most useful, quiet, and best bottomed horses, that are I believe in the world.—They live to a great age, so that I have seen horses in the use of common troopers, that they have declared to be near forty years old.
↩It is to be supposed, that in a battle thus disputed, both sides claimed the victory; the Durrannies bring in proof, their having marched on unmolested; the Sicks, that the Durranny Shah never again returned to Lahore.
↩This has been explained in the Introduction,—I have several of these rupees in my possession.
↩From the middle of March till June, the Ganges is fordable in several places between the falls at Hurdwar, and the town of Ferockabad.
↩